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LIBRARY 

OF    THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Class       ^1  ~~j 


e^AT    ENGLISH    G<^RNE% 


STUART    TRACTS 

1603-1693 

WITH    AN    INTRODUCTION    BY 
C.    H,     FIRTH 

riLLOW    or    ALL    SOULS    COLLEGE,   OXFORD 


^ 


OF-  THE    '^ 


NEW    YORK 
E.    P.    BUTTON    AND    CO. 


J  r 
PUBLISHERS'    NOTE 

The  texts  contained  in  the  present  volume  are  re- 
printed with  very  slight  alterations  from  the  English 
Garner  x^zVitA  in  eight  volumes  (1877-1890,  London, 
8vo)  by  Professor  Arber,  whose  name  is  sufficient 
guarantee  for  the  accurate  collation  of  the  texts 
with  the  rare  originals,  the  old  spelling  being  in 
most  cases  carefully  modernised.  The  contents  of 
the  original  Garner  have  been  rearranged  and  now 
for  the  first  time  classified,  under  the  general 
editorial  supervision  of  Mr.  Thomas  Scccombe. 
Certain  lacunae  have  been  filled  by  the  interpolation 
of  fresh  matter.  The  Introductions  are  wholly 
new  and  have  been  written  specially  for  this  issue. 
The  references  to  volumes  of  the  Garner  (other  than 
the  present  volume)  are  for  the  most  part  to  the 
editio  princeps,  8  vols.  1877-90. 


Edinburgh  :  Printed  by  T.  and  A.  Constable. 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS 

PAGB 

Sir  Robert  Carey.     Account  of  the  Death  of  Queen  Elizabeth.    .  I 

The  True  Narration  of  the  Entertainment  of  his  Majesty  from 
his  departure  from  Edinburgh  till  his  receiving  at 
London.     By  T.  M.,  1603, .11 

King    James,   liis     Entertainment     at    Theobald's.      By    John 

Savile,  1603,  .         , 53 

Time  Triumphant.     By  Gilbert  Dugdale,  1604,     ....        69 

The  Commentaries  of  Sir  Francis  Vere.     Published  by  William 

Dillingham,  1657,  .         .  83 

Sir  Thomas  Overbury,  his  Observations  in  his  Travels,  upon  the 

state  of  the  Seventeen  Provinces,  etc.,  1626,       ,        :        .      211 

The  Interpreter,  1622,     , 233 

The  famous  and  wonderful  Recovery  of  a  Ship  of  Bristol, 
called  the  Exchange,  from  the  Turkish  Pirates  of  Argier, 
1625, 247 

Three  to  One  :  being  an  English-Spanish  Combat.     By  Richard 

Peeke,  1622,  .        .  ' 275 

A  true  Relation  of  a  brave  Stratagem  practised  upon  a  Sea-town 

in  Galicia,  1626, 299 

The  Sequestration  of  Archbishop  Abbot  from  all  his  ecclesi- 
astical offices  in  1627.     By  John  Rushworth  (1659),  .         .       309 

Thomas  Lord  Fairfax.  Short  Memorials  of  some  things  to  be 
cleared  during  my  Command  in  the  Army,  and  A  Short 
Memorial  of  the  Northern  Actions  during  the  war  there. 
To  which  is  added  An  Epitaph  on  Lord  Fairfax  by 
George  Duke  of  Buckingham, 351 


vi  Stuart  Tracts 


PAGB 


A  true  Relation  of  Major-General  Sir  Thomas  Morgan's  Progress 
in  France  and  Flanders  with  the  Six  Thousand  Enghsh 
in  the  years  1657  and  1658.     1699, 403 

/  England's  Joy,  or  a  Relation  of  the  most  remarkable  passages 
from  his  Majesty's  Arrival  at  Dover  to  his  Entrance  at 
Whitehall,  1660, 425 

A  Relation  of  the  Great  Sufferings  and  Strange  Adventures  of 

Henry  Pitman,  1689, 431 

A  true  and  exact  Account  of  the  Retaking  of  a  Ship  called  the 
Friends'  Adventure  of  Topsham,  from  the  French.  By 
Robert  Lyde,  1693, 477 


INTRODUCTION 

The  tracts  which  stand  first  in  this  volume  describe  the 
accession  of  James  I.  and  the  rejoicings  which  accompanied 
his  progress  from  Scotland  to  London.  To  them  is 
prefixed,  in  order  to  explain  the  narratives  followed,  Sir 
Robert  Carey's  account  of  the  circumstances  of  Queen 
Elizabeth's  death,  and  of  the  manner  in  which  he  brought 
the  news  to  Edinburgh.  Carey,  whose  Memoirs  were  first 
published  by  the  Earl  of  Cork  in  1759,  was  the  youngest  son 
of  Henry  Carey,  first  Lord  Hunsdon,  and  the  grandson  of 
Mary,  sister  of  Ann  Boleyn.  His  kinship  to  the  Queen 
and  his  gifts  as  a  courtier  secured  him  the  favour  of 
Elizabeth,  and  when  that  sovereign  died  he  held  the  office 
of  Warden  of  the  Middle  Marches.  As  soon  as  Carey 
perceived  that  her  end  was  near,  he  resolved  to  use  the 
opportunity  to  gain  the  favour  of  her  successor,  in  the 
conviction,  as  he  tells  us,  that  it  was  neither  '  unjust  nor 
unhonest'  for  him  to  do  so.  The  candid  selfishness  of  his 
defence  explains  his  character,  but  contemporaries  as  well 
as  later  historians  censured  his  haste  to  profit  by  the  death 
of  his  kinswoman  and  benefactress.  *  It  hath  set  so  wide 
a  mark  of  ingratitude  on  him,'  writes  Weldon,  '  that  it  will 
remain  to  posterity  a  greater  blot  than  the  honour  he 
obtained  afterwards  will  ever  wipe  out.'^  Carey  would 
willingly  have  borne  this  general  censure,  but  what  he 
could  not  endure  without  lamenting  was  the  failure  of  the 

*  Secret  History  of  the  Court  of  James  /.,  i.  p.  314, 


viii  Stuart  Tracts 

hopes  which  he  had  built  upon  the  gratitude  of  the  King. 
James  had  at  once  appointed  the  welcome  messenger  one 
of  the  gentlemen  of  his  bedchamber,  but  after  he  reached 
England  he  dismissed  Carey  from  this  post,  and  forgot  to 
fulfil  his  promises  of  further  preferment.  The  cause  which 
led  to  Carey's  removal  was  no  doubt  a  representation 
addressed  by  the  Council  to  the  King,  in  which  they 
stigmatised  Carey's  conduct  as  'contrary  to  such  command- 
ments as  we  had  power  to  lay  upon  him,  and  to  all  decency, 
good  manners,  and  respect'  However,  later  in  the  reign 
he  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  offices  and  titles  he  desired, 
becoming  successively  master  of  the  robes  and  chamberlain 
to  Prince  Charles,  and  being  created  Baron  of  Leppington 
(1622),  and  finally  Earl  of  Monmouth  (1626).  He  died  in 
1639. 

Whilfe  the  account  of  the  last  days  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
given  in  Carey's  Memoirs  is  valuable  as  being  the  report  of 
an  eye-witness,  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  he  was 
influenced  by  the  desire  to  construe  the  acts  and  words  of 
the  Queen  in  the  manner  most  favourable  to  the  claim  of 
James  I.  Elizabeth  had  always  been  reluctant  to  name  a 
successor,  and  even  when  she  was  dying  this  reluctance  was 
as  strong  as  ever,  A  recent  historian  gives  good  reason 
for  doubting  whether  she  so  explicitly  nominated  James  as 
Carey  asserts : — 

'  On  her  dying  day  her  Council  ventured  a  first  and  last 
despairing  effort  to  obtain  from  her  such  assent  to  their 
negotiations  as  would  place  James's  title  beyond  cavil ;  and 
although  representations  have  been  made  that  the  effort 
was  successful,  there  is  little  valid  ground  for  crediting  the 
Queen,  even  in  her  last  hours,  with  any  modification  of  her 
resolve  to  leave  the  subject  of  the  succession  severely  alone. 


Introduction  ix 

The  French  ambassador  is  solely  responsible  for  the  state- 
ment that  she  at  an  earlier  period  admitted  by  word  of 
mouth  that  "  the  King  of  Scotland  would  hereafter  become 
King  of  Great  Britain."  More  trustworthy  witnesses 
merely  depose  that  on  two  occasions  in  her  latest  weeks, 
when  the  comments  of  others  in  her  presence  compelled  her 
to  break  silence,  she  took  refuge  in  oracular  utterances 
which  owe  all  their  significance  to  the  interpretation  that 
their  hearers  deemed  it  politic  to  place  on  them. 

'  Before  leaving  London  she  is  said  to  have  told  the  Earl 
of  Nottingham  that "  her  throne  had  always  been  the  throne 
of  kings,  and  none  but  her  next  heir  of  blood  and  descent 
should  succeed  her."  "  Her  next  heir  of  blood  and  descent" 
was,  in  the  eyes  of  the  law.  Lord  Beauchamp.  The  vague 
phrases  attest  her  settled  policy  of  evasion.  According  to 
Sir  Robert  Carey,  on  the  Wednesday  afternoon  before  her 
death,  "  she  made  for  her  Council  to  be  called,  and  by  putting 
her  hand  to  her  head  when  the  King  of  Scotland  was  named 
to  succeed  her,  they  all  knew  he  was  the  man  she  desired 
should  reign  after  her."  Throughout  her  illness  her  hand 
had  passed  restlessly  to  and  from  her  head,  and  a  definite 
meaning  could  only  attach  to  the  sign  in  the  sight  of 
those  who,  like  the  reporter,  were  already  pledged  to  seat 
James  VI.  in  her  place.  Lady  Southwell  gives  a  more 
disinterested  account  of  this  episode  of  the  Wednesday 
afternoon.  The  Council  were  not  invited  to  the  royal 
presence,  as  Carey  avers.  They  demanded  admittance  "  to 
know  whom "  the  dying  Queen  "  would  have  for  King." 
She  could  barely  speak,  but  made  what  preparation  her 
waning  strength  permitted  for  the  interview.  The  Coun- 
cillors desired  her  to  lift  her  finger  when  they  named  whom 
she  approved.     They  mentioned  the  King  of  France;  she 


X  Stuart  Tracts 

did  not  stir.  They  spoke  of  the  King  of  Scotland  ;  she 
made  no  sign.  They  named  Lord  Beauchamp,  the  rightful 
heir  under  Henry  Vlil.'s  unrepealed  settlement.  Then  only 
did  Elizabeth  rouse  herself,  and  with  something  of  her  old 
vivacity  she  gasped,  "  I  will  have  no  rascal's  son  to  sit  in 
my  seat,  but  one  worthy  to  be  a  king."  These  are  the  only  un- 
questioned words  which  afford  any  clue  to  the  Queen's  wishes 
respecting  her  successor.  At  the  best  they  are  negative,  and 
cannot  be  tortured  into  a  formal  acceptance  of  James.' ^ 

After  Carey's  account  of  how  he  brought  the  good  news 
to  Edinburgh  follow  three  narratives  describing  the  pro- 
gress of  James  from  Edinburgh  to  London,  and  his  recep- 
tion by  his  new  subjects.  All  three  are  reprinted  and 
copiously  annotated  by  John  Nichols  in  his  Progresses  of 
King  James  I.  (vol.  i.  pp.  53,  135,  408).  Very  little  id 
known  of  their  authors.  T.  M.,  the  author  of  the  true 
narration,  was  probably  an  inhabitant  of  Berwick,  from 
the  particularity  with  which  he  describes  incidents  which 
happened  there.  John  Savile,  author  of  King  James 
his  Entertainment  at  Theobald's,  is  mentioned  by  Anthony 
Wood  in  his  AthencB,  but  merely  as  'a  pretender  to  poetry,' 
patronised  by  the  young  spark  to  whom  the  ^Entertain- 
ment is  dedicated.'  Of  Gilbert  Dugdale,  the  author  of 
Time  Triumphant,  nothing  at  all  is  known.  Perhaps,  as 
Nichols  suggests,  he  was  the  '  old  man  of  the  age  of  three 
score  and  nineteen,'  who  had  seen  the  changes  of  four 
Kings  and  Queens,  and  had  prepared  a  political  address 
to  his  new  sovereign,  which  he  printed  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  it  was  never  delivered. 

The  unfeigned  rejoicing  by  which  the  accession  of 
James  was  hailed  was  due  to  the  relief  of  the  nation  at 

*  Mr.  Sidney  Lee.     Cornhill  Magazine,  1897,  vol.  Ixxv.  p.  302. 


Introduction  xi 

the  peaceful  settlement  of  a  much  disputed  question, 
which  might  have  caused  a  destructive  civil  war.  The 
union  of  the  two  crowns  of  England  and  Scotland  added 
to  the  public  satisfaction.  James  himself  by  his  affability 
and  graciousness  increased  the  popularity  which  he  origin- 
ally owed  to  circumstances.  T.  M,,  who  was  possibly  a 
soldier,  relates  with  great  approbation,  that  the  King,  to 
show  his  respect  to  *  the  art  military,'  fired  a  shot  out  of  a 
cannon,  and  did  it  '  with  such  sign  of  experience  that  the 
most  expert  gunner  there  beheld  it  not  without  admira- 
tion.' He  applauds  with'  equal  fervour  the  King's  '  merry 
and  well-seasoned  jests,'  adding  that  all  his  words  were 
'of  full  weight,  and  his  jests  filled  with  the  salt  of  wit,' 
and  that  they  were  '  no  less  gracious '  than  '  facetious  and 
pleasant'  One  characteristic  of  the  new  sovereign  he 
notes  which  other  observers  do  not.  *  This  is  one  especial 
note  in  his  Majesty.  Any  man  that  hath  aught  with  him, 
let  him  be  sure  he  have  a  just  cause,  for  he  beholds  all 
men's  faces  with  stedfastness.' 

To  cultivate  popularity  with  his  people,  James  over- 
came for  a  time  the  dislike  to  crowds,  which  was  one  of 
his  characteristics.  The  Duke  in  Shakespeare's  Measure 
for  Measure,  who  expresses  a  similar  distaste,  has  been 
supposed  to  represent  the  King  in  this — 

' "  I  love  the  people," 
But  do  not  like  to  stage  me  to  their  eyes ; 
Though  it  do  well,  I  do  not  relish  well 
Their  loud  applause  and  Aves  vehement ; 
Nor  do  I  think  the  man  of  safe  discretion 
That  does  affect  it.' 

(Act  I.  so.  i.  1.  68.) 

At  first,  however,  James  affected  this  applause.  A  coach 
was  offered  him  when  he  entered  York  in  order  to  convey 


xH  Stuart  Tracts 

him  to  the  Minster.  But  he  graciously  answered,  '  I  will 
have  no  coach.  For  the  people  are  desirous  to  see  a  king, 
and  so  they  shall ;  for  they  shall  as  well  see  his  body  as 
his  face.'  Accordingly,  '  to  the  great  comfort  of  the  people, 
he  went  on  foot  to  the  Cathedral' 

So  far  T.  M.,  but  Dugdale  sounds  a  different  note.  By 
the  time  he  reached  London  James  was  weary  of  crowds, 
and  so  the  last  of  these  three  pamphleteers  seizes  the 
opportunity  afforded  by  the  King's  visit  to  the  Royal 
Exchange  to  rebuke  the  irreverent  multitude  for  not 
respecting  their  monarch's  desire  to  be  private.  '  You  will 
say,  perchance,'  concludes  Dugdale,  * "  It  was  your  love." 
Will  you,  in  love,  press  upon  your  sovereign  thereby  to 
offend  him  ?  Your  sovereign  may,  perchance,  mistake  your 
love,  and  punish  it  as  an  offence.' 

Once  again  we  are  reminded  of  Measure  for  Measure. 
'  Even  so,'  says  Angelo, 

*  The  general,  subject  to  a  well-wish'd  king, 
Quit  their  own  part,  and  in  obsequious  fondness       » 
Crowd  to  his  presence,  where  their  untaught  love 
Must  needs  appear  offence.' 

(Act  II.  sc.  iv.  1.  28.) 

Twenty  years  later  James  was  no  longer  inconvenienced 
by  the  love  of  his  subjects,  and  for  him  popular  applause 
had  become  a  thing  of  the  past. 

Under  his  son  the  popularity  of  the  House  of  Stuart 
revived  for  a  moment,  then  sank  lower  than  ever.  In  1660 
came  a  reaction,  and  the  English  nation,  weary  of  civil 
strife  and  of  new  experiments  in  government,  welcomed 
the  restoration  of  monarchy  with  the  same  universal  and 
extravagant  joy  with  which  it  had  hailed  the  union  of  the 
three  kingdoms  and  the  accession  of  James  I. 


Introduction  xiii 

The  relation  of  the  progress  of  Charles  II.  from  Dover  to 
London,  entitled  England's  Joy,  forms  a  kind  of  pendant 
to  the  narratives  describing  the  reception  of  his  grand- 
father in  England.  It  is  much  less  detailed  and  much  less 
graphic.  In  some  points,  also,  the  anonymous  pamphleteer 
is  inferior  to  the  contemporary  diarists.  His  account  has 
not  the  little  personal  touches  which  make  the  description 
of  the  King's  landing  given  by  Pepys  of  so  much  interest, 
nor  has  it  the  sincere  emotion  which  breathes  in  the  few 
lines  Evelyn  devotes  to  the  King's  entrance  into  London. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  contains  many  picturesque  details 
which  are  to  be  found  nowhere  else.  We  learn  how  the 
people  of  Rochester  decorated  their  streets  with  garlands 
made  up  of  costly  scarves  and  ribbons  '  decked  with  spoons 
and  bodkins  of  silver';  how  at  Blackheath  the  King  was 
met  by  *  a  kind  of  rural  triumph,  expressed  by  the  country 
swains  in  a  morrice-dance,  with  the  old  music  of  taber  and 
pipe ' ;  and  we  are  told  for  the  first  time  of  the  '  hundred 
proper  maids '  of  Deptford,  with  their  '  flaskets  full  of  flowers 
and  sweet  herbs.'  There  are  also  some  new  details  about 
the  King's  journey  through  London ;  and  though  the  tract 
is  of  no  great  historical  value,  it  is  sufficiently  interesting 
to  deserve  reprinting. 

To  pass  from  these  pictures  of  pageants  and  popular 
rejoicings  to  the  serious  records  of  Puritanism  is  a  some- 
what abrupt  transition.  Two  of  the  tracts  in  this  volume — 
and  two  only — illustrate  the  rise  of  the  discontent  which 
bore  fruit  in  the  Civil  War,  and  both  of  them  deal  with  the 
religious  rather  than  the  political  history  of  the  times.  But 
though  the  cause  of  the  breach  between  the  Stuarts  and 
their  people  was  more  religious  than  political,  religion  and 
politics  were  almost  inseparably  associated  in  the  struggle 


xiv  Stuart  Tracts 

from  its  origin  to  its  close.  In  practice  it  was  found  that 
men  who  held  a  certain  set  of  views  about  Church  affairs 
held  an  equally  definite  set  of  views  about  State  affairs,  and 
that  there  was  a  definite  connection  between  their  political 
and  their  religious  creeds.  The  verse  tract  called  The 
Interpreter,  printed  in  1622,  and  probably  in  Holland,  illus- 
trates this  connection.  The  object  of  its  author  is  to  explain 
the  political  significance  of  the  three  familiar  names — 
'  Puritan,'  *  Protestant,'  and  '  Papist,'  but  his  standpoint  is 
throughout  that  of  the  members  of  the  first  party.  Any 
honest  man,  he  complains,  if  he  opposes  the  Government 
for  constitutional  or  religious  reasons,  is  termed  a  Puritan. 
Sir  Benjamin  Rudyard,  in  one  of  his  most  famous  speeches 
in  the  Long  Parliament,  echoes  the  complaint  of  the  anony- 
mous author  of  these  verses  in  words  that  almost  seem 
inspired  by  him.  Speaking  of  the  King's  advisers,  he  says : 
'  They  have  so  brought  it  to  pass  that  under  the  name  of 
Puritans  all  our  religion  is  branded,  and  under  a  few  hard 
words  against  Jesuits  all  Popery  is  countenanced.  Who- 
soever squares  his  actions  by  any  rule,  either  divine  or 
human,  he  is  a  Puritan  ;  whosoever  would  be  governed  by 
the  King's  laws,  he  is  a  Puritan.  He  that  will  not  do 
whatsoever  other  men  would  have  him  do,  he  is  a  Puritan. 
Their  great  work,  their  masterpiece  now  is,  to  make  all 
those  of  the  religion  to  be  the  suspected  party  of  the 
Kingdom.'^ 

This  tract  also  suggests  the  famous  pamphlet  called  The 
Character  of  a  Trimmer^  written  by  Halifax  about  December 
1684,  and  first  published  in  1688.  Just  as  Halifax  sets 
forth  the  views  of  a  moderate  man  on  the  questions  of 
hereditary  monarchy,  foreign  politics,  ecclesiastical  policy, 

^  May,  History  of  the  Long  Parliament,  p.  73,  ed.  1854. 


Introduction  xv 

and  other  subjects  of  controversy,  so  the  author  of  the 
earlier  tract  sets  forth  the  opinions  held  by  a  moderate 
member  of  the  opposition  to  James  on  the  different  points 
at  issue  between  the  popular  party  and  the  Government. 
But  the  difference  between  the  halting  verse  of  the  first 
pamphleteer  and  the  nervous  prose  of  the  second  is  more 
striking  than  the  resemblance  between  their  method  of 
treatment. 

The  progress  of  the  national  opposition  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Stuarts  is  further  illustrated  by  Archbishop 
Abbot's  narrative  of  his  own  sequestration  from  all  his 
ecclesiastical  offices.  Born  in  1562,  made  a  bishop  in  1609, 
and  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  since  161 1,  Abbot  became 
popular  with  the  Puritans,  because  he  adhered  firmly  to 
Calvinistic  doctrine  and  opposed  the  Spanish  marriage. 
Clarendon  describes  him  as  '  a  man  of  very  morose 
manners  and  a  very  sour  aspect,  which  in  that  time  was 
called  gravity,'  who  '  considered  Christian  religion  no  other 
than  as  it  abhorred  and  reviled  Popery  and  valued  those 
men  most  who  did  that  most  furiously.'  Puritan  historians 
naturally  took  a  more  favourable  view,  and  Whitelocke 
writes  that  Abbot  left  behind  him  '  the  memory  of  a  pious, 
learned,  and  moderate  prelate.'  As  he  was  a  man  who  had 
the  courage  of  his  convictions,  the  archbishop  had  not 
hesitated  to  defy  King  James  when  that  monarch  ordered 
him  to  marry  the  Earl  of  Somerset  to  the  divorced  Countess 
of  Essex.  He  next  defied  King  Charles  in  defence  of  the 
freedom  of  the  subject.  In  1626,  after  his  rupture  with 
his  second  Parliament,  Charles  levied  a  forced  loan  to 
provide  for  his  military  and  naval  expenditure.  Chief- 
Justice  Crew  was  ordered  to  sign  a  paper  certifying  the 
legality  of  the  loan,  and  was  dismissed  from  office  upon 


xvi  Stuart  Tracts 

his  refusal.  The  King  determined  to  procure  for  his 
exaction  the  sanction  of  the  highest  authority  of  the 
Church,  so,  like  Crew,  Abbot  was  summoned  to  declare 
himself.  The  demand  took  the  shape  of  requisition 
to  him  to  license  the  sermon  which  Dr.  Robert  Sibthorpe 
had  preached  before  the  judges  at  the  Northampton 
Assizes.  Its  title  was  '  Apostolic  Obedience,  showing  the 
Duty  of  Subjects  to  pay  Tribute  and  Taxes  to  their 
Princes,*  and  its  doctrine  was  that  no  Christian  could 
refuse  the  loan  the  King  demanded.  Abbot  relates  the 
attempts  made  to  cajole  or  threaten  him  into  acquiescence 
with  the  King's  desire,  and  the  nature  of  the  objections 
which  led  him  to  decline,  and  so  caused  his  sequestration. 
Incidentally  he  sketches  the  characters  of  his  two  chief 
enemies,  Laud  and  Buckingham,  and  defends  his  friendship 
with  two  of  the  leaders  of  the  opposition,  Sir  Dudley 
Digges  and  Sir  Thomas  Wentworth. 

Three  of  the  tracts  reprinted  in  this  volume  are  narratives 
by  military  commanders  of  the  campaigns  and  battles  in 
which  they  took  part.  Of  these  the  most  valuable  by  far 
is  that  by  Sir  Francis  Vere.  He  and  his  younger  brother, 
Sir  Horace,  were  the  most  famous  of  the  school  of  English 
soldiers  who  fought  in  the  wars  of  the  Netherlands,  and, 
having  learned  the  art  of  war  there,  placed  their  skill  at 
the  disposal  of  their  country  when  either  Elizabeth  or 
James  had  need  of  it.  Excellent  lives  of  both  the  brothers 
are  contained  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  but 
the  fullest  account  of  their  services  is  to  be  found  in  the 
volume  entitled  The  Fighting  Veres,  published  by  Sir 
Clements  Markham  in  1888.  Anything  in  Vere's  Com- 
mentaries which  needs  explanation  will  be  found  explained 
there,  though,  like  most  biographers,  the  author  is  a  little 


Introduction  xvii 

too  much  inclined  to  maintain  that  his  hero  was  always 
in  the  right. 

The  Commentaries,  which  became  at  once  a  military 
classic,  were  first  published  in  1657.  They  had  for  many 
years  before  this  passed  from  hand  to  hand  in  manuscript, 
and  copies  had  been  multiplied  for  the  benefit  of  those 
who  desired  to  learn  from  the  famous  soldier's  recollections 
how  battles  should  be  fought  or  to  study  the  history  of 
the  time  in  which  he  lived.  Vere  did  not  write  his 
Commentaries  for  publication  :  at  most,  it  is  probable  they 
were  designed  to  be  communicated  to  a  few  other  soldiers. 
Hence  the  fragmentary  condition  in  which  they  are,  necessi- 
tating the  additional  narratives  from  the  pen  of  his  comrade, 
Sir  John  Ogle,  and  his  page,  Henry  Hexham,  which  are 
here  inserted.  The  object  of  the  Commentaries  was  not 
autobiographical,  and  hence  they  do  not  give  an  account  of 
all  the  actions  in  which  he  took  part,  but  only  of  some 
of  them,  Vere  wished  to  discuss  simply  those  actions  in 
which,  as  commander  or  adviser,  he  played  a  leading  part; 
and  though  he  naturally  vindicated  his  own  conduct  when- 
ever it  had  been  called  in  question,  his  main  purpose  was 
to  explain  the  military  causes  of  failure  or  success  for  the 
benefit  of  soldiers.  The  number  and  the  nature  of  the 
details  which  he  gives  show  this.  Look,  for  instance,  at 
the  account  given  of  the  capture  of  the  fort  at  Wesel, 
and  the  minuteness  with  which  Vere  describes  the  prepara- 
tions for  the  escalade,  and  calls  attention  to  a  new 
manner  of  assaulting  which,  *  well  considered,  is  of  wonderful 
advantage.'  In  the  same  way,  when  he  relates  the  action 
at  Turnhout,  he  dwells  minutely  upon  the  tactics  by  which, 
with  a  small  force,  he  delayed  the  march  of  a  numerous 
enemy,  and  gave  time  for  the  rest  of  the  prisoners  to  come 

b  z 


xviii  Stuart  Tracts 

up.  He  notes  also  the  mistake  made  by  the  enemy  in 
drawing  up  their  battalions  of  pike  one  behind  the  other 
instead  of  posting  them  chequerwise  or  in  some  other 
formation  which  would  have  enabled  them  to  support  each 
other.  Notice  also  the  detailed  account  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  Dutch  and  English  cavalry  broke  these  squares 
of  pikemen  :  '  We  charged  their  pikes,  not  breaking  through 
them  at  the  first  push,  as  it  was  anciently  used  by  the 
men-of-arms  with  their  barbed  horses:  but  as  the  long 
pistols,  delivered  at  hand,  had  made  the  ranks  thin,  so 
thereupon  the  rest  of  the  horse  got  within  them.'  The 
picture  of  the  battle  in  the  original  edition  of  the  Cojn- 
mentaries  shows  this  process  admirably. 

The  most  important  battle  in  which  Vere  was  engaged 
was  that  at  Nieuport  in  1600.  Before  this  the  Dutch 
armies  had  never  beaten  the  Spaniards  in  the  open  country 
in  a  pitched  battle.  Their  successes  had  been  gained  in  the 
attack  or  defence  of  fortified  places.  The  Spanish  foot 
were  still  renowned  as  the  best  infantry  in  Europe,  and 
those  who  fought  at  Nieuport  were  'old  trained  soldiers 
and  to  that  day  unfoiled  in  the  field.'  Their  discipline  and 
their  solidity  were  their  chief  characteristics,  while  the 
strength  of  the  infantry  who  served  under  the  Dutch 
colours  lay  chiefly  in  their  superior  mobility.  '  Unluckily,' 
says  Vere,  'by  the  situation  of  the  country  that  skill  and 
dexterity  we  presumed  to  excel  our  enemy  in  (which  was 
the  apt  and  agile  motions  of  our  battalions)  was  utterly 
taken  from  us.'  Prince  Maurice  and  his  army  had  to  fight 
a  defensive  battle  with  an  inferior  force  and  in  a  disadvan- 
tageous position.  The  4000  infantry  forming  Maurice's 
van,  under  the  command  of  Vere,  bore  the  brunt  of  the 
fighting.     The  task  which  Vere  set  himself  was  to  make 


Introduction  xix 

the  enemy  expend  their  strength  in  the  attack  upon  the 
van,  so  that  when  they  were  disordered  and  spent  by  the 
struggle  they  might  be  easily  overthrown  by  the  rest  of  the 
Dutch  army.  He  describes  the  conformation  of  the  ground, 
the  dispositions  by  which  he  made  the  most  of  it,  and  the 
manner  in  which  he  used  his  small  force  to  the  best  advan- 
tage. Through  the  tardiness  of  his  reserves  Vere's  force 
was  nearly  overwhelmed,  but  an  opportune  charge  of  horse 
decided  the  fate  of  the  day  and  justified  his  tactics. 

Vere  has  been  charged  with  taking  all  the  credit  of  the 
victory  to  himself  and  the  troops  under  his  command,  and 
with  ignoring  the  services  of  others  ;  but  if  his  account  is 
rightly  read,  it  is  evident  that  he  does  not  profess  to  narrate 
the  battle  as  a  whole  but  only  his  particular  part  of  it.  His 
object  is  to  state  a  military  problem  and  show  how  it  was 
solved,  not  to  write  a  history.  The  controversy  about  the 
battle  of  Nieuport  and  the  value  of  Vere's  contribution  to 
its  history  may  be  studied  at  length  in  Motley's  United 
Netherlands,  iv.  14-51  ;  Markham's  Fighting  Veres,  pp.  278- 
305  ;  and  Dalton's  Life  of  Sir  Edward  Cecil,  i.  47-59. 

There  are  two  parts  of  Vere's  narrative  which  have  a 
special  interest  for  English  readers :  his  account  of  the 
capture  of  Cadiz  in  1596,  and  his  account  of  what  was  called 
The  Islands  Voyage,  that  is  the  expedition  to  the  Azores  in 
1597.  Fortunately,  both  these  subjects  have  recently  been 
treated  at  length  and  very  competently  by  Mr.  Julian 
Corbett  in  his  Successors  of  Drake  (1900).  Speaking  of 
Vere's  account  in  a  critical  appendix,  Mr.  Corbett  says: 
*It  is  especially  valuable  for  technical  details  and  the  light 
it  throws  on  the  true  intention  of  the  tactics  employed ; 
but  throughout  it  is  a  studied  apology  for  the  author, 
probably  exaggerating  the  part  he  played  and  minimising 


XX  Stuart  Tracts 

that  of  officers  he  disliked,  such  as  Raleigh.'  In  his  nar- 
rative, however,  Mr.  Corbett  is  much  more  favourable  to 
Vere,  whom  he  praises  as  '  the  greatest  of  the  Elizabethan 
generals.'  He  confirms  many  of  Vere's  statements,  and 
supplies  the  information  which  explains  the  carping,  critical 
attitude  adopted  by  Vere  towards  Raleigh  and  Essex. 
Towards  Raleigh,  Vere  is  extremely  hostile,  and,  as  Mr. 
Corbett  says,  his  testimony  against  him  must  never  be 
accepted  without  confirmation.  Essex,  whose  relations  with 
himself  Vere  narrates  at  some  length,  he  justified  when  his 
conduct  as  commander  of  the  expedition  to  the  Azores  was 
called  in  question  by  Elizabeth.  But  when  Vere  speaks  of 
Essex  it  is  always  with  something  of  the  contempt  with 
which  the  professional  soldier  is  inclined  to  regard  the 
amateur,  however  excellent  the  amateur's  intentions  may 
be.  This  feeling  is  shown  in  Vere's  remarks  on  the  dis- 
orderly manner  in  which  the  storming  of  Cadiz  was  managed, 
and  again  in  his  account  of  the  landing  at  Terceira.  Of  the 
latter  he  says : — 

*  His  Lordship,  as  his  fashion  was,  would  be  of  the  first  to 
land  ;  and  I,  that  had  learned  me  of  his  disposition,  took  upon 
me  the  care  of  sending  the  boats  after  him.  .  .  .  His  Lord- 
ship himself  took  great  pains  to  put  his  men  in  order ;  and 
for  that  I  perceived  he  took  delight  to  do  all,  in  good  manners 
and  respect  I  gave  the  looking  on.'  In  each  case  the  com- 
mander-in-chief was  doing  what  a  general  who  knew  his 
business  would  have  left  to  some  capable  subordinate.  The 
scene  described  by  Vere  in  the  market-place  at  Villa  Franca 
when  Essex,  instead  of  listening  to  Vere's  report  of  the 
movements  of  the  enemy  and  the  preparations  which  he 
had  made  to  meet  them,  'called  for  tobacco'  and  began 
smoking,  shows  that  some  resentment  for  personal  incivility 


Introduction  xxi 

may  have  been  mingled  with  Vere's  contempt.  Vere  also 
complains  that  he  was  excluded  from  the  consultations  in 
which  the  conduct  of  the  expedition  was  decided. 

In  addition  to  all  this  the  usual  hostility  between  the 
naval  and  military  commanders  in  joint  expeditions  mani- 
fested itself  in  both  these  two,  and  helps  to  colour  Vere's 
narrative.  While  his  opinions  on  military  matters  may  be 
confidently  accepted,  many  of  the  disputed  questions  con- 
nected with  the  management  of  both  expeditions  were 
matters  on  which  the  admirals  were  better  judges  than  he 
was. 

One  more  point  requires  notice.  Vere  describes  himself 
as  drawing  up,  at  the  outset  of  the  expedition  to  Cadiz,  a 
paper  setting  down  in  writing  the  duties  which  properly 
belonged  to  every  rank  of  officer  in  the  army.  A 
manuscript  of  this  document  is  in  the  British  Museum.^ 
It  was  published  in  1672  under  the  title  of  'Sir  Francis 
Vere's  Notes  of  Direction  how  far  every  man's  office  in  a 
regiment  doth  extend  and  the  duty  of  every  officer,'  in 
Thomas  Venn's  Military  and  Maritime  Discipline  (folio, 
1672,  pp.  186-193). 

The  Commentaries  end  suddenly  with  the  repulse  of  the 
attack  of  the  Spaniards  on  Ostend  on  July  25, 1601,  though 
Vere's  command  there  lasted  until  March  7,  1602.  It  was 
his  last  considerable  exploit.  In  1604,  when  James  I.  made 
peace  with  Spain,  Vere  retired  from  the  Dutch  service  and 
returned  to  England,  where  he  married,  became  Governor 
of  Portsmouth,  and  died  on  August  28,  1609,  at  the  early 
age  of  forty-nine.  His  brother.  Sir  Horace,  who  was  five 
years  younger,  continued  in  the  Dutch  service  till  1632, 
earning  almost  as  much  glory  as  Sir  Francis.  In  English 
^  Harleian,  MS.  168,/  120;  also  Cotton  MS.  Galba  D.  xiL 


xxii  Stuart  Tracts 

history  his  name  is  remembered  as  the  commander  of  the 
little  expedition  sent  by  James  I.  to  the  Palatinate  in  1620 
and  for  his  valiant  defence  of  Mannheim  against  the 
Spaniards  in  1622.  Sir  Horace,  who  was  created  Baron 
Vere  of  Tilbury  on  24th  July  1625,  died  in  1635. 

The  history  of  the  portion  of  Sir  Francis  Vere's  command 
at  Ostend,  which  he  left  untold,  was  supplied  by  two  of 
his  subordinates,  Sir  John  Ogle  and  Henry  Hexham.  Ogle, 
who  was  Vere's  lieutenant-colonel,  related  the  last  charge 
at  the  battle  of  Nieuport  and  the  story  of  the  parley  at 
Ostend.  He  became  subsequently  Governor  of  Utrecht, 
left  the  service  of  the  States-General  in  161 8,  was  one  of 
the  Council  of  War  appointed  by  James  I.  in  1624,  as 
a  sort  of  Committee  of  National  Defence,  and  died  in 
March  1640.  Henry  Hexham,  Vere's  page,  whom  we  see 
on  p.  i8i  pulling  up  the  stockings  and  tying  the  points  of 
his  master's  habits,  contributed  accounts  of  several  episodes 
in  the  siege,  and  in  especial  of  the  great  assault  made 
by  the  Spaniards  on  January  7,  1602.  He  became  a 
voluminous  military  writer;  and  his  Principles  of  the  Art 
Military y  first  published  in  1637,  was  one  of  the  most 
popular  textbooks  for  the  soldiers  of  the  early  seventeenth 
century.  Besides  this  he  compiled  an  excellent  dictionary 
of  the  Dutch  and  English  languages.  Some  account  of 
Hexham  is  given  in  the  supplement  to  the  Dictionary  of 
National  Biography,  where  it  is  said  that  he  probably  died 
about  1650. 

The  long  struggle  of  the  Dutch  for  their  freedom  ended 
in  1609  with  a  twelve  years'  truce,  though  Spain  did  not 
formally  acknowledge  their  independence  till  1648.  A 
tract  by  Sir  Thomas  Overbury  contains  an  account  of  the 
economic    and    political    condition    both    of   the    United 


Introduction  xxiii 

Provinces  and  of  the  part  of  the  Netherlands  which  still 
remained  subject  to  Spain.  Overbury's  little  work  is  not 
so  valuable  as  the  more  elaborate  and  better-known  account 
of  Holland  written  by  Sir  William  Temple  sixty  years 
later,  but  it  is  interesting  as  giving  the  impressions  of  a 
contemporary  traveller  at  the  moment  when  the  War  of 
Independence  ended.  It  supplies  also  a  description  of 
the  field  in  which  the  exploits  of  Vere  and  his  comrades 
took  place. 

The  two  Veres  were  the  heads  of  a  school  of  soldiers 
who  learnt  the  art  of  war  under  their  command.  A  list  of 
the  most  notable  of  these  officers  is  given  by  the  editor  of 
the  Commentaries,  and  the  most  famous  name  amongst 
them  is  that  of  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  the  Parliamentary 
General.  Fairfax,  who  had  served  under  Sir  Horace, 
married  in  1637  Anne  Vere,  the  daughter  of  his  old 
commander,  and  his  memoirs  appropriately  accompany 
those  of  Vere,  Neither  of  the  two  papers  written  by 
Fairfax  was  published  till  after  his  death.  His  nephew, 
Brian  Fairfax,  who  printed  them  in  1699,  explains  his 
reasons  for  doing  so  in  a  letter  prefixed  to  the  original 
edition.  Brian  says  that  his  uncle's  manuscript  *  was  never 
intended  by  him  to  be  published,  but  to  remain  for  the 
satisfaction  of  himself  and  his  relations.'  Nevertheless 
imperfect  copies  of  them  had  got  abroad.  'And  this  being 
an  age  wherein  every  man  presumes  to  print  what  he 
pleases  of  his  own  or  other  men's,  we  are  plainly  told,  that 
my  Lord  Fairfax's  memorials  are  ready  to  be  published,  and 
by  the  very  same  person  who  has  lately  set  forth  some 
memoirs,  wherein  his  Lordship  is  scarce  ever  named  but 
with  reproach.'  The  publications  alluded  to  are  probably 
the  Memoirs  of  Lord  Holies  and  those  of  Edmund  Ludlow, 


xxiv  Stuart  Tracts 

but  especially  the  former,  which  contains  the  most  direct 
personal  attacks  upon  Fairfax.  For  this  reason  Brian 
thought  that  he  was  doing  his  uncle  a  service  in  publishing 
this  vindication  of  his  political  conduct  and  the  narrative 
of  his  military  services  which  follow  it.  The  history  of 
the  MS.  is  traced  in  Markham's  Life  of  the  Great  Lord 
Fairfax,  p.  393,  and  in  the  Sixth  Report  of  the  Historical 
Manuscripts  Commission,  p.  465.  The  best  version  in  print 
is  that  in  the  Antiquarian  Repertory,  vol.  iii.  1808,  for  Brian 
Fairfax  made  a  number  of  small  changes  in  the  text  which 
are  reproduced  in  the  reprints  in  the  Somers  Tracts  and 
in  the  Select  Tracts  of  Maseres. 

The  first  memoir  is  simply  a  vindication.  Fairfax 
describes  himself  as  more  anxious  to  clear  his  actions  than 
declare  them,  and  selects  for  the  purpose  'those  actions 
which  seemed  to  the  world  most  questionable.'  On  some 
points  his  defence  may  be  accepted  without  hesitation. 
For  instance,  there  is  no  reason  for  doubting  that  he  did  not 
seek  for  the  command  of  the  New  Model  army,  and  accepted 
it  for  public  motives  not  for  selfish  ends.  As  little  doubt  is 
there  that  he  had  no  hand  in  the  seizure  of  King  Charles  I. 
at  Holdenby,  and  was  sincerely  opposed  to  the  execution 
of  the  King.  Brian  Fairfax  tells  us  that  he  could  never 
speak  of  the  King's  death  without  tears  in  his  eyes,  and 
a  contemporary  rumour  describes  Cromwell  as  necessitated 
to  set  guards  over  Fairfax  to  prevent  him  from  endeavour- 
ing to  release  Charles.  More  doubtful  is  the  success  of 
Fairfax  in  vindicating  his  conduct  with  respect  to  the 
execution  of  Lucas  and  Lisle  after  the  capture  of  Col- 
chester. The  question  has  been  much  controverted,  and  to 
give  the  arguments  at  length  in  this  Introduction  would 
require  too  much  space.     It  may  be  briefly  stated  that  by 


Introduction  xxv 

the  capitulation  Fairfax  had  a  perfect  right  to  execute  the 
two  knights  if  he  thought  fit  to  do  so.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  more  merciful  course  of  handing  them  over  to  the  civil 
authority  to  be  tried  and  sentenced  would  have  been  fairer 
and  wiser.  This  was  the  course  adopted  with  regard  to  the 
peers  taken  prisoners  at  the  same  time.  So  far  as  concerns 
Fairfax's  performance  of  the  articles  on  which  these 
prisoners  surrendered  his  defence  is  sound  enough.  The 
question  is  amply  discussed  in  Mr.  Gardiner's  History  of 
the  Great  Civil  War  (iv.  p.  205). 

Yet  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  Fairfax  successfully  vindicates 
himself  on  some  particular  points,  there  is  no  doubt  that  he 
misrepresents  his  own  attitude  during  the  events  which 
followed  the  attempt  of  Parliament  to  disband  the  army  in 
the  spring  of  1647.  All  contemporary  evidence  goes  to 
prove  that  he  was  not  the  passive  and  unwilling  agent  he 
represents  himself  as  being.  Cromwell  was  more  energetic 
and  more  prominent  in  the  quarrel ;  but  Fairfax  was  by  no 
means  a  mere  puppet  in  Cromwell's  hands.  During  1647 
he  seems  to  have  been  in  perfect  agreement  with  the  other 
leaders  of  the  army  in  the  policy  adopted.  His  difference 
with  them  began  in  1648,  but  did  not  come  to  a  head  until 
the  King's  trial.  It  is  somewhat  difficult  to  fix  his  exact 
part  in  events,  and  consequently  the  precise  amount  of  his 
responsibility,  but  an  attempt  is  made  to  do  so  in  the  life 
of  Fairfax  contributed  to  the  Dictionary  of  the  National 
Biography  by  the  present  writer.^ 

The  feebleness  of  Fairfax  as  a  politician  was  in  striking 
contrast  to  his  vigour  and  boldness  as  a  soldier.  It  recalls 
Whitelocke's  description  of  the  difference  between  Fairfax 

^  See  also  Mr.  Gardiner's  History  of  the  Great  Civil  War,  iii.  pp.  308,  350 ; 
iv,  p.  304,  and  the  Clarke  Papers,  ii,  pp.  146,  147. 


xxvi  Stuart  Tracts 

in  council  and  Fairfax  in  battle.  He  describes  the  General 
as  'a  person  of  as  meek  and  humble  carriage  as  ever  I  saw 
in  great  employment,  and  but  of  few  words  in  discourse  or 
council.'  On  the  other  hand,  continues  Whitelocke,  *  in 
action  in  the  field  I  have  seen  him  so  highly  transported 
that  scarce  any  one  durst  speak  a  word  to  him,  and  he 
would  seem  more  like  a  man  distracted  and  furious  than 
of  his  ordinary  mildness.' 

There  are  signs  of  this  Fairfax  in  the  second  of  the  two 
narratives  printed  here.  He  was  not  the  man  to  boast  of 
his  own  deeds,  as  he  proved  on  many  occasions,  but  he  was 
obliged  to  give  some  account  of  them  by  the  purpose  which 
he  set  before  himself  in  writing,  '  My  silence,'  he  says, 
'seemed  to  accuse  me  of  ingratitude  to  God  for  the  many 
mercies  and  deliverances  I  have  had.  .  .  .  Wherefore  I  shall 
set  down,  as  they  come  into  my  mind,  such  things  wherein 
I  have  found  the  wonderful  assistance  of  God  to  me  in 
the  time  of  the  war  I  was  in  in  the  north.'  Just  in  the 
same  way  another  soldier  of  the  time.  Sir  William  Waller, 
drew  up  a  few  pages  of  recollections,  consisting  almost 
entirely  of  a  list  of  his  remarkable  escapes  from  the  perils 
and  accidents  to  which  a  military  career  had  exposed  him, 
attributing  these  escapes  as  Fairfax  does  to  divine  assistance. 
For  this  reason,  therefore,  Fairfax  is  led  to  say  more  about 
his  personal  share  than  he  otherwise  would  have  done.  We 
see  him  always  charging  at  the  head  of  his  men  and  expos- 
ing himself  with  reckless  courage.  At  Sherburn,  for 
instance,  the  royalists  had  barricaded  the  streets  of  the 
town,  and  Fairfax  and  his  troops  had  to  take  one  of  these 
defences.  *  At  the  end  of  the  barricade,  there  was  a  straight 
passage  for  one  single  horse  to  go  in.  I  entered  there,  and 
others  followed  one  by  one.'     At  the  capture  of  Wakefield 


Introduction  xxvII 

he  gets  so  far  ahead  of  his  men  that  he  has  a  narrow  escape 
of  being  taken,  and  much  the  same  thing  happens  to  him 
in  the  fight  at  Selby  and  at  Marston  Moor.  In  the  retreat 
from  Bradford,  Fairfax  and  a  dozen  others  charge  three 
hundred  horse,  and  six  of  them  cut  their  way  through.  He 
gives  a  pretty  full  account  of  Marston  Moor,  where,  besides 
narrating  his  own  escape,  he  had  to  explain  the  defeat  of  the 
troops  under  his  command  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  says 
little  of  Winceby,  where  an  opportune  flank  charge  made  by 
the  horse  he  led  appears  to  have  had  a  considerable  share  in 
obtaining  the  victory.  Though  he  does  not  undertake  to 
give  an  account  of  the  campaigns  themselves,  but  only  of 
his  personal  share  in  them,  Fairfax's  narrative  is  one  of  the 
chief  authorities  for  the  history  of  the  war  in  Yorkshire 
from  1642  to  1644.  It  was  not  meant  for  publication,  and 
he  apologises  for  not  having  set  down  things  '  in  that 
methodical  and  polished  manner  as  might  have  been  done; 
being  but  intended  for  my  own  satisfaction,  and  the  help  of 
my  memory.'  Only  the  salient  incidents  of  the  campaigns 
are  therefore  related,  '  my  intention  being  only  to  keep  in 
mind  what  I  had  been  present  in.' 

The  third  of  the  military  authors  whose  narratives  are 
here  reprinted,  is  Major  General  Thomas  Morgan.  Having 
learnt  war  in  Germany  and  the  Low  Countries,  he  returned 
to  take  part  in  the  war  in  the  north  of  England,  under  the 
command  of  Fairfax.  *  One  of  Sir  Thomas's  colonels,  a  little 
man,  short  and  peremptory,'  is  the  manner  in  which  a 
contemporary  narrative  describes  him.  During  the  first 
Civil  War  Morgan,  being  expert  in  sieges,  was  principally 
employed  in  the  capture  of  Royalist  castles.  Later,  as 
colonel  of  a  regiment  of  dragoons,  he  helped  Monck  to 
complete   the   conquest   of  Scotland,   and   became   finally 


xxviii  Stuart  Tracts 

second  in  command  of  the  army  in  Scotland  with  the  rank 
of  Major-General.  In  1657  Morgan  was  sent  to  Flanders 
as  second  in  command  of  the  six  thousand  English,  whom 
Cromwell  sent  to  help  the  French  against  the  Spaniards, 
and  it  is  his  narrative  of  their  exploits  that  now  requires  to 
be  criticised. 

The  boasting  tone  of  Morgan's  narrative  is  a  complete 
contrast  to  Fairfax's  modest  account  of  his  adventures.  It 
also  contrasts  very  strangely  with  the  style  and  tone  of  the 
letters  written  by  Morgan  himself  during  the  campaign  he 
relates,  some  of  which  are  printed  in  Thurloe's  State 
Papers.  Some  historians  have  doubted  in  consequence 
whether  the  narrative  was  really  the  work  of  Morgan,  but 
evidence  exists  to  show  when  and  why  it  was  written. 
Dr.  Samuel  Barrow,  an  old  acquaintance  of  Morgan's  in 
Scotland,  thought  of  writing  a  history  of  the  period,  and 
desired  Morgan  to  draw  up  an  account  of  the  services  of 
the  six  thousand  English  who  were  sent  by  Cromwell  to 
serve  in  the  Netherlands.  Morgan's  answer,  which  is  dated 
1675,  ran  as  follows  : — 

'  Sir, — Since  I  see  you,  I  have  drawne  a  foule  draught  of 
all  my  proceedings  in  France  and  Flanders  with  the 
six  thousand  English,  and  if  you  have  the  con- 
veniency  to  step  hither,  that  you  may  see  them 
before  my  man  writes  them  faire  over,  it  will  doe 
well ;  the  sooner  you  come  the  better  it  will  be, 
seeing  you  are  so  desireous  to  have  a  viewe  of  them. 
I  shall  not  need  to  ad  further  but  that  I  am, — Your 
very  loving  friend  and  servant, 

1675.  Tho.  Morgan.^ 

^  See  The  Academy,  February  17,  1892. 


Introduction  xxix 

Morgan  died  about  1679,  and  the  narrative  was  published 
in  1699.  Its  value  is  rather  doubtful.  Godwin  in  his 
History  of  the  Commonwealth^  speaking  of  the  battle  of  the 
Dunes,  says :  *  There  is  an  absurd  narrative  of  this  action, 
printed  under  the  name  of  General  Morgan,  the  second  in 
command,  and  published  in  1699,  in  which  he  represents 
the  French  as  cowards,  Lockhart  a  poltroon,  and  Turenne 
an  idiot,  and  assumes  all  the  honour  of  the  battle  and  the 
campaign  to  himself  Though  this  criticism  is  not  entirely 
undeserved,  it  is  overstated.  Morgan  certainly  played  a  more 
important  part,  both  in  the  battle  and  the  campaign,  than 
his  nominal  commander  Lockhart.  And  it  is  also  certain 
from  other  sources  that  the  English  soldiers  he  commanded 
did  greatly  distinguish  themselves,  both  at  the  battle  of  the 
Dunes,  the  storming  of  Ypres,  and  elsewhere.  But  Morgan's 
narrative  is  so  exaggerated  and  so  highly  coloured,  that  it 
cannot  safely  be  followed  where  it  is  not  confirmed  by 
other  authorities.  Its  value  lies  in  the  little  picturesque 
touches  which  bring  before  us  the  incidents  of  the  battle 
and  the  character  of  the  English  soldier.  The  shout  of 
rejoicing  which  Morgan's  men  give  when  they  see  the 
enemy,  their  throwing  up  their  caps  in  the  air,  their 
colloquy  with  the  English  soldiers  serving  on  the  Spanish 
sides,  and  many  similar  details,  are  brought  before  us  with 
incomparable  vividness. 

Morgan  amusingly  describes  Turenne's  horror  and  wrath 
when  he  proposed  to  assault  the  outworks  of  Ypres  before 
such  an  attempt  seemed  feasible  to  the  French  Marshal. 
'  He  rose  up  and  fell  into  a  passion,  stamping  with  his  feet, 
and  shaking  his  locks,  and  grinning  with  his  teeth,  he  said, 
"Major-general  Morgan  had  made  him  mad."'  It  is  only 
fair  to  add  a  description  of  Morgan  himself  as  he  appeared 


XXX  Stuart  Tracts 

to  Turenne.  After  the  taking  of  Dunkirk,  we  are  told  by 
Aubrey,  Marshal  Turenne  and  Cardinal  Mazarin  had  a  mind 
to  see  the  famous  English  commander  :  '  They  gave  him  a 
visit,  and  whereas  they  thought  to  have  found  an  Achillean 
or  gigantic  person,  they  saw  a  little  man,  not  many  degrees 
above  a  dwarf,  sitting  in  a  hut  of  turfs  with  his  fellow 
soldiers,  smoking  a  pipe  about  three  inches  long,  with  a 
green  hat-case  on.  He  spake  with  a  very  exile  {i.e.  thin 
or  shrill)  tone,  and  did  cry  out  to  the  soldiers  when  angry 
with  them,  "  Sirrah,  I  '11  cleave  your  skull,"  as  if  the  words 
had  been  prolated  by  an  eunuch.' 

From  the  narratives  of  the  soldiers  we  pass  to  those 
written  by  the  sailors.  They  are  written  by  less  important 
people,  and  deal  with  less  important  events  ;  but  while  they 
contain  little  information  of  direct  use  to  historians,  they 
are  indispensable  to  those  who  seek  to  understand  the 
temper  of  seventeenth  century  Englishmen.  Throughout 
the  whole  of  the  century,  and  indeed  much  later,  the 
English  merchant  seaman  had  to  face  the  constant  risk  of 
capture  by  the  pirates  of  Algiers  or  Sallee,  in  the  Atlantic 
as  well  as  the  Mediterranean,  and  even  at  times  in  the 
Channel.  The  story  told  by  John  Rawlins  is  a  type  of 
many  others,  save  that  such  bold  exploits  as  the  recapture 
of  the'  Exchange'  were  not  frequent.  The  prominent  part 
which  English  renegadoes  play  in  his  adventures  is  very 
notable,  and  his  description  of  the  cruise  of  the  pirate  ship  on 
board  which  he  embarked  contains  details  which  the  stories 
of  other  captives  do  not  supply.  Some  years  ago  the 
condition  of  the  Christian  captives  at  Algiers  was  admirably 
treated  in  a  series  of  articles  by  M.  H.  De  Grammont 
entitled  'La  Course,  I'esclavage  et  la  redemption  k  Alger/ ^ 

^  Revue  Historique^  vols.  xxv.  xxvi.  xxvii. 


Introduction  xxxi 

but  no  English  book  exists  in  which  the  subject  is 
adequately  dealt  with. 

In  the  preface,  Rawlins  apologises  for  the  defects  of  his 
story,  on  the  ground  that  it  is  'the  unpolished  work  of  a 
poor  sailor.'  Towards  the  close  of  the  narrative  he  admits 
that  he  had  the  help  of  some  one  else  in  'cementing  the  broken 
pieces  of  well-tempered  mortar,'  and  providing  by  '  art  and 
cunning'  a  seemly  setting  for  his  'precious  stones.'  The 
substance  was  doubtless,  as  asserted,  supplied  by  the  '  poor 
sailor  '  himself,  but  the  rhetorical  exhortations  addressed  to 
the  '  gentle  reader '  are  clearly  the  handiwork  of  a  profes- 
sional writer. 

It  is  also  to  the  hand  of  some  journalist  of  the  time  that 
the  next  narrative  in  the  volume  is  due.  The  True 
Relation  of  the  Stratagem  practised  upon  a  sea-town  in 
Galicia,  illustrates  the  history  of  the  war  between  England 
and  Spain  which  began  in  1625,  and  ended  in  1629.  It  is 
essentially  a  political  pamphlet,  written  to  incite  English- 
men to  courageous  deeds  against  their  ancient  enemies  the 
Spaniards,  and  the  statements  of  fact  which  it  contains  are 
of  little  value.  One  of  the  stories  it  tells  seems  to  be  the 
earliest  form  of  the  narrative  of  the  adventures  of  Richard 
Peeke,  which  is  printed  after  it.  Richard  Peeke's  account 
of  his  single  combat  has  doubtless  some  basis  of  fact.  A 
newsletter  of  the  time  records  his  return  to  England  after 
his  release  by  the  Spaniards,  and  says  that  he  brought  with 
him  a  challenge  from  Gondomar  to  Buckingham.^  His 
adventure  became  so  famous,  that  besides  being  the  subject 
of  the  poem  here  reprinted,  he  was  also  made  the  hero  of  a 
play  called  Dick  of  Devonshire.  ^     Peeke's  narrative  is  so 

^   Court  of  Charles  I.,  i.  p.  104. 
'  BuUen's  Old  flays,  ii.  pp.  1-99. 


xxxii  Stuart  Tracts 

well  written,  that  it  is  easy  to  understand  its  popularity. 
He  has  an  appreciation  of  the  dramatic  and  the  picturesque; 
he  brings  each  incident  vividly  before  his  readers,  from  the 
moment  when  he  finds  the  three  dead  Englishmen  lying  on 
the  seashore,  to  that  when  after  his  hard  won  victory  the 
Spanish  soldiers,  murmuring  and  biting  their  thumbs, 
threaten  him  with  death.  There  is  something  which 
reminds  one  of  Chevy  Chase  and  the  heroic  ballads  of  the 
Elizabethan  age  in  the  modest  depreciation  of  his  own 
prowess,  with  which  Peeke  protests  that  though  of  the 
fourteen  thousand  men  in  the  English  army,  above  twelve 
thousand  were  better  and  stouter  men  than  he  is,  yet, 
nevertheless,  he  is  willing  to  fight  any  one  they  choose  to  pit 
against  him.  Better  still  is  the  simplicity  and  the  fortitude 
of  his  farewell  to  his  fellow  prisoner  in  the  gaol  at  Cadiz. 

Robert  Lyde's  account  of  the  retaking  of  the  ship 
'  Friend's  Adventure'  has  some  points  of  resemblance  with 
Peeke's  narrative.  Each  fights  against  desperate  odds,  and 
Peeke's  quarter-staff  may  be  paralleled  by  Lyde's  iron  oar. 
But  there  is  a  considerable  difference  in  the  characters  of 
the  two  men,  and  Peeke  has  a  chivalrous  spirit  which  is 
wanting  in  Lyde.  There  is  also  the  difference,  that  while 
Peeke  was  obliged  to  fight  to  save  his  life,  Lyde's  life  was  in 
no  immediate  danger,  and  his  motive  was  simply  to  preserve 
his  freedom.  For  the  *  lusty  young  man  about  twenty- 
three  years  old,'  as  the  latter  terms  himself,  had  seen  the 
inside  of  one  French  prison,  and  preferred  to  die  fighting 
rather  than  to  set  his  foot  in  another.  Lyde's  account  of 
the  sufferings  endured  by  English  sailors,  who  happened  to 
be  prisoners  in  France,  is  fully  confirmed  by  the  detailed 
diary  which  another  sailor,  Richard  Strutton,  published  in 
1690.     In  Lyde  the  dread  of  a  French  prison  is  reinforced 


Introduction  xxxiii 

by  the  thirst  for  revenge.  When  he  sets  to  work  to 
recapture  his  ship,  he  determines  in  his  own  mind  exactly 
how  many  of  the  seven  Frenchmen  on  board  are  to  die  in 
the  conflict.  He  will  kill  three  and  no  more,  because  three 
of  his  old  shipmates  had  perished  in  their  prison  at  Dinan, 
and  when  he  was  back  in  England  again,  he  would  enter 
aboard  a  fireship,  in  order  to  avenge  the  other  four  hundred 
men  who  had  died  in  the  same  prison.  Lyde  is  singularly 
pious,  and  has  no  doubt  that  the  bloody  work  he  undertakes 
will  be  blessed  by  God.  He  reads  the  Bible  to  the  boy 
who  is  his  companion,  in  order  to  convince  him  of  the 
justice  of  their  enterprise.  Special  providences  encourage 
him  in  his  purpose  :  when  he  prays  for  a  south  wind,  the 
south  wind  comes  ;  when  for  a  south-west,  south-west  it  is. 
At  the  last,  with  one  brief  prayer,  he  springs  upon  his 
enemies :  '  Lord,  be  with  us  and  strengthen  us  in  the 
action.' 

Very  remarkable  too  is  Lyde's  forethought.  He  throws 
away  his  cap,  so  that  if  he  gets  a  blow  upon  the  head  in 
the  struggle,  he  may  be  killed  rather  than  stunned.  He 
drinks  a  pint  of  wine  and  'half-a-pint  of  oil'  to  make  him 
'  more  fit  for  action.' 

Lyde's  account  of  the  death  struggle  in  the  little  low 
cabin  is  extremely  graphic  ;  but  the  most  horribly  vivid 
thing  in  his  story  is  the  picture  of  the  wounded  man,  with 
the  blood  streaming  from  his  forehead,  'beating  his  hands 
upon  the  deck  to  make  a  noise,  that  the  men  at  the  pump 
might  hear:  for  he  would  not  cry  nor  speak.'  Finally,  to 
counterpoise  this  tragedy,  we  have  just  the  one  touch  of 
comedy  the  drama  requires,  in  the  broken  French  Lyde 
puts  into  the  mouths  of  the  vanquished.  '  Moy  travalli  pur 
Angleterre  se  vous  plea,'  cry  his  sometime  masters,  putting 

C  2 


xxxiv  Stuart  Tracts 

off  their  hats,  and  then  like  Pistol  to  the  French  prisoners 
after  Agincourt,  his  fury  abates,  and  he  promises  to  show 
mercy.  We  leave  Lyde  at  last  after  his  return  to  England, 
robbed  by  the  lawyers  of  the  bulk  of  his  well-earned  salvage 
money,  but  wearing  the  golden  chain  Queen  Mary  has  given 
him,  and  looking  forward  confidently  to  preferment  in  the 
navy. 

The  narrative  of  Henry  Pitman,  unlike  those  of  Peeke 
and  Lyde,  is  a  narrative  of  sufferings,  not  of  daring 
deeds.  The  adventures  he  met  with  were  forced  upon 
him  by  his  attempt  to  escape  from  captivity  ;  and  apart 
from  the  boldness  with  which  he  faced  the  dangers  of  the 
sea,  he  was  evidently  not  a  man  to  thrust  himself  into 
perils  which  it  was  possible  to  avoid.  The  peaceable 
surgeon  was  drawn  into  his  strange  experiences  by  fortune, 
just  as  he  was  accidentally  involved  in  the  fate  which  befell 
the  men  who  had  fought  for  Monmouth.  As  an  account 
of  the  servitude  to  which  the  western  rebels  were  con- 
demned Pitman's  story  should  be  compared  with  that  of 
his  fellow-sufferer,  John  Coad.  Coad's  narrative,  probably 
written  about  1692,  was  published  first  in  1849  under  the 
title  of  '  A  Memorandum  of  the  Wonderful  Providences  of 
God  to  a  poor  unworthy  creature  during  the  time  of  the 
Duke  of  Mottmouth's  Rebellion  and  to  the  Revolution  in 
1688.'  But  while  Coad  had  actually  fought  for  Mon- 
mouth and  had  received  two  wounds  in  his  service.  Pitman 
was  a  non-combatant,  and  the  one  passed  his  period  of 
servitude  in  Jamaica,  the  other  in  Barbadoes.  Pitman's 
narrative  was  freely  employed  by  Sir  Walter  Besant,  in 
the  historical  novel  entitled  For  Faith  and  Freedom,  which 
he  published  in  1889.  Lord  Macaulay,  who  read  Coad's 
narrative   in    manuscript,  refers  to  it  as  giving  '  the  best 


Introduction  xxxv 

account  of  the  sufferings  of  those  rebels  who  were  sentenced 
to  transportation,'  but  it  is  evident  that  he  never  saw 
Pitman's  Relation.  Had  he  done  so,  it  would  have  saved 
him  from  a  serious  error.  As  is  well  known  to  most  of  the 
readers  of  Macaulay's  History,  one  of  the  most  controverted 
questions  connected  with  it  is  the  justice  of  the  author's 
treatment  of  the  character  of  William  Penn.  Amongst 
other  charges,  Macaulay  accuses  Penn  of  being  the  agent 
employed  to  extract  the  ransom  of  the  '  Maids  of  Taunton  ' 
from  their  relatives.  The  advocates  of  the  Quaker  hero 
showed  that  the  mysterious  'Mr.  Penne'  employed  in 
this  transaction  was  probably  a  certain  George  Penne 
employed  in  another  business  of  the  same  kind.  Macaulay 
for  a  number  of  insufficient  reasons  refused  to  accept  this 
correction,  and  insisted  that  '  Mr.  Penne '  necessarily  meant 
Mr.  William  Penn.  One  of  his  arguments  was  that  it  was 
too  big  a  business  for  an  obscure  scoundrel  like  George 
Penne  to  be  employed  in.  Pitman's  narrative,  however 
shows  that  George  Penne  was  regularly  engaged  in  the 
buying  and  selling  of  prisoners,  and  completes  the  case 
against  Macaulay's  view.  Mr.  John  Paget  in  his  Paradoxes 
and  Puzzles  {"p.  13),  published  in  1874,  undertook  a  refuta 
tion  of  Macaulay's  charge  against  Penn,  but  Pitman's 
evidence  on  this  point  was  unknown  to  him.  Its  bearing 
on  the  question  was  first  pointed  out  by  Mr.  C.  E.  Doble 
in  two  letters  to  the  Academy  for  April  15,  1893,  ^"<^  March 
23)  1895.  Entries  in  the  Calendar  of  Colonial  State  Papers 
for  1685-1688  still  further  strengthen  the  case  against 
George  Penne  (p.  651). 

Apart  from  its  value  as  a  contribution  to  the  history  of 
the  sufferers  in  Monmouth's  rising,  Pitman's  tract  also 
throws  some  light  on  the  history  of  the  West  Indian  pirates 


xxxvi  Stuart  Tracts 

with  whom  the  fugitives  were  thrown  into  contact  during 
their  stay  at  Tortuga.  Captain  Yanche,  whom  Pitman 
mentions,  reappears  in  the  Colonial  State  Papers  as  Captain 
Yankey,  who  surrendered  in  1687  to  the  governor  of 
Jamaica.  New  Providence,  which  Pitman  visited,  became 
subsequently  the  chief  rendezvous  of  privateersmen  in 
those  seas.^  It  is  curious  to  note  that  these  pirates 
were  all  strongly  in  favour  of  Monmouth,  no  doubt  because 
these  constant  hostilities  with  the  Spaniards  had  sharpened 
their  Protestant  zeal.  John  Whickers's  captivity  at  Santiago, 
and  his  enforced  service  on  a  Spanish  privateer,  supplies 
an  instance  of  the  fate  which  befell  English  sailors  who  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  whether  the  said  sailors 
were  pirates  or  traders. 

The  adventurous  voyage  from  Barbadoes,  and  the  ex- 
periences of  the  castaways  on  the  island  of  Tortuga,  have 
an  interest  of  a  more  romantic  nature.  Sometimes,  as  Mr. 
Arber  is  careful  to  point  out,  we  are  reminded  of  incidents 
in  Robinson  Crusoe  ;  and  it  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that 
Defoe  was  familiar  with  Pitman's  narrative,  for  he  claimed 
to  have  been  out  with  Monmouth  himself,  and  at  all  events 
was  specially  interested  in  the  subject  of  the  ill-fated 
rebellion.  The  picture  of  Pitman  and  his  comrades  living 
on  turtles  and  whelks,  with  occasional  sea  birds  '  which  did 
eat  extreme  fishy,'  suggests  comparison  with  Crusoe ; 
though  Crusoe  was  never  so  destitute  of  tobacco  as  to  be 
driven  to  smoke  wild  sage  in  a  crab's  claw. 

C.  H.  FIRTH. 

»  Lucas,  Historical  Geography  of  the  British  Colonies,  ii.  p.  79. 


•CI-: 


OF  THE  ^ 

t    UNIVERSIT^' 


Sir  Robert  Carey. 

z/fccount  of  the  Death  of 

S^ueen  Klizabeth;  and  of  his 

ride  to  King  yjuEs  at 

Edinburgh 

1603 


Sir  Robert  Carey, 

Lord  Warden  of  the  Middle  Marches ; 

and  afterwards  Earl  of  Monmouth. 

Account  of  the  Death  of  ^leen  Elizabeth  ;  and  of 

his  ride  to  King  James  at  Edinburgh, 

2^th-2jth  March  1603. 


§ 

N  this  state  was  this  Middle  March  when 
James  came  in  King  of  England  :  and  in 
all  the  time  I  continued  Officer  there,  GOD 
so  blessed  me  and  all  the  actions  I  took  in 
hand,  that  I  never  failed  of  any  one  enter- 
prise :  but  they  were  all  effected  to  my 
own  desire  and  the  good  of  that  Govern- 
ment. Thus  passed  I  forty-two  of  my 
years;  [?  1560-1602],  GOD  assisting  with  his  blessing  and 
mighty  protection. 

After  that  all  things  were  quieted  and  the  Border  in  safety, 
towards  the  end  of  five  years  [i 598-1603]  that  I  had  been 
Warden  there  ;  having  little  to  do,  I  resolved  upon  a  journey 
to  Court,  to  see  my  friends  and  renew  my  acquaintance  there. 
I  took  my  journey  about  the  end  of  the  year  [whick,  accord- 
i}i,o  to  the  old  reckoning,  ended  oji  the  2^th  March  :  say  then, 
March  1603]. 

When  I  came  to  Court  \at  Richmond\  I  found  the  Queen 
ill  disposed,  and  she  kept  her  inner  lodging. 
Yet  she,  hearing  of  my  arrival,  sent  for  me. 
I  found  her  in  one  of  her  withdrawing  chambers,  sitting 
low  upon  her  cushions.     She  called  me  to  her. 

I  kissed  her  hand,  and  told  her,  It  was  my  chiefest  happi- 


^"^'u^/j'.]    The  last  week  of  Elizabeth's  life*        3 

ness  to  see  her  in  safety  and  health,  which  I  wished  might 
long  continue. 

She  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  wrung  it  hard  ;  and  said 
"No,  Robin,  I  am  not  well!"  and  then  discoursed  with  me 
of  her  indisposition,  and  that  her  heart  had  been  sad  and 
heavy  for  ten  or  twelve  days :  and,  in  her  discourse,  she 
fetched  not  so  few  as  forty  or  fifty  great  sighs. 

I  was  grieved,  at  the  first,  to  see  her  in  this  plight:  for, 
in  all  my  lifetime  before,  I  never  knew  her  fetch  a  sigh,  but 
when  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  beheaded.  Then  [in  1587], 
upon  my  knowledge,  she  shed  many  tears  and  sighs ;  mani- 
festing her  innocence  that  she  never  gave  consent  to  the 
death  of  that  Queen. 

1  used  the  best  words  I  could  to  persuade  her  from  this 
melancholy  humour ;  but  I  found,  by  her,  it  was  too  deep 
rooted  in  her  heart ;  and  hardly  to  be  removed. 

This  was  upon  a  Saturday  night  [?  igi/i  March  1 603] :  and 
she  gave  command  that  the  Great  Closet  should  be  prepared 
for  her  to  go  to  Chapel  the  next  morning. 

The  next  day,  all  things  being  in  a  readiness ;  we  long 
expected  her  coming. 

After  eleven  o'clock,  one  of  the  Grooms  [of  the  Chambers] 
came  out,  and  bade  make  ready  for  the  Private  Closet ;  for 
she  would  not  go  to  the  Great. 

There  we  stayed  long  for  her  coming :  but  at  last  she  had 
cushions  laid  for  her  in  the  Privy  Chamber,  hard  by  the 
Closet  door ;  and  there  she  heard  service. 

From  that  day  forwards,  she  grew  worse  and  worse.  She 
remained  upon  her  cushions  four  days  and  nights,  [?  Saturday 
igtk  to  Tuesday  22nd  March  1603]  at  the  least  All  about 
her  could  not  persuade  her,  either  to  take  any  sustenance, 
or  [to]  go  to  bed. 

I,  hearing  that  neither  her  Physicians,  nor  none  about  her, 
could  persuade  her  to  take  any  course  for  her  safety,  feared 
her  death  would  soon  after  ensue.  I  could  not  but  think  in 
what  a  wretched  estate  I  should  be  left :  most  of  my  liveli- 
hood depending  on  her  life.  And  hereupon  I  bethought 
myself  with  what  grace  and  favour  I  was  ever  received  by 
the  King  of  Scots,  whensoever  I  was  sent  to  him.    I  did 


4        Elizabeth  DESIGNATES  HER  SUCCESSOR,  [^""^^^et/" 

assure  myself  it  was  neither  unjust,  nor  unhonest,  for  me  to 
do  for  myself;  if  GOD,  at  that  time,  should  call  her  to  his 
mercy.  Hereupon  I  wrote  to  the  King  of  Scots,  knowing 
him  to  be  the  right  heir  to  the  Crown  of  England  ;  and 
certified  him  in  what  state  Her  Majesty  was.  I  desired  him 
not  to  stir  from  Edinburgh  :  and  if,  of  that  sickness  she  should 
die,  I  would  be  the  first  man  that  should  bring  him  news  of  it. 

The  Queen  grew  worse  and  worse,  because  she  would  be 
so  :  none  about  her  being  able  to  persuade  her  to  go  to  bed. 
[The  Earl  of  Nottingham]  my  Lord  Admiral  was  sent  for : 
who  (by  reason  of  my  sister  [Catharine]'s  death,  that  was  his 
wife)  had  absented  himself  some  fortnight  from  [the]  Court. 

What  by  fair  means,  what  by  force,  he  gat  her  to  bed. 
There  was  no  hope  of  her  recovery,  because  she  refused  all 
remedies. 

On  Wednesday,  the  23rd  of  March  [1603],  she  grew  speech- 
less. That  afternoon,  by  signs,  she  called  for  her  [Privy] 
Council :  and  by  putting  her  hand  to  her  head,  when  the 
King  of  Scots  was  named  to  succeed  her,  they  all  knew  he 
was  the  man  she  desired  should  reign  after  her. 

About  six  at  night,  she  made  signs  for  [John  Whitgift] 
the  Archbishop,  and  her  Chaplains  to  come  to  her.  At 
which  time,  I  went  in  with  them  ;  and  sat  upon  my  knees 
full  of  tears  to  see  that  heavy  sight. 

Her  Majesty  lay  upon  her  back  ;  with  one  hand  in  the 
bed,  and  the  other  without. 

The  [Arch]bishop  kneeled  down  by  her,  and  examined 
her  first  of  her  faith :  and  she  so  punctually  answered  all 
his  several  questions  by  lifting  up  her  eyes,  and  holding  up 
her  hand,  as  it  was  a  comfort  to  all  beholders. 

Then  the  good  man  told  her  plainly.  What  she  was  ;  and 
What  she  was  to  come  to :  and  though  she  had  been  long  a 
great  Queen  here  upon  earth  ;  yet  shortly  she  was  to  yield 
an  account  of  her  stewardship  to  the  King  of  Kings. 

After  this,  he  began  to  pray:  and  all  that  were  by  did 
answer  him.  After  he  had  continued  long  in  prayer,  till  the 
old  man's  knees  were  weary,  he  blessed  her,  and  meant  to 
rise  and  leave  her. 

The  Queen  made  a  sign  with  her  hand. 


^"^ul%'^  Queen  Elizabeth  dies  at  Richmond.      5 

My  sister  [Philadelphia,  Lady]  Scroope,  knowing  her 
meaning,  told  the  Bishop,  The  Queen  desired  he  would  pray 
still. 

He  did  so  for  a  long  half-hour  after;  and  then  thought  to 
have  left  her. 

The  second  time  she  made  sign  to  have  him  continue  in 
prayer. 

He  did  so  for  half  an  hour  more,  with  earnest  cries  to  GOD 
for  her  soul's  health  ;  which  he  uttered  with  that  fervency  of 
spirit  as  the  Queen,  to  all  our  sight,  much  rejoiced  thereat : 
and  gave  testimony  to  us  all,  of  her  Christian  and  comfort- 
able end. 

By  this  time,  it  grew  late ;  and  every  one  departed  :  all 
but  her  Women  that  attended  her. 

This  that  I  heard  with  my  ears,  and  did  see  with  my  eyes, 
I  thought  it  my  duty  to  set  down,  and  to  affirm  it  for  a 
truth  upon  the  faith  of  a  Christian  ;  because  I  know  there 
have  been  many  false  lies  reported  of  the  end  and  death  of 
that  good  Lady. 

I  went  to  my  lodging,  and  left  word  with  one  in  the 
Cofferer's  Chamber  to  call  me,  if  that  night  it  was  thought 
she  would  die  ;  and  gave  the  Porter  an  angel  [ios.  =  £2  now] 
to  let  me  in  at  any  time,  when  I  called. 


Between  one  and  two  of  the  clock  on  Thursday  morning 
[25th  March  1603],  he  that  I  left  in  the  Cofferer's  Chamber, 
brought  me  word,  "  The  Queen  was  dead." 

I  rose,  and  made  all  haste  to  the  Gate  [of  Richmond  Palace], 
to  get  in. 

There  I  was  answered,  I  could  not  enter :  the  Lords  of 
the  [Privy]  Council  having  been  with  him  [^/le  Porter\  and 
commanded  him  that  none  should  go  in  or  out,  but  by  War- 
rant from  them. 

At  the  very  instant,  one  of  the  Council  [Sir  Edward 
V<I<yT:i:0^,afterzvards  Lord  WOTTON ;  see  page  526]  the  Comp- 
troller [of  the  Household]  asked,  Whether  1  was  at  the  Gate? 

1  said,  "  Yes." 

He  said.  If  I  pleased,  he  would  let  me  in. 

I  desired  to  know  how  the  Queen  was. 


6        The  Council  remove  to  Whitehall,  p"^' 71627! 

He  answered,  "  Pretty  well." 

I  bade  him  "  Good  Night !  " 

He  replied  and  said,  "  Sir,  if  you  will  come  in  ;  I  will  give 
you  my  word  and  credit  you  shall  go  out  again  at  your  own 
pleasure." 

Upon  his  word,  I  entered  the  Gate,  and  came  up  to  the 
Cofferer's  Chamber  :  where  I  found  all  the  Ladies  weeping 
bitterly. 

He  \tke  Comptroller]  led  me  from  thence  to  the  Privy 
Chamber  ;  where  all  the  [Privy]  Council  was  assembled. 

There  I  was  caught  hold  of;  and  assured  1  should  not  go 
for  Scotland  till  their  pleasures  were  further  known. 

I  told  them,  "  I  came  of  purpose,  to  that  end." 

From  thence,  they  all  went  to  [Sir  ROBERT  CECIL]  the 
Secretary's  Chamber  :  and,  as  they  went,  they  gave  a  special 
command  to  the  Porters,  that  none  should  go  out  at  the 
Gates  but  such  servants  as  they  should  send  to  prepare  their 
coaches  and  horses  for  London. 

Thus  was  I  left,  in  the  midst  of  the  Court,  to  think  my 
own  thoughts  till  they  had  done  counsel.  I  went  to 
[George,  Lord  Hunsdon]  my  brother's  chamber:  who  was 
in  bed,  having  been  over-watched  many  nights  before. 

I  got  him  up  with  all  speed  ;  and  when  the  [Privy] 
Council's  men  were  going  out  of  the  Gate,  my  brother  thrust 
to  the  Gate. 

The  Porter,  knowing  him  to  be  a  Great  Officer,  let  him 
out.     I  pressed  after  him,  and  was  stayed  by  the  Porter. 

My  brother  said  angrily  to  the  Porter,  "  Let  him  out,  I 
will  answer  for  him  !  "  Whereupon  I  was  suffered  to  pass  : 
which  I  was  not  a  little  glad  of. 

I  got  to  horse,  and  rode  to  the  Knight  Marshal's  Lodging 
by  Charing  Cross  ;  and  there  stayed  till  the  Lords  [of  the 
Privy  Council]  came  to  Whitehall  Garden. 

I  stayed  there  till  it  was  nine  a  clock  in  the  morning ; 
and  hearing  that  all  the  Lords  were  in  the  Old  Orchard  at 
Whitehall,  I  sent  the  [Knight]  Marshal  to  tell  them.  That  I 
had  stayed  all  that  while,  to  know  their  pleasures  ;  and  that  I 
would  attend  them,  if  they  would  command  me  any  service. 

They  were  very  glad  when  they  heard  I  was  not  gone : 


^"^■?i627:]    Sir  R.  Carey's  ride  to  Edinburgh.  7 

and  desired  the  [Knight]  Marshal  to  send  for  me;  and  I 
should,  with  all  speed,  be  despatched  for  Scotland. 

The  [Knight]  Marshal  believed  them ;  and  sent  Sir 
Arthur  Savage  for  me, 

I  made  haste  to  them. 

One  of  the  [Privy]  Council,  [Sir  WILLIAM  Knollys]  my 
Lord  of  [Banbury]  that  now  is  [see  page  526],  whispered 
the  [Knight]  Marshal  in  the  ear,  and  told  him.  If  I  came ; 
they  would  stay  me,  and  send  some  other  in  my  stead. 

The  [Knight]  Marshal  got  from  them ;  and  met  me 
coming  to  them,  between  the  two  Gates.  He  bade  me,  Be 
gone !  for  he  had  learned,  for  certain,  that  if  I  came  to  them, 
they  would  betray  me. 


I  returned,  and  took  horse  between  nine  and  ten  a  clock ; 
and  [by]  that  night  rode  to  Doncaster  [162  miles  from  Lon- 
don ;  and  2^^  miles  from  Edinburgh\ 

The  Friday  night  [the  26th],  I  came  to  my  own  house  at 
Widdrington  [298  miles  from  London ;  and  99  miles  from 
Edinburgh] ;  and  presently  took  order  with  my  Deputies  [of 
the  Middle  Marches,  HENRY  WiDDRINGTON  and  WILLIAM 
Fenwick  ;  see  page  499]  to  see  the  Borders  kept  in  quiet ; 
which  they  had  much  to  do :  and  gave  order  [that],  the  next 
morning,  the  King  of  Scotland  should  be  proclaimed  King 
of  England  [at  Widdrington] ;  and  at  Morpeth  [289  miles 
from  London\  and  Alnwick  [306  miles  from  London\ 

Very  early,  on  Saturday  [27th  March  1603],  I  took  horse 
[at  Widdrington]  for  Edinburgh ;  and  came  to  Norham 
[331  miles  from  London^  8  miles  South  of  Berzvick,  and  66 
miles  from  Edinburgh],  about  twelve  at  noon.  So  that  I 
might  well  have  been  with  the  King  at  supper  time :  but  I 
got  a  great  fall  by  the  way  [i.e.  after  leaving  Norham] ;  and 
my  horse,  with  one  of  his  heels,  gave  me  a  great  blow  on  the 
head,  that  made  me  shed  much  blood.  It  made  me  so  weak, 
that  I  was  forced  to  ride  a  soft  pace  after  :  so  that  the  King 
was  newly  gone  to  bed  by  the  time  I  knocked  at  the  gate 
[of  Holyrood  House,  Edinburgh]. 


I  was  quickly  let  in ;  and  carried  up  to  the  King's  Chamber. 


8      Sir  R.  Carey  salutes  James  I.  as  King,  [^'"^•ne^?: 

I  kneeled  by  him,  and  saluted  him  by  his  title  of  "  England, 
Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland." 

He  gave  me  his  hand  to  kiss ;  and  bade  me  welcome. 

After  he  had  long  discoursed  of  the  manner  of  the  Queen's 
sickness,  and  of  her  death  ;  he  asked,  What  letters  I  had 
from  the  [Privy]  Council? 

I  told  him,  "  None  "  :  and  acquainted  him  how  narrowly  I 
[had]  escaped  from  them.  And  yet  I  brought  him  a  blue 
ring  from  a  Lady,*  that  I  hoped  would  give  him  assurance 
of  the  truth  that  I  had  reported. 

He  took  it,  and  looked  upon  it,  and  said,  "  It  is  enough. 
I  know  by  this,  you  are  a  true  messenger," 

Then  he  committed  me  to  the  charge  of  my  Lord 
Home  ;  and  gave  straight  command  that  I  should  want 
nothing. 

He  sent  for  his  Chirurgions  to  attend  me ;  and  when  I 
kissed  his  hand,  at  my  departure,  he  said  to  me  these  graci- 
ous words  : 

"  I  know  you  have  lost  a  near  kinswoman  and  a  loving 
Mistress  :  but  take  here  my  hand,  I  will  be  as  good  a  Master 
to  you  ;  and  will  requite  you  this  service  with  honour  and 
reward." 

So  I  left  him  that  night,  and  went  with  my  Lord  HOME 
to  my  lodging :  where  I  had  all  things  fitting  for  so  weary 
a  man  as  I  was.  After  my  head  was  dressed,  I  took  leave 
of  my  Lord  and  many  others  that  attended  me ;  and  went 
to  my  rest. 

•  The  account  of  the  blue  ring  which  Lady  Elizabeth  Spelman 
grave  to  Lord  CORKE  was  this  : — 

King  James  kept  a  constant  and  private  correspondence  with  several 
persons  of  the  English  Court,  during  many  years  before  Queen  Eliza- 
beth died.  Among  them  was  [Philadelphia]  Lady  Scroope  [see 
page  478],  sister  of  Sir  Robert  Carey  :  to  whom  His  Majesty  sent,  by 
Sir  James  Fullerton,  a  sapphire  ring  ;  with  positive  orders  to  re- 
turn it  to  him,  by  a  special  messenger,  as  soon  as  the  Queen  was 
actually  expired. 

Lady  Scroope  had  no  opportunity  of  delivering  it  to  her  brother  Sir 
ROBFRT,  whilst  he  was  in  the  Palace  of  Richmond  ;  but  waiting  at  the 
window  till  she  saw  him  at  the  outside  of  the  Gate  [see  page  480],  she 
threw  it  out  to  him  ;  and  he  well  knew  to  what  purpose  he  received  it. 

S.E.B.  [Sir  S.  E.  Brydges.]  Memoirs  of  the  Peers  af  Engla7id 
during  the  reign  of  James  I., -p.  a^i  2.      Ed.  1802.     8vo. 


^" ^'  u'6%'^  Made  a  Gentleman  of  the  Bedchamber.     9 

The  next  morning  [Sunday,  28th  March  1603],  by  ten 
a  clock,  my  Lord  HoME  was  sent  to  me  from  the  King,  to 
know  how  I  had  rested  :  and  withal  said,  That  His  Majesty 
commanded  him  to  know  of  me,  What  it  was  that  I  desired 
most  that  he  should  do  for  me?  [and]  bade  me,  Ask,  and  it 
should  be  granted. 

I  desired  my  Lord  to  say  to  His  Majesty  from  me,  That 
I  had  no  reason  to  importune  him  for  any  suit ;  for  that  I 
had  not,  as  yet,  done  him  any  service :  but  my  humble 
request  to  His  Majesty  was  to  admit  me  a  Gentleman  of 
his  Bedchamber;  and  hereafter,  I  knew,  if  His  Majesty  saw 
me  worthy,  I  should  not  want  to  taste  of  his  bounty. 

My  Lord  returned  this  answer,  That  he  [t/ie  King]  sent  me 
word  back,  "  with  all  his  heart,  I  should  have  my  request." 

And  the  next  time  I  came  to  Court,  which  was  some  four 
days  after  [Thursday,  ist  April  1603],  at  night,  I  was  called 
into  his  Bedchamber :  and  there,  by  my  Lord  [the  Duke  of 
Lenox,  afterwards  Duke]  of  RICHMOND,  in  his  presence,  I 
was  sworn  one  of  the  Gentlemen  of  his  Bedchamber ;  and 
presently  I  helped  to  take  off  his  clothes,  and  stayed  till  he 
was  in  bed. 

After  this,  there  came,  daily,  Gentlemen  and  Noblemen 
from  our  Court ;  and  the  King  set  down  a  fixed  day  [Tues- 
day, 5  th  April  1603]  for  his  departure  towards  London. 


Upon  the  report  of  the  Queen's  death,  the  East  Border 
broke  forth  into  great  unruliness  ;  insomuch  as  many  com- 
plaints came  to  the  King  thereof.  I  was  desirous  to  go  to 
appease  them  ;  but  I  was  so  weak  and  ill  of  my  head,  that 
I  was  not  able  to  undertake  such  a  journey  [expedition']  :  but 
I  offered  that  I  would  send  my  two  Deputies,  that  should 
appease  the  trouble  and  make  them  quiet;  which  was  by 
them,  shortly  after,  effected. 

Now  was  I  to  begin  a  new  World :  for  by  the  King's 
coming  to  the  crown,  I  was  to  lose  the  best  part  of  my 
living.  For  [with  the  death  of  the  Queen]  my  Office  of 
Wardenry  ceased  ;  and  I  lost  the  pay  of  40  Horse :  which 
were  not  so  little,  both  [of  them]  as  ;^i,ooo  per  annum. 


to  James  I.  deceives  Carey's  hopes.    [^'''^•^627: 

Most  of  the  Great  Ones  in  Court  envied  my  happiness, 
when  they  heard  I  was  sworn  of  the  King's  Bedchamber : 
and  in  Scotland  I  had  no  acquaintance.  I  only  relied  on 
GOD  and  the  King.  The  one  never  left  me:  the  other, 
shortly  after  his  coming  to  London,  deceived  my  expecta- 
tion ;  and  adhered  to  those  that  sought  my  ruin. 


The 

True    Narration 

of  the 

Entertainment  of  His  Royal  Majesty,  from 

the   time   of  his   departure   from 

Edinburgh  till  his  receiving 

at  London : 

with  all,  or  the  most  special.  Occurrences. 

TOGETHER    WITH 

The  names  of  those  Gentlemen  whom 
His  Majesty  honoured  with  Knighthood. 


AT    LONDON. 

Printed  by  Thomas  Creede 

for  Thomas  Millington. 

1603. 


13 


To  the  Reader. 


Fter  long  travail  to  be  informed  of  every 
particular,  as  much  as  diligence  might 
prevail  in;  this  small  Work  of  His 
Majesty's  Receiving  and  Royal  Entertain- 
ment is  brought  forth  :  which,  though  it  may  seem 
to  have  been  too  long  deferred  \This  booh  was 
entered  at  Stationers'  Hall  on  the  gth  May  1603, 
Arber,  Transcript^  etc.  ///.,  p.  234.  It  however 
contains  information  up  to  the  \Zth  of  that  month, 
see  page  ]  ;  yet  seeing  nothing  thereof  hath  been 
public,  no  time  can  be  too  late  to  express  so  excellent 
a  matter.  Wherein  the  dutiful  love  of  many  noble 
subjects  so  manifestly  appeared  to  our  dread  Lord 
and  Sovereign,  and  his  royal  thankfulness  in 
exchange  for  that  which  was  indeed  but  duty  ;  though 
so  adorned  with  munificent  bounty,  that  most 
Houses  where  His  Highness  rested  were  so  furnished 
by  the  owners  with  plenty  of  delights  and  delicates, 
that  there  was  discerned  no  negligence ;  but  if 
there  were  any  offence,  the  sin  only  appeared  in 
excess — as  more  at  large  you  shall  hereafter  perceive  ; 
where  the  truth  of  everything  is  rather  pointed  at, 
than  stood  upon. 


14  TotheReader.  [May^i'e^: 

All  diligence  was  used  to  get  the  names  of  those 
Gentlemen  that  in  sundry  places  received  the  honour 
of  Knighthood  ;  and  what  the  Heralds  have  in 
register  are  duly  set  down,  both  for  name,  time, 
and  place.  If  any  be  omitted ;  let  it  please  them 
but  to  signify  their  names,  and  the  House  where 
they  received  that  honour :  and  there  shall  be 
additions  put  to  this  impression  ;  or,  at  least,  which 
will  be  by  order  more  fitly,  placed  in  the  next. 
Many,  I  am  sure,  there  are  not  missing  :  and  only 
in  that  point  we  are  somewhat  doubtful.  The  rest 
is,  from  His  Highness's  departure  from  Edinburgh 
[to]  his  coming  to  London,  so  exactly  set  down  as 
nothing  can  be  added  to  it  but  superfluous  words ; 
which  we  have  strived  to  avoid. 

Thine, 

T.  M, 


A  Narration  of  the  Progress  and  Entertainment 

of  the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty^ 

with  the  Occurrents  happening 

in  the  same  fourney. 


He  eternal  Majesty,  in  whose  hand  are 
both  the  mean  and  mighty  of  the  earth, 
pleased  to  deliver  from  weakness  of  body 
and  grief  of  mind,  ELIZABETH  his  Hand 
Maid,  our  late  royal  Mistress  and  gracious 
Sovereign  :  easing  her  age  from  the  burthen 
of  earthly  Kingdoms,  and  placing  her, 
as  we  steadfastly  hope,  in  his  heavenly 
empire ;  being  the  resting  place,  after  death,  for  all  them 
that  believe  faithfully  in  their  life. 

Thursday,  the  24th  of  March,  some  two  hours  after  mid- 
night \i.e.  2$tk  March  1603],  departed  the  spirit  of  that 
great  Princess  from  the  prison  of  her  weak  body ;  which 
now  sleeps  in  the  Sepulchre  of  her  grandfather  [i.e.  in 
Henry  VII! s  Chapel  in  Westminster  Abbey\ 

The  Council  of  State  and  the  Nobility  (on  whom  the 
care  of  all  the  country  chiefly  depended),  immediately 
assembling  together,  no  doubt  assisted  with  the  Spirit 
of  Truth,  considering  the  infallible  right  of  our  Sovereign 
Lord,  King  James,  took  such  order  that  the  news  of  the 
Queen's  death  should  no  sooner  be  spread  to  deject  the 
hearts  of  the  people ;  but,  at  the  instant,  they  should  be 
comforted  with  the  Proclaiming  of  the  King. 

Being  hereon  determined,  Sir  Robert  Carey  took  his 
journey  in  post  towards  Scotland,  to  signify  to  the  King's 
Majesty  the  sad  tidings  of  his  Royal  Sister's  death ;  and 
the  joyful  hearts  of  his  subjects  that  expected  no  comfort 
but  in,  and  by,  His  Majesty's  blessed  Government. 

This  noble  Gentleman's  care  was  such  that  he  intermitted 
no  time:  but,  notwithstanding  his  sundry  shift[s]  of  horses 
and  some  falls  that  bruised  him  very  sore,  he  by  the  way^ 
proclaimed  the  King  at  Morpeth. 


1 6       Sir  R.  Carey  arrives  at  Edinburgh,     [nay'^e^. 

And,  on  Saturday  [26th  March  1603],  coming  to  Berwick, 
acquainting  his  worthy  brother,  Sir  JOHN  Carey,  how  all 
things  stood,  posted  on  to  Edinburgh  ;  where  he  attained 
that  night :  having  ridden  near[ly]  400  miles  in  less  than 
three  days. 

But  before  we  come  there,  you  shall  understand  what 
was  instantly  done  at  Berwick  by  Sir  John  Carey,  upon 
the  news  brought  by  Sir  ROBERT  his  brother.  Who,  like 
a  worthy  soldier  and  politic  Statesman,  considering  it  was 
a  town  of  great  import  and  a  place  of  war  {Berwick  was 
the  Portsmouth  of  England  at  this  time,  and  bridled  Scotland] ; 
he  caused  all  the  garrison  to  be  summoned  together,  as 
also  the  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Burgesses  :  in  whose  presence 
he  made  a  short  and  pithy  Oration,  including  Her  Majesty's 
death,  and  signifying  the  intent  of  the  State  for  submitting 
to  their  lawful  Lord. 

And  presently,  with  great  contentment  of  all  parties.  His 
Majesty  was  proclaimed  King  of  England,  Scotland, 
France,  etc.  on  Saturday,  in  the  afternoon,  being  the 
26th  of  March  [1603],  about  three  of  the  clock.  Where 
all  the  people,  though  they  grieved  for  their  late  Queen  ; 
yet  was  grief  suddenly  turned  to  pleasure,  in  expectation 
of  their  new  King.  But  we  will  post  from  Berwick  after 
Sir  Robert  Carey,  and  overtake  him  in  Edinburgh. 

You  understood  before,  that  Sir  ROBERT  came  to  Edin- 
burgh on  Saturday  night ;  where,  being  admitted  to  the 
King,  be-blooded  with  great  falls  and  bruises,  [he]  brought 
His  Highness  the  first  news  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  death: 
which  howsoever  it  presented  him  with  kingdoms,  glory, 
and  immense  wealth  ;  yet,  like  his  royal  self,  he  showed 
apparent  signs  of  princely  sorrow.  And  dismissing  Sir 
Robert  Carey,  after  so  great  toil,  to  his  repose :  His 
Majesty  continued  in  his  grief;  and  through  that,  expressed 
his  true  piety. 

It  was  thought  necessary  in  so  high  affairs  to  let  slip 
no  occasion,  however  sorrow  particularly  touched  His 
Majesty  for  the  loss  of  his  private  friend  and  royal  Sister ; 
yet  the  general  care  as  well  of  those  his  people  in  Scotland 


May^i6^.]  Bp.  Bothwell  as  Governor  of  Berwick.     17 

as  for  us  in  England,  caused  him  on  Sunday,  being  the  27th 
of  March  [1603],  to  despatch  [John  Bothwell]  the  Bishop 
of  HOLYROODHOUSE  to  Berwick:  that  he  might  receive 
the  town  to  his  use,  as  the  nearest  place  wherein,  by  right, 
he  claimed  possession. 

Who  accordingly,  making  all  the  speed  he  might,  came 
to  Berwick ;  where  of  the  Governor  he  was  honourably 
entertained :  and,  after  signifying  His  Majesty's  pleasure, 
reposed  himself  for  that  night. 

On  Monday,  being  the  28th  of  March,  by  sound  of 
trumpet,  the  Governor,  Mayor,  Officers,  and  Council  of  the 
town  were  assembled  at  the  Cross  ;  where  there  the  Governor 
[Sir  John  Carey]  surrendered  to  the  Bishop  of  Holyrood- 
HOUSE  his  staff  and  all  his  authority,  unto  the  King's 
Majesty's  use.  So  likewise  did  the  Mayor  deliver  up  the 
keys  of  the  town. 

And  the  said  Bishop,  being  thus  seised  of  all  authority 
to  His  Majesty's  use,  ministered  the  Oath  of  Allegiance 
unto  the  Governor,  Mayor,  and  the  Superior  Officers 
belonging  to  the  garrison  and  to  the  town. 

Which  oath  taken,  the  Bishop  of  HoLYROODHOUSE 
(expressing  the  gracious  intention  of  His  Majesty,  as  well 
to  them  as  all  others  his  subjects  of  England  whom  he  found 
like  them  affected :  which  was  rather  to  maintain,  than  to 
infringe,  their  Charters ;  to  give,  than  to  take  from  them 
anything)  redelivered  the  keys  and  staff  of  authority  to  the 
Mayor  and  Governor.  So  likewise  to  every  Commander, 
Captain,  Lieutenant,  and  whatsoever  Office  they  had  before 
Her  Majesty's  death,  there,  in  the  King's  name,  he  confirmed 
them :  to  their  great  joy  and  contentment.  Thus  spent 
the  Lord  of  Holyroodhouse  the  first  part  of  Monday  in 
Berwick  ;  and  dined  with  the  Magistrates. 

In  the  afternoon,  the  Lord  Governor  and  his  chief  Officers 
of  place  called  together  all  the  soldiers  that  were  under  pay ; 
so  did  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen  convene  all  the  communalty 
of  the  town.  To  whom  when  the  oath  was  read,  and  the 
Magistrates  had  certified  them  that  they  had  been  their 
example ;  the  Lord  of  Holyroodhouse  wondered  at,  and 
much  commended,  their  joy  and  readiness  to  be  sworn 
servants  to  so  regal  a  Master.  Which  he  amply  discoursed 
at  his  return  to  Edinburgh  the  next  day ;  not  hiding  any 

B  2 


1 8  James  I.'s  farewell  Speech  at  Edinburgh. [May^ieoj: 

of  their  forward  applauses,  but  delivered  their  willingness 
to  His  Highness  with  express  and  lively  words:  assuring 
him,  by  his  entrance  into  England  at  that  little  door,  how 
welcome  into  the  wide  house  His  Excellence  should  be. 

While  this  was  a  doing  in  Berwick,  there  drew  to  the 
King  hourly  most  of  the  Nobility  in  Scotland,  with  sundry 
Knights  and  Gentlemen  ;  gratulating  the  great  blessings 
befallen  His  Highness,  and  attending  his  royal  pleasure. 

Besides,  many  numbers  of  Gentlemen  came  out  of  England 
to  salute  His  Majesty  ;  all  [of]  whom  he  graciously  welcomed, 
and  honoured  one  of  them  with  the  Order  of  Knighthood,* — 
being  Master  John  Peyton  [co.  Norf],  son  to  Sir  John 
Peyton,  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower  of  London.  This  being  to 
that  noble  Gentleman  no  little  glory  that  he  was  first  Knight — 
yea,  named  by  the  King's  Majesty  "  his  first  Knight " — 
that  was  made  by  our  Sovereign  after  he  was  nominated 
and  truly  known  to  be  the  mightiest  King  in  Europe. 

During  the  continuance  of  His  Majesty  in  Scotland,  before 
his  Progress  towards  England,  his  whole  care  was  for  the 
peaceable  government  of  that  Realm,  from  which  he  was  a 
while  to  part.  And  to  that  end,  he  had  sundry  conferences 
with  his  Nobility,  laying  the  safest  projects  that,  in  his  wisdom 
and  their  experiences,  seemed  likely  for  effecting  his  royal 
desire :  which,  GOD  willing,  will  come  to  pass  to  his  great 
liking  and  [the]  benefit  of  both  the  Realms. 

But  that  it  might  more  to  his  people  appear ;  he  in  person 
came  graciously  to  the  city  of  Edinburgh,  unto  the  Public 
Sermon.  And  after  the  Sermon  was  finished,  in  a  most 
learned  but  more  loving  Oration,  he  expressed  his  occasion 
of  leaving  them,  to  the  burgesses  and  a  number  of  the  people  : 
exhorting  them  to  continue  in  obedience,  being  the  bond 
that  binds   Princes  to  affect  their   subjects,   which   broken 

*As  recorded  in  this  Narrative,  James  L  made  303  Knights  during 
his  Progress  to  London  ;  and,  in  all,  2323  during  his  reign  in  England. 
The  spelling  of  their  names  is  given  here  according  to  J.  P.  [John 
Philipot],  Somerset  Herald,  his  A  perfect  Collection  of  all  Knight 
Bachelors  made  by  King  J  AMES, Sfr'C.  London.  1660.  8  vo.  From  which 
authority  also,  their  Counties  are  here  inserted  between  square  brackets. 
Names  in  Philipot,  and  not  in  this  text,  are  also  inserted  in  square 
brackets.  E.  A. 


May^i'e^:]  He  is  proclaimed  King  of  England,  &c.     19 

on  their  part  he  trusted  should  never  be,  and  of  his  they  were 
assured  ;  persuading  them  also  to  agreement  amongst  them- 
selves, being  the  bond  of  charity  that  tied  all  men,  especially 
Christians,  to  love  and  bear  with  one  another.  In  which 
obedience  to  him,  and  agreement  amongst  themselves  if 
they  continued  :  howsoever  he  was,  in  a  manner,  at  that  time, 
constrained  to  leave  them  ;  yet  he  would,  in  his  own  person, 
visit  them,  and  that  shortly,  in  times  convenient  and  most 
necessary  for  his  own  advancement  and  their  benefit. 

Yet  for  all  his  kingly  oratory,  mild  behaviour,  and  true 
intention  ;  the  people's  hearts  against  his  departure  were 
even  dead  :  and  grief  seized  every  private  man's  reins,  saving 
only  those  that  were  made  happy  by  attending  his  royal 
person  into  England. 

For  now  they  began  duly  to  think  upon  his  unmatched 
virtues,  which  never  the  most  malicious  enemy  could  impeach  : 
being  in  the  World's  eye  innocent  of  any  capital  and 
notorious  crime,  but  such  as  may  be  incident  to  any  just 
man ;  who  daily  falls,  but  never  falls  away.  They  now 
considered  his  affability,  mercy,  justice,  and  magnanimity. 
They  remembered  how,  in  late  years,  Scotland,  by  his 
government,  had  increased  in  more  riches  than  in  the  time 
of  many  [of]  his  predecessors  :  besides,  his  care  for  establish- 
ing true  religion,  his  traffic  almost  with  all  nations,  the 
royalty  of  his  marriage,  the  blessings  hoped  for  by  his  issue. 

And  such  a  universal  sorrow  was  amongst  them,  that 
some  of  the  meaner  sort  spake  even  distractedly ;  and 
[there  were]  none  but,  at  his  departing  (which  yet  we  are 
not  come  unto),  expressed  such  sorrow  as  in  that  nation 
hath  seldom  been  seen  the  like :  albeit  the  King's  Majesty 
was  possessed  of  that  which  the  common  sort  of  the  nation 
long  wished  for  ;  I  mean,  the  Kingdom  [of  England]. 

The  31st  of  March  [1603],  being  Thursday,  His  Majesty, 
with  great  solemnity  and  pomp,  was  proclaimed  King  of 
England,  Scotland,  France  and  Ireland,  at  the  Market 
Cross  of  Edinburgh,  in  presence  of  the  whole  Officers  of. 
Estate  of  the  Realm,  and  many  of  the  Nobility  of  Scotland, 
and  sundry  Knights  and  Gentlemen  of  England. 

And  in  the  evening  of  that  day,  there  were  many 
hundreds  of  bonfires  made  all  about  the  city ;   with  great 


20       James  I.  sets  forth  from  Edinburgh.  [May^ieS 

feasting  and  merriment  held  till  the  appearing  of  the  next 
day. 

But  as  joyful  as  they  were  of  His  Majesty's  great 
advancement,  and  enlarging  of  his  Empire ;  so  were  they, 
as  I  before  noted,  for  their  private  want  of  him  no  less 
filled  with  grief  as,  above  all  other  times,  was  most 
apparently  expressed  at  his  departure  from  Edinburgh 
towards  England  :  the  cries  of  [the]  poor  people  being 
so  lamentable  and  confused  that  it  moved  His  Majesty 
to  much  compassion  ;  yet  seeing  their  clamours  were  only 
of  affection  and  not  grounded  on  reason,  with  many  gracious 
and  loving  words  he  left  them,  and  proceeded  on  his  Progress. 

It  was  the  5th  of  April,  being  Tuesday,  that  His  Majesty 
departed  from  Edinburgh,  gallantly  accompanied  with 
multitudes  of  his  Nobility,  Lords,  Barons,  and  Gentlemen  of 
Scotland ;  and  some  French,  as  the  French  Ambassor, 
being  Leger  [?  resident]  in  Scotland,  whose  wife  was  carried 
betwixt  Edinburgh  and  London  by  eight  pioneers  or  porters  ; 
one  four  to  relieve  the  other  four  by  turns,  carrying  her  in  a 
chair  with  slings. 

As  also  His  Majesty,  being  accompanied  with  his  own 
attendants,  as  the  Duke  of  Lenox,  the  Earl  of  Argyle, 
the  Earl  of  MURRAY,  the  Earl  of  Cassillis,  the  Earl  of  Mar, 
the  Lord  HOME,  the  Lord  Oliphant,  and  sundry  others 
too  tedious  in  this  place  to  be  repeated ;  for  that  several 
their  names  shall  hereafter  be  more  particularly  expressed. 

Besides,  there  were  in  His  Highness's  train,  many 
numbers  of  gallant  and  well  appointed  English  Knights  and 
Gentlemen :  who  attended  His  Majesty  that  day  from 
Edinburgh  unto  Dunglass,  a  House  of  the  Lord  Home's  ; 
where  His  Excellence  reposed  himself  that  night. 

Wednesday,  the  6th  of  April,  His  Majesty  progressed 
from  Dunglass  towards  Berwick :  having  then  attending  on 
him  many  more  Noblemen  Knights  and  Gentlemen  ;  besides 
the  Lords  Wardens  of  the  Borders  of  England  and  Scotland, 
attended  by  the  Borderers  with  several  companies  to  receive 
him.  The  Lord  Governor  of  Berwick  also,  being  accom- 
panied with  all  the  Council  of  War,  the  Constables  with 
their  Cornets  of  Horse,  and  divers  of  the  Captains ;    the 


May^i'e^:]         His  reception  at  Berwick.  21 

Band  of  Gentlemen  Pensioners  [of  Berwick]  with  divers 
Gentlemen  ;  advanced  forward  to  entertain  and  conduct  His 
Majesty  into  the  town  of  Berwick. 

Happy  day,  when  peaceably  so  many  warlike  English  Gen- 
tlemen went  to  bring  in  an  English  and  Scottish  King,  both  in- 
cluded in  one  person,  into  that  town  that,  many  a  hundred 
years,  hath  been  a  town  of  the  enemy ;  or  at  the  least  held, 
in  all  leagues,  either  for  one  nation  or  the  other.  But  the 
King  of  Peace  have  glory,  that  so  peaceably  hath  ordained 
a  King,  descended  from  the  royal  blood  of  either  nation,  to 
make  that  town,  by  his  possessing  it,  a  harbour  for  English 
and  Scots,  without  thought  of  wrong  or  grudging  envy. 

Not  to  digress  longer,  these  gallants  met  him  and  were 
graciously  respected  of  His  Highness  ;  so  falling  in  among 
the  other  Trophies,  they  set  forward. 

And  when  His  Highness  came  within  some  half  mile  of 
the  town,  and  began  to  take  view  thereof;  it  suddenly 
seemed  like  an  enchanted  Castle.  For  from  the  mouths  of 
dreadful  engines  (not  long  before  full  fed,  by  moderate  arts- 
men  that  knew  how  to  stop  and  empty  the  brass  and  iron 
paunches,  of  those  roaring  noises)  came  such  a  tempest  as 
dreadful,  and  sometimes  more  deathful,  than  thunder ;  that 
all  the  ground  thereabout  trembled  as  in  an  earthquake,  the 
houses  and  towers  staggering :  wrapping  the  whole  town  in 
a  mantle  of  smoke,  wherein  the  same  was  a  while  hid  from 
the  sight  of  his  royal  owner. 

But  nothing  violent  can  be  permanent.  It  was  too  hot  to 
last :  and  yet  I  have  heard  it  credibly  reported,  that  a  better 
Peal  of  Ordnance  was  never,  in  any  soldier's  memory  (and 
there  are  some  [of]  old  King  Harry's  lads  in  Berwick,  I 
can  tell  you  !  )  discharged  in  that  place.  Neither  was  it  very 
strange,  for  no  man  can  remember  Berwick  honoured  with 
the  approach  of  so  powerful  a  Master. 

Well,  the  King  is  now  very  near  the  gates :  and  as  all 
darkness  flies  before  the  face  of  the  sun,  so  did  these  clouds 
of  smoke  and  gunpowder  vanish  at  his  gracious  approach. 

In  the  clearness  of  which  fair  time,  issued  out  of  the  town 
Master  WiLLlAM  Selby  [co.  Northumb.]  Gentleman, 
Porter  of  Berwick,  with  divers  Gentlemen  of  good  repute ; 
and  [he],  humbling  himself  before  the  King's  Majesty, 
presented  unto  him  the  keys  of  all  the  ports  [gates] — who 


2  2    Address  of  the  Corporation  of  Berwick.  [May^ieo^ 

received  them  graciously :  and  when  His  Highness  was 
entered  betwixt  the  gates,  he  restored  to  the  said  Master 
Selby  the  keys  again,  and  graced  him  with  the  honour  of 
Knighthood,  for  this  his  especial  service  ;  in  that  he  was  the 
first  man  that  possessed  His  Excellence  of  those  keys,  Ber- 
wick indeed  being  the  gate  that  opened  into  all  his  dominions. 

This  done,  His  Highness  entered  the  second  gate,  and 
being  within  both  the  walls  he  was  received  by  the  Captain 
of  the  Ward :  and  so  passed  through  a  double  Guard  of 
soldiers,  well  armed  in  all  points  ;  but,  with  looks  humble 
and  words  cheerful,  they  gave  His  Majesty  to  know  their 
hearts  witnessed  that  their  arms  were  worn  only  to  be  used 
in  his  royal  service. 

Between  this  Guard,  His  Majesty  passed  on  to  the  Market 
Cross,  where  the  Mayor  and  his  Brethren  [the  Aldermen] 
received  him  with  no  small  signs  of  joy,  and  such  signs  of 
triumph  as  the  brevity  of  time  for  preparation  would  admit. 
But  the  common  people  seemed  so  overwrapt  with  his 
presence,  that  they  omitted  nothing,  their  power  and 
capacities  could  attain  unto,  to  express  loyal  duty  and 
hearty  affection  :  kneeling,  shouting,  crying  "  Welcome  !  " 
and  "  GOD  save  King  James  ! "  till  they  were,  in  a  manner, 
entreated  to  be  silent. 

As  soon  as  it  pleased  the  people  to  give  him  leave  that 
he  might  speak,  Master  Parkinson,  the  Recorder  of 
Berwick,  being  a  man  grave  and  reverend,  made  a  brief 
speech  to  His  Majesty,  acknowledging  him  [as]  their  sole 
and  Sovereign  Lord.  To  whom,  in  the  town's  name,  he 
surrendered  their  Charter :  presenting  His  Highness  also 
from  them  with  a  purse  of  gold  ;  which,  as  an  offering  of 
their  love,  he  graciously  received.  And  for  their  Charter, 
he  answered  them  most  benignly  and  royally.  That  it  should 
be  continued  :  and  that  he  would  maintain  their  privileges, 
and  uphold  them  and  their  town  in  all  equity  ;  by  reason  it 
was  the  principal  and  first  place  honoured  with  his  mighty 
and  most  gracious  person. 

These  ceremonies  amongst  the  townsmen  ended  :  as  his 
usual  manner  is  after  any  journey,  His  Majesty  passed  to 
the  Church,  there  to  humble  himself  before  the  Exalter  of 
the  humble  :  and  [to]  thank  him  for  the  benefits  bestowed 
upon  him  and  all  his  people.     At  which  time  preached  be- 


May'^16^:]  James  I.  reviews  the  troops  at  Berwick.    23 

fore  him,  the  Reverend  Father  in  God,  Doctor  TOBY 
Matthew,  Bishop  of  Durham  :  who  made  a  most  learned 
and  worthy  Sermon. 

Which  finished,  the  King  departed  to  his  Palace  ;  and  then 
they  gave  him  a  Peel  of  great  Ordnance,  more  hot  than 
before  :  Berwick  having  never  had  King  to  rest  within  her 
walls  well  nigh  these  hundred  years. 

The  night  was  quickly  overpassed  especially  with  the 
townsmen  that,  never  in  a  night,  thought  themselves  securer  : 
but  the  journey  of  the  hours  is  always  one,  however  they  are 
made  short  or  long  by  the  apprehension  of  joy,  or  [the] 
sufferance  of  grief. 

The  morning's  sun  chased  away  the  clouds  of  sleep  from 
every  eye  ;  which  the  more  willingly  opened  that  they  might 
be  comforted  with  the  sight  of  their  beloved  Sovereign  : 
who,  in  his  estate,  attended  upon  by  the  Governor  and  the 
Noblemen,  together  with  the  Magistrates  and  Officers  of  the 
town,  passed  to  the  Church,  where  he  stayed  the  Divine 
Prayers  and  Sermon  ;  which  when  with  his  wonted  humility 
he  had  heard  finished,  in  the  like  estate  he  returned  to  his 
Palace. 

This  day,  being  Thursday  the  7th  of  April,  His  Majesty 
ascended  the  walls  ;  whereupon  all  the  Cannoniers  and 
other  Officers  belonging  to  the  great  Ordnance  stood,  every- 
one in  his  place  :  the  Captains  with  their  Bands  [^Companies] 
of  soldiers  likewise  under  their  several  Colours.  Amongst 
which  warlike  train,  as  His  Majesty  was  very  pleasant  and 
gracious  ;  so  to  shew  instance  how  he  loved  and  respected 
the  Art  Military,  he  made  a  shot  himself  out  of  a  cannon,  so 
fair,  and  with  such  sign  of  experience,  that  the  most  expert 
Gunners  there  beheld  it  not  without  admiration  :  and  there 
were  none,  of  judgement,  present  but,  without  flattery,  gave 
it  just  commendation. 

Of  no  little  estimation  did  the  Gunners  account  them- 
selves after  this  kingly  shot :  but  His  Majesty,  above  all 
virtues  in  temperance  most  excellent,  left  that  part  of  the 
wall,  and  their  extraordinary  applause. 

Being  attended  by  his  Nobility  both  of  Scotland  and 
England  (the  Lord  Henry  Howard,  brother  to  the  late 
Duke   of  Norfolk  ;  and  the  Lord  Cobham,  being   then 


24  James   I.   leaves   Berwick.         [ 


T.  M. 

May  1603. 


newly  come  to  the  town),  and  guarded  by  the  Gentlemen 
Pensioners  of  Berwick  ;  he  bestowed  this  day  in  surveying  of 
the  plots  [j)Ia}is']  and  fortifications,  commending  the  manner 
of  the  soldiers,  and  the  military  order  of  the  town  :  being 
indeed  one  of  the  best  places  of  strength  in  all  the  north  of 
England.  All  which,  when,  with  great  liking,  he  had  to  his 
kingly  pleasure  beheld  ;  he  returned  to  his  Palace,  and  there 
reposed  till  the  next  day. 

The  8th  of  April,  being  Friday,  the  trumpets  warned  for 
the  remove.  And,  all  that  morning.  His  Majesty,  with 
royal  liberality,  bestowed  amongst  the  garrison  soldiers, 
and  every  Officer  for  war  according  to  his  place,  so  rich  and 
bounteous  rewards  that  all  soldiers,  by  his  bountiful 
beginning  there,  may  be  assured  that  they  shall  not,  as  they 
have  been,  be  curtailed  of  their  duties  [what  is  due  to  tkevi] 
by  exacting  Pollers  ;  but  used  as  the  servants  and  servitors 
of  a  King  :  which  very  name,  but  more  his  largess,  adds 
double  spirit  to  a  man  of  war. 

After  dinner,  His  Highness  mounted  on  horseback  and 
took  leave  of  Berwick  :  where,  near  the  bridge,  he  knighted 
Master  RALPH  Grey  [co.  Northumb.] ;  a  Gentleman  of 
great  command  and  possession[s]  near  the  Borders. 

As  his  Excellence  left  Berwick,  and  entered  the  Realm 
of  England,  he  was  received  by  Master  NICHOLAS  FORSTER 
[of  Bamburgh  Abbey],  High  Sheriff  of  Northumberland, 
[whom  he  knighted  at  Widdringto7i\ :  who,  besides  his  own 
servants  and  followers,  was  accompanied  with  a  number  of 
gallant  Gentlemen  of  the  Shire  ;  who,  riding  before  His 
Majesty,  led  the  way  towards  Widdrington,  where  His 
Majesty  intended  to  rest  that  night. 

By  the  way,  of  his  kingly  goodness,  and  royal  inclinations 
to  the  honour  of  arms  and  reverence  of  virtuous  age,  he 
vouchsafed  to  visit  that  worthy  honourable  soldier.  Sir  Wil- 
liam Read  :  who,  being  blind  with  age,  was  so  comforted 
with  the  presence  and  gracious  speeches  of  the  King,  that 
his  spirits  seemed  so  powerful  within  him,  as  he  boasted 
himself  to  feel  the  warmth  of  youth  stir  in  his  frost- 
nipt  blood.  The  way  His  Majesty  had  to  ride,  being  long, 
enforced  him  to  stay  with  this  good  Knight  the  less  while  : 
but  that  little   time  was   so   comfortable   that   his   friends 


May^6^:]  He  RIDES  TO  WiDDRINGTON  IN  FOUR  HOURS.     25 

hope  it  will  be  a  mean[s]  to  cherish  the  old  Knight  all  his 
life  long. 

Not  to  be  longer  writing  this  than  His  Highness  was 
riding  the  journey  ;  he  departed  thence  upon  the  spur, 
scarce  any  of  his  train  being  able  to  keep  him  company : 
for  being  near[ly]  37  miles,  he  rode  it  all  in  less  than  four 
hours.  And,  by  the  way,  for  a  note,  the  miles,  according 
to  the  Northern  phrase,  are  a  wey-bit  longer  than  they  be 
here  in  the  South. 

Well,  as  long  as  the  miles  were.  His  Majesty  made  short 
work,  and  attained  [to]  Widdrington  [Castle] :  where  by 
the  Master  of  the  Place,  Sir  Robert  Carey  [Lord  Warden 
of  the  Middle  Marches.  He  was  afterwards  made  Earl  of 
Monmouth.  See  pages  476-484],  and  his  right  virtuous  Lady, 
he  was  received  with  all  due  affection  ;  the  House  being 
plentifully  furnished  for  his  entertainment.  Besides  for 
situation  and  pleasure  it  stands  very  delightful. 

His  Majesty,  having  a  little  while  reposed  himself  after 
his  great  journey,  found  new  occasion  to  travel  further. 
For,  as  he  was  delighting  himself  with  the  pleasure  of  the 
Park,  he  suddenly  beheld  a  number  of  deer  near  the  place. 
The  game  being  so  fair  before  him,  he  could  not  forbear  ; 
but,  according  to  his  wonted  manner,  forth  he  went,  and 
slew  two  of  them. 

Which  done,  he  returned  with  a  good  appetite  to  the 
House,  where  he  was  most  royally  feasted  and  banqueted 
that  night. 

On  Saturday  the  9th  April  [1603],  His  Majesty  prepared 
towards  Newcastle-[on-Tyne].  But  before  his  departure  from 
Widdrington  ;  he  knighted  Master  Henry  Widdrington, 
Master  William  Fenwick,  Master  Edward  Gorges 
[all  CO.  Northum.]. 

After  which,  taking  his  leave  with  royal  courtesy, 
he  set  forwards  towards  Newcastle  ;  being  16  miles  from 
Widdrington. 

To  pass  the  occurrents  by  the  way,  being  not  very 
material ;  when  His  Majesty  drew  near  to  Newcastle,  the 
Mayor,  the  Aldermen,  Council,  and  best  Commoners  of 
the  same  besides  numbers  of  other  people,  in  joyful  manner 
met  him. 


26      James  I.  is  three  days  at  Newcastle.    [May^i'eoa" 

The  Mayor  presented  him  with  the  Sword  and  Keys 
with  humble  duty  and  submission  :  which  His  Highness 
graciously  accepting,  he  returned  them  again.  He  gave 
also  to  His  Majesty,  in  token  of  their  love  and  hearty 
loyalty,  a  purse  full  of  gold.  His  Majesty  gave  them  full 
power  and  authority  under  him  as  they  lately  held  in  Her 
Majesty's  name  :  ratifying  all  customs  and  privileges  that 
they  were  possessed  of,  and  had  a  long  time  held. 

And  so,  passing  on,  he  was  conducted  to  the  Mayor's 
house,  where  he  was  richly  entertained ;  and  remained 
there  three  days. 

Upon  Sunday,  being  the  loth  April  [1603],  His  Majesty 
went  to  the  Church,  before  whom  [Dr  TOBY  Matthew] 
the  Bishop  of  Durham  preached.  And  that  day,  as  it  is 
his  most  Christianlike  custom,  being  spent  in  devotion  : 
he  rested  till  Monday,  which  he  bestowed  in  viewing  the 
town,  the  manner  and  beauty  of  the  bridge  [over  the  Tyne] 
and  key  [g'uay]  :  being  one  of  the  fairest  in  all  the  north 
parts.  Besides,  he  released  all  prisoners  ;  except  those  that 
lay  for  treason,  murder,  and  Papistry :  giving  great  sums  of 
money  for  the  release  of  many  that  were  imprisoned  for 
debt  ;  who  heartily  praised  GOD,  and  blessed  His  Majesty, 
for  their  unexpected  liberty. 

So  joyful  were  the  townsmen  of  Newcastle  of  His 
Majesty  there  being,  that  they  thankfully  bare  all  the 
charge  of  his  Household  during  the  time  of  his  abode  with 
them,  being  from  Saturday  till  Wednesday  morning.  All 
things  were  in  such  plenty  and  so  delicate  for  variety 
that  it  gave  great  contentment  to  His  Majesty  :  and  on 
the  townsmen's  part,  there  was  nothing  but  willingness 
appeared  ;  save  only  at  His  Highness's  departure,  but 
[of  that]  there  was  no  remedy.  He  hath  yet  many  of  his 
people  by  his  presence  to  comfort :  and  forward  no  doubt 
he  will ;  as  he  thence  did,  giving  thanks  to  them  for  their 
loyal  and  hearty  affection. 

And  on  the  bridge,  before  he  came  at  Gateside  ;  he  made 
Master  Robert  Dudley  [  ?  Delavale,  co.  Northumb.], 
Mayor  of  Newcastle,  Knight. 

[John  Phhjpot  states  that  the  following  were  also 
knighted  at  Newcastle  on  this  13th  of  April  1603  : 


May^ieS]  ^^^     RECEPTION    AT    DuRHAM.  27 

Sir  Christopher  Lowther,  co.  Cumb. 

Sir  Nicholas  Curwen,  co.  Cumb. 

Sir  James  Bellingham,  co.  Westm. 

Sir  Nicholas  Tufton,  co.Kent;af^erzvardsERr\ 

of  Thanet. 
Sir  John  Conyers,  go.  York.] 

This  Wednesday,  being  the  13th  of  April  [1603],  His 
Majesty  set  forward  towards  Durham,  And  at  Gateside, 
near  Newcastle;  he  was  met  by  the  Sheriff  of  the  County 
and  most  of  the  Gentlemen  in  the  same. 

In  his  way,  near  Chester  a  Street,  a  little  town  betwixt 
Newcastle  and  Durham,  he  turned  on  the  left  hand  of  the 
road  to  view  [Lumley  Castle,]  a  pleasant  castle  of  the  Lord 
Lumley's  :  which  being  a  goodly  edifice  of  free  stone,  built 
in  quadrant  manner,  stands  on  the  shoring  of  a  hill,  in  the 
middle  of  a  green,  with  a  river  at  the  foot  of  it ;  and  woods 
about  it  on  every  side  but  to  the  townward,  which  is,  by  the 
river  [Wear],  divided  from  it. 

After  His  Highness  had  a  while  delighted  himself  with 
the  pleasures  of  the  place ;  he  returned  on  his  way  towards 
Durham,  being  6  miles  from  thence.  Of  which  way  he 
seldom  makes  [a]  long  journey. 

And  when  he  came  near ;  the  Magistrates  of  the  city 
met  him ;  and  behaving  themselves  as  others  before  them, 
it  was  by  His  Highness  as  thankfully  accepted.  And 
passing  through  the  gates,  whence  His  Excellence  entered 
the  Market  Place,  there  was  an  excellent  oration  made 
unto  him,  containing  in  effect  the  universal  joy  conceived  by 
his  subjects  at  his  approach ;  being  of  power  to  divert 
from  them  so  great  a  sorrow  as  had  lately  possessed  them 
all. 

The  oration  ended,  he  passed  towards  the  Bishop's  House  ; 
where  he  was  royally  received  :  [Dr.  TOBY  Matthew]  the 
Bishop  attending  His  Majesty  with  a  hundred  Gentlemen 
in  tawny  liveries. 

Of  all  his  entertainment  in  particular  at  the  Bishop's ; 
[of]  his  [i/ie  Kin^s\  merry  and  well  seasoned  jests,  as  well 
there  as  in  other  parts  of  his  journey ;  all  his  words  being  of 
full  weight,  and  his  jests  filled  with  the  salt  of  wit :  yet  so 
facetious  and  pleasant  as  they  were   no  less  gracious  and 


28     James  I.  at  Walworth  and  Topcliffe.   [Ma/16^3. 

worthy  of  regard  than  the  words  of  so  royal  a  Majesty — 
it  is  bootless  to  repeat  them,  they  are  so  well  known. 

Thursday,  being  the  14th  day  [of  April  1603],  His 
Majesty  took  leave  of  the  Bishop  of  Durham  :  whom  he 
greatly  graced  and  commended  for  his  learning,  humanity, 
and  gravity :  promising  to  restore  divers  things  taken 
from  the  Bishopric ;  which  he  hath  accordingly  in  part 
done,  giving  him  already  possession  of  Durham  House  in 
the  Strand, 

In  brief,  His  Majesty  left  Durham,  and  removed  towards 
[High]  Walworth  [also  called  ^dHworih  Castle];  being  16 
miles  from  Durham :  where,  by  the  Gentlewoman  of  the 
House,  named  Mistress  Genison  \or  rather  the  Widow  of 
Thomas  Jenison],  he  was  so  bountifully  entertained  that 
it  gave  His  Excellence  very  high  contentment. 

And  after  his  quiet  repose  there  that  night,  and  some  part 
of  the  next  day  ;  he  took  his  leave  of  the  Gentlewoman,  with 
many  thankful  and  princely  congratulations  for  her  extend- 
ing costs  in  the  entertainment  of  him  and  his  train. 

Friday,  being  the  15th  of  April  [1603],  His  Majesty  set 
forward  from  Mistress  Genison's  of  Walworth,  towards 
York.  His  train  [was]  still  increasing  by  the  numbers  of 
Noblemen  and  Gentlemen  from  the  south  parts,  that  came 
to  offer  him  fealty  and  to  rejoice  at  his  sight.  Whose  love, 
although  he  greatly  tendered  ;  yet  did  their  multitudes  so 
oppress  the  country  and  make  provision [s]  so  dear  that  he 
was  fain  to  publish  an  Inhibition  against  the  inordinate  and 
daily  access  of  people's  coming,  that  many  were  stopped  of 
their  way ;  and  only  those  that  had  affairs  suffered  to  have 
access,  some  of  great  name  and  office  being  sent  home,  to 
attend  their  places. 

All  this  notwithstanding ;  a  number  there  were  in  His 
Highness's  train  ;  still  increasing  in  every  shire. 

For  now  [Master  HENRY  Bellassis]  the  High  Sheriff  of 
Yorkshire,  gallantly  accompanied,  attended  His  Majesty  to 
Master  [William]  Ingleby's  \?  at  Baldershy  Park]  besides 
Topcliffe,  being  about  16  miles  from  Walworth  ;  who  with 
great  submission  received  His  Majesty  :  and  there  he  rested 
for  that  night. 


May^ie^:]       He  enters  the  city  of  York.         29 

On  Saturday,  being  the  i6th  of  April  [1603],  His  Majesty 
removed  from  Master  Ingleby's  towards  York,  being  16 
miles  from  Topcliffe. 

And  when  he  came  about  some  3  miles  from  York,  the 
Liberties  of  the  City  extending  so  far ;  Master  BuCKE  and 
Master  ROBINSON  Sheriffs  of  the  City  met  him  ;  and,  with 
humble  duty,  presented  him  with  their  White  Staffs : 
which  His  Majesty  receiving,  he  delivered  them  instantly 
again  [to  them].     So  they  attended  him  towards  the  City. 

Within  a  mile  of  which,  when  His  Highness  approached, 
there  met  him  [William  Cecil]  the  Lord  Burlegh,  Lord 
President  of  the  North,  with  many  worthy  Knights  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  shire.  These  also  attended  on  his  person 
to  York. 

Where,  when  he  came  near  unto  the  City,  there  met  him 
three  of  the  Sergeants  at  Arms,  late  servants  to  the  deceased 
Queen  :  viz.,  Master  WOOD,  Master  Damfort,  and  Master 
Westrop  :  who  delivered  up  their  maces ;  which  His 
Majesty,  with  royal  courtesy,  redelivered  to  them  ;  com- 
manding them  to  wait  on  him  in  their  old  places,  which 
presently  they  did. 

And,  at  the  same  time,  the  Sergeant  Trumpeter,  with 
some  others  of  his  fellows,  did  in  like  manner  submit  them- 
selves, and  render  their  service  ;  which  he  benignly  accepted, 
and  commanded  them  in  like  manner  to  wait  on  him. 

Then  rode  he  on  till  he  came  to  one  of  the  gates  of  York  ; 
where  [ROBERT  Walter]  the  Lord  Mayor  of  the  City,  the 
Aldermen,  and  the  wealthiest  Commoners,  with  abundance 
of  other  people,  met  him. 

There  a  long  oration  being  made,  the  Lord  Mayor 
delivered  the  Sword  and  Keys  to  His  Majesty,  together  with 
a  cup  of  gold,  filled  full  of  gold  :  which  present  His  Majesty 
gratefully  accepted  ;  delivering  the  Keys  again  to  the  Lord 
Mayor. 

But  about  the  bearing  of  the  Sword,  there  was  some  con- 
tention ;  the  Lord  President  [of  the  North]  taking  it  for  his 
place,  the  Lord  Mayor  of  the  city  esteeming  it  his. 

But  to  decide  the  doubt,  the  King's  Majesty  merrily 
demandcd^  If  the  Sword  being  his,  they  would  not  be  pleased 
that  he  should  have  the  disposing  thereof. 

Whereunto  when  they  humbly  answered,  It  was  all  in  his 


2,0    The  struggle  for  the  Sword  at  York.  [Ma/.e!!^: 

pleasure ;  His  Highness  delivered  the  Sword  to  one  that 
knew  well  how  to  use  a  sword,  having  been  tried  both  at  sea 
and  on  shore,  [George  Clifford]  the  thrice  honoured  Earl 
of  Cumberland  ;  who  bare  it  before  His  Majesty,  riding  in 
great  state  from  the  gate  to  the  Minster. 

In  which  way,  there  was  a  conduit  that,  all  the  day  long, 
ran  white,  and  claret,  wine[s]  ;  every  man  to  drink  as  much 
as  he  listed. 

From  the  Minster  His  Majesty  went  on  foot  to  his  own 
House,  being  the  Manor  of  St  Mary's  ;  having  all  the  way  a 
rich  canopy  over  his  head,  supported  by  four  Knights  :  and 
being  brought  hither,  he  was  honourable  received  by  the 
Lord  Burlegh  ;  who  gave  cheerful  entertainment  to  all  the 
followers  of  His  Majesty  during  the  time  of  his  continuance 
in  York. 

The  17th  day  [of  April  1603],  being  Sunday,  His  Majesty 
passed  towards  York  Minster ;  being  one  of  the  goodliest 
Minsters  in  all  the  land :  England  being  as  famous  for 
churches  as  any  one  kingdom  in  Europe,  if  they  were  kept 
in  reparations  as  that  Minster  is. 

To  this  Minster,  the  King  passed  to  hear  the  Sermon  ;  and 
at  the  gate  [i.e.,  of  the  Manor  House']  a  coach  was  offered  to 
His  Highness.  But  he  graciously  answered,  "  I  will  have  no 
coach.  For  the  people  are  desirous  to  see  a  King,  and  so 
they  shall :  for  they  shall  as  well  see  his  body  as  his  face." 
So,  to  the  great  comfort  of  the  people,  he  went  on  foot  to 
the  Church ;  and  there  heard  the  Sermon,  which  was 
preached  by  [Dr  John  Thornborough,  Dean  of  York  and 
also]  the  Bishop  of  LiMERiCK  :  whose  doctrine  and  method 
of  teaching  was  highly  by  His  Majesty  commended.  And 
what  his  judgment  is,  is  as  extant  to  us  all  of  any  under- 
standing as  the  light  of  the  clear  mid-day,  or  sun,  to  every 
perfect  eye. 

The  Sermon  ended.  His  Majesty  returned  afoot,  in  the 
same  sort  as  he  came,  to  his  Manor  ;  where  he  was  royally 
feasted. 

This  Sunday  was  a  Seminary  Priest  apprended,  who 
before,  under  the  title  [appearance']  of  a  Gentleman  had 
delivered  a  Petition  to  His  Majesty,  in  the  name  of  all  the 
English  Catholics.     When  he  was  taken,  His  Highness  had 


T.  M."| 
May  1603. J 


Knights  Bachelors  made  at  York.       31 


some  conference  with  him  :  but,  by  reason  of  other  great 
affairs,  he  referred  him  to  be  further  examined  by  the  Bishop 
of  LllsiERiCK  ;  who,  presenting  the  effects  of  his  Examina- 
tion, the  Priest  was,  the  next  day  committed. 

Dinner  being  ended,  His  Majesty  walked  into  the  garden 
of  the  Palace ;  being  a  most  delightful  place  :  where  there 
awaited  him  a  number  of  Gentlemen  of  great  name  and 
worth ;  whose  commendations  he  received  from  honourable 
persons,  and  beheld  honour  charactered  in  their  faces.  For 
this  is  one  especial  note  in  His  Majesty.  Any  man  that  hath 
aught  with  him,  let  him  be  sure  he  have  a  just  cause  !  for  he 
beholds  all  men's  faces  with  steadfastness,  and  commonly  the 
look  is  the  window  for  the  heart. 

Well,  to  that  I  should  handle.  Amongst  these  Gentlemen 
it  pleased  His  Majesty  to  make  choice  of  these  following  ; 
whom  he  graced  with  the  honour  of  Knighthood  : 


Sir 
Sir 
Sir 
Sir 
Sir 


William  Cecil 
Edmond  Trafford 
Thomas  Holcroft 
John  Mallory 
William  Ingleby 
Philip  Constable 
Christopher  Haward 
Robert  Swift 
Richard  Wortley 
Henry  Bellassis 
Thomas  Fairfax 
Henry  Griffith 
Francis  Boynton 
Henry  Cholmley 
Richard  Gargrave 
Marmaduke  Grimstone 
Lancelot  Alford 
Ralph  Illerker  [or 
Eliker] 

George  Frevile 
Mauger  Vavasor 
Ralph  Babthorpe 
Richard  Londer 
Walter  Crape 


[Lord  Burlegh]. 

[co.  Lane] 

[co.  Lane] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  Durh.] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  York] 

[co  York] 

[co.  York] 
[co.  Durh.] 
[co.  York] 
[co.  York] 

Lnot  in  J.  Philipot's"! 
List.  J 


32     James  I.  journeys  to  Grimstone  Hall.  [May^ie^: 

The  same  day,  His  Majesty  caused  five  Gentlemen  to  be 
sworn  his  servants,  which  served  Queen  EHzabeth  before 
time :  whose  names  were  Master  Richard  CONNIGSBY, 
Master  George  Pollard,  Ushers,  Daily  Waiters  ;  Master 
Thomas  Rolles  and  Master  Hariffe,  Gentlemen,  Quarter 
Waiters  ;  and  Master  RICHARD  Read-head,  Gentleman 
Sewer  in  Ordinary  of  His  Majesty's  Chamber. 

This  day  likewise,  the  Mayor  of  Kingston  upon  Hull 
delivered  to  His  Majesty  a  petition,  which  was  also  sub- 
scribed and  justified  by  divers  Aldermen  of  the  said  town, 
to  be  done  in  the  behalf  of  all  the  poor  inhabitants  :  who, 
with  one  voice,  besought  His  Majesty  that  they  might  be 
relieved  and  succoured  against  the  daily  spoils  done  to  them 
by  those  of  Dunkirk,  that  had  long  molested  them  and 
others  the  English  coastmen. 

His  Highness,  as  he  is  naturally  inclined  to  much  pity,  so 
at  that  time  he  seemed  to  have  great  compassion  of  their 
wrongs  and  afflictions  ;  which  were  not  hidden  from  him, 
though  they  had  been  silent :  but  he  comforted  them  with 
his  princely  and  heroic  reply.  That  he  would  defend  them  ; 
and  no  Dunkirker  should  after  dare  to  do  any  of  his  subjects 
wrong. 

In  which  assurance  they  departed  :  and,  no  doubt,  shall 
find  the  effect  of  his  kingly  promise. 

I  told  you  before,  what  bounty  the  Lord  BURLEGH  used 
during  the  continuauce  of  the  King's  Majesty  in  the  Manor 
[of  St  Mary's  at  York]  :  but  it  was  indeed  exceeding  all  the 
rest  in  any  place  of  England  before.  Butteries,  Pantries, 
and  Cellars  [being]  always  held  open  in  great  abundance,  for 
all  comers. 

Monday,  being  the  i8th  day  [of  April  1603],  His  Majesty 
was  feasted  by  the  Lord  Mayor  of  York,  whom  he  knighted 
by  the  name  of  Sir  ROBERT  Walter  [co.  York] :  at  whose 
house  there  was  such  plenty  of  all  delicates  [delicacies']  as 
could  be  possibly  devised. 

After  dinner.  His  Majesty,  following  the  rule  of  mercy  he 
had  begun  with,  commanded  all  the  prisoners  to  be  set  at 
liberty,  except  Papists  and  wilful  murderers. 

Which  deed  of  charity  effected,  he  left  York,  and  rode  to 
Grimstone  [Hall],  being  a  house  of  Sir  Edward  Stanhope's  ; 


May'^ieS]    Knights  made  at  Grimstone  Hall.  ;^^ 

where  he  lay  that  night,  and  dined  the  next  day :  His 
Majesty  and  all  his  train  having  their  most  bountiful  enter- 
tainment ;  all  the  Offices  in  the  house  standing  open  for  all 
comers,  every  man  without  check  eating  and  drinking  at 
pleasure. 

Before    His    Majesty's    departure    from     Grimstone,  he 
knighted  these  Gentlemen  : 

Sir  Roger  Aston  [co.  Chest] 

Sir  Thomas  Aston  [co.  Chest.] 

Sir  Thomas  Holt  [co.  Chest] 

Sir  James  Harington  [co.  Rutl.] 

Sir  Charles  Montague      [co.  Northt] 
Sir  Thomas  Dawney  [co.  York] 

Sir  William  Bambrough    [co.  York] 
Sir  Francis  Lovell  [co.  Norf.] 

Sir  Thomas  Gerrard  [co.  Lane] 

Sir  Robert  Walter  [Lord] 

Mayor  of  York  [co.  York] 

Sir  Ralph  Con[n]i[g]sby     [co.  Hertf.] 
Sir  Richard  Musgrave      [co.  York] 


The  19th  day  [of  April  1603]  being  Tuesday,  His  Majesty 
took  his  journey  towards  Doncaster.  Where,  by  the  way, 
he  went  to  Pomfret  \Pontefract\  to  see  the  Castle  :  which 
when  he  had  at  pleasure  viewed  ;  he  took  horse  and  rode  to 
Doncaster  where  he  lodged  all  night  at  the  sign  of  the  Bear 
in  an  Inn ;  giving  the  host  of  the  house,  for  his  good  entertain- 
ment, a  lease  of  a  Manor  House  in  a  reversion,  of  good  value. 

The  20th  day  [of  April  1603],  being  Wednesday,  His 
Majesty  rode  towards  Worsop  [Manor],  the  noble  [Gilbert 
Talbot]  Earl  of  Shrewsbury's  House  :  and  at  Batine 
\? Bawtryl  the  High  Sheriff  of  Yorkshire  took  his  leave  of 
the  King,  and  there  Master  [Roger]  Askoth  \or  ASCOUGH, 
or  Ayscue]  the  High  Sheriff  of  Nottinghamshire  received 
him  ;  being  gallantly  apppointed  both  with  horse  and  man. 

And  so  he  conducted  His  Majesty  on,  till  he  came  within 
a  mile  of  Blyth  :  where  His  Highness  lighted,  and  sat  down 
on  a  bankside  to  eat  and  drink. 

After  His  Majesty's  short  repast,  to  Worsop  His  Majesty 

C  2 


34  Knights  made  at  Worsop  Manor.     [May^i'eS 

rides  forward.  But,  by  the  way,  in  the  Park  he  was 
somewhat  stayed.  For  there  appeared  a  number  of  Hunts- 
men, all  in  green  ;  the  chief  of  which,  with  a  woodman's 
speech,  did  welcome  him,  offering  His  Majesty  to  shew 
him  some  game  :  which  he  gladly  condescended  [ag-?'eetJ]  to 
see  ;  and,  with  a  train  set,  he  hunted  a  good  space,  very 
much  delighted. 

At  last  he  went  into  the  House,  where  he  was  so  nobly 
received,  with  superfluity  of  things,  that  still  every  entertain- 
ment seemed  to  exceed  others.  In  this  place,  besides  the 
abundance  of  all  provision[s]  and  delicacie[s],  there  was  most 
excellent  soul-ravishing  music  ;  wherewith  His  Highness 
was  not  a  little  delighted. 

At  Worsop,  he  rested  on  Wednesday  night,  and  in  the 
morning  stayed  breakfast.  Which  ended,  there  was  such 
store  of  provision  left,  of  fowl,  of  fish,  and  almost  everything, 
besides  bread  beer  and  wine,  that  it  was  left  open  for  any 
man  that  would,  to  come  and  take. 

After  breakfast.  His  Majesty  prepared  to  remove  :  but 
before  his  departure  he  made  these  Gentlemen,  Knights ; 
whose  names  are  following : 

Sir  John  Manners  [co.  Derb.] 

Sir  Henry  Grey  [co.  Bedf.] 

Sir  Francis  Newport  [co.  Salop.] 

Sir  Henry  Beaumont  [co.  Leic] 

Sir  Edward  Loraine  [co.  Derb.] 

Sir  Hugh  Smith  [co.  Som.] 

Sir  Edmond  Lucy  [co.  Warw.] 

Sir  Edmond  Cokayn  [co.  Derb.] 

Sir  John  Harper  [co.  Derb.] 

Sir  William  Damcourt  [not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

Sir  Henry  Perpoint  [not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

Sir  Thomas  Greslay  [co.  Notts] 

Sir  John  Biron  [co.  Notts] 

Sir  Percival  WillougHBY  [co.  Line] 

Sir  Peter  Freschvile  [co.  Derb.] 

Sir  William  Skipwith  [co.  Leic] 

Sir  Richard  Thekeston  [co.  York] 

Sir  Thomas  Stanley  [co.  Derb.] 

[Sir  Walter  Cope  go.  Oxon.] 


May^i'eS]      James  I.  illegally  hangs  a  thief.        35 

The  2 1st  [day  of  April  1603],  being  Thursday,  His 
Highness  took  his  way  towards  Newark  upon  Trent ;  where, 
that  night,  he  lodged  in  the  Castle,  being  his  own  house  : 
where  the  Aldermen  of  Newark  presented  His  Majesty  with 
a  fair  gilt  cup,  manifesting  their  duties  and  loving  hearts  to 
him  :  which  was  very  kindly  accepted. 

In  this  town,  and  in  the  Court,  was  taken  a  cutpurse, 
doing  the  deed  ;  and,  being  a  base  pilfering  thief,  yet  was 
all  Gentleman-like  on  the  outside.  This  fellow  had  [a]  good 
store  of  coin  found  about  him  :  and,  upon  his  examination, 
confessed  that  he  had,  from  Berwick  to  that  place,  played 
the  cutpurse  in  the  Court.  His  fellow  was  ill  missed,  for  no 
doubt  he  had  a  walking  mate.  They  drew  together  like 
coach  horses,  and  it  is  pity  they  did  not  go  hang  together. 
For  His  Majesty,  hearing  of  this  nimming  gallant,  directed 
a  Warrant  presently  to  the  Recorder  of  Newark,  to  have 
him  hanged  :  which  was  accordingly  executed. 

This  bearing  small  comfort  to  all  the  rest  of  his  pilfering 
faculty,  that  the  first  subject  that  suffered  death  in  England, 
in  the  reign  of  King  James,  was  a  cutpurse  :  which  fault, 
if  they  amend  not,  heaven  suddenly  send  the  rest  [the 
same  fate] ! 

The  King,  ere  he  went  from  Newark,  as  he  had 
commanded  this  silken  base  thief,  in  justice,  to  be  put  to 
death  ;  so,  in  his  benign  and  gracious  mercy,  he  gives  life 
to  all  the  other  poor  and  wretched  prisoners  :  clearing  the 
Castle  of  them  all. 

This  deed  of  charity  done  ;  before  he  left  Newark  [on  the 
22nd  April],  he  made  these  Knights  : 

Sir  John  Parker  [co.  Suss.] 

Sir  Robert  Brett  [co.  Devon.] 

Sir  Lewis  Lewkenor  [co.  Suss.] 

Sir  Francis  Ducket  [co.  Salop.] 

Sir  Richard  Mompesson  [co.  Bucks.] 
Sir  Richard  Warburton  [co.  Chest] 
Sir  Richard  Wigmore  [co.  Heref] 
Sir  Edward  Foxe  [co.  Salop.] 

[Sir  William  Davenport    co.  Chest.] 

The  22nd  day  [of  April  1603],  being  Friday,  His  Majesty 
departed  from  Newark,  towards  Belvoir  Castle  ;  hunting  all 


36        Knights  made  at  Belvoir  Castle,      [j 


T.  M. 

May  1603. 


the  way  as  he  rode  :  saving  that,  in  the  way,  he  made  four 
Knights,  [the  first]  one  being  the  Sheriff  of  Nottinghamshire. 
Sir  Roger  Askoth  [or  Ascough, 

or  Ayscue]  [co.  Chest.] 

Sir  William  Sutton  [co.  Notts.] 

Sir  John  Stanhope  [co.  Derb.] 

Sir  Brian  Lassels  [co.  York] 

Sir  Roger  Askoth  [or  Ascough,  or  Ayscue],  High 
Sheriff  of  Nottinghamshire,  being  knighted,  took  leave  of 
His  Majesty  ;  and  Master  William  Pelham,  High  Sheriff 
of  Lincolnshire,  received  His  Highness,  being  gallantly 
appointed  both  with  horse  and  men  ;  divers  worshipful  men 
of  the  same  country  [Coitnlj/]  accompanying  him  :  who 
convoyed  and  guarded  His  Majesty  to  Belvoir  Castle,  being 
the  Right  Noble  [Roger  Manners,  the]  Earl  of  Rutland's. 
Where  His  Highness  was  not  only  royally  and  most  plenti- 
fully received  :  but  with  such  exceeding  joy  of  the  good  Earl 
and  his  honourable  Lady,  that  he  took  therein  exceeding 
pleasure. 

And  he  approved  his  contentment  in  the  morning  [of  the 
23rd  April  1603] ;  for,  before  he  went  to  break  his  fast,  he 
made  these  Knights  whose  names  follow : 


Oliver  Manners  [co.  Line] 
William  Willoughby  [co.  Line] 

Thomas  Willoughby  [co.  Line] 

Gregory  Cromwell  [co.  Hunts.] 

George  Manners  [co.  Line] 

Henry  Hastings  [co.  Leic] 

William  Pelham  [co.  Line] 

Philip  Tirwhit  [co.  Line] 

Valentine  Browne  [co.  Line] 

Roger  Dallison  [co.  Line] 

Thomas  Grantham  [co.  Line] 

John  Zouche  [co.  Derb.] 

William  Jepson  [co.  Southt.] 
Edward  Askoth  [or 

Ascough,  or  Ayscue]  [co.  Line] 

Everard  Digby  [co.  Rutl.] 

Anthony  Markham  [co.  Oxon.] 

Sir  Thomas  Cave  [co.  Leic] 

Sir  William  Turpin  [co.  Leic] 


Sir 
Sir 


May^i'fiS      Knights  made  at  Belvoir  Castle.       i'] 

Sir  John  Ferrers  [co.  Warw.] 

Sir  Henry  Pagenham  [co.  Line] 

Sir  Richard  Musgrave  [not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

Sir  Walter  Chute  [co.  Kent] 

Sir  William  Lambert  [not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

Sir  Edward  Rosseter  [co.  Line] 

Sir  Edward  Comines  [not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

Sir  Philip  Stirley  [co.  Leic] 

Sir  Edward  Swift  [co.  York] 

Sir  Basil  Brooke  [co.  Salop.] 

Sir  William  Fairfax  [not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

Sir  Edward  Bussy  [co.  Line] 

Sir  Edward  Tirwhit  [co.  Line] 

Sir  John  Thorne[haugh]  [co.  Notts.] 

Sir  Nicholas  Sanderson  [co.  Line] 

Sir  Edward  Littleton  [co.  Salop.] 

Sir  William  Fompt  [or 

Fawnt]  [co.  Leic] 

Sir  Thomas  Beaumont  [co.  Leic] 
Sir  William  Skeffington  [co.  Leic] 

Sir  Philip  Sherrard  [co.  Leic] 
Sir  John  Tirril  [or 

Thorold]  [co.  Line] 

Sir  Edward  Carre  [co.  Line] 

Sir  Richard  Ogle  [co.  Line] 
Sir  Haman  Swithcoate  [ct 

rather  HUGH  Whichcot]  [co.  Line] 

Sir  William  Hickman  [co.  Line] 

Sir  William  Fielding  [co.  Warw.] 
Sir  Humphrey  Coni[g]sby  [not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 
[Sir  William  Carre  co.  Line] 

[Sir  William  Ermine  co.  Line] 

[Sir  John  Wentworth  co.  Essex] 

The  23rd  day  [of  April],  being  Saturday,  after  the  making 
of  these  Knights,  and  having  refreshed  himself  at  breakfast ; 
His  Majesty  took  kind  leave  of  the  Earl  of  Rutland,  his 
Countess,  and  the  rest :  and  set  forward  towards  Burlegh. 

And,  by  the  way,  he  dined  at  Sir  John  Harington's 
[House  .''  at  Harington-Burley\  ;  where  that  worthy  Knight 
made  him  most  royal  entertainment. 


38  The    giants   of   the   Fens.        [May^xeol: 

After  dinner,  His  Highness  removed  towards  Burlegh, 
being  near  Stamford  in  Northamptonshire.  His  Majesty  on 
the  way  was  attended  by  many  Lords  and  Knights.  And, 
before  his  coming,  there  were  provided  train-cents  and  Hve 
hares  in  baskets  [that]  being  carried  to  the  Heath  [P  Einping- 
ton  Heath\  made  excellent  sport  for  His  Majesty.  All  the 
way  between  Sir  John  Harington's  and  Stamford,  Sir 
John's  best  hounds  with  good  mouths  followed  the  game  ; 
the  King  taking  great  leisure  and  pleasure  in  the  same. 

Upon  this  Heath,  not  far  from  Stamford,  there  appeared 
to  the  number  of  a  hundred  high  men,  that  seemed  like  the 
Patagones  [^Patagonia?is\  huge  long  fellows  of  twelve  or 
fourteen  feet  high,  that  are  reported  to  live  on  the  Main 
[mazn/and]  of  Brazil,  near  to  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  The 
King,  at  the  first  sight,  wondered  what  they  were  ;  for  that 
they  overlooked  horse  and  man.  But,  when  all  came  to  all, 
they  proved  a  company  of  poor  honest  suitors,  all  going 
upon  high  stilts,  preferring  a  Petition  against  the  Lady 
Hatton.  What  their  request  was,  I  know  not :  but  His 
Majesty  referred  them  till  his  coming  to  London  ;  and  so 
passed  on  from  those  giants  of  the  Fens  towards  Stamford. 

Within  half  a  mile  whereof,  the  Bailiffs  and  the  rest  of  the 
chief  townsmen  of  Stamford  presented  a  gift  unto  His 
Majesty ;  which  was  graciously  accepted.  So  rode  he 
forward  through  the  town,  in  great  state,  having  the  Swoid 
borne  before  him  ;  the  people  joyful  on  all  parts  to  see  him. 

When  His  Highness  came  to  Stamford  Bridge ;  the 
Sheriff  of  Lincolnshire  humbly  took  his  leave,  and  departed 
greatly  in  the  King's  grace. 

On  the  other  part,  the  town  standing  in  two  Shires, 
stood  ready  [Master  WILLIAM  Tate]  the  High  Sheriff 
of  Northamptonshire,  bravely  accompanied,  and  gallantly 
appointed  with  men  and  horse  ;  who  received  his  Majesty, 
and  attended  him  to  Burlegh  :  where  His  Highness  with  all 
his  train  were  received  with  great  magnificence  ;  the  House 
seeming  so  rich  as  if  it  had  been  furnished  at  the  charges  of 
an  Emperor.  Well,  it  was  all  too  little,  His  Majesty  being 
worthy  [of]  much  more  ;  being  now  the  greatest  Christian 
monarch,  of  himself  as  absolute. 

The  next  day  [24th  April  1603],  being  Easter  Day,  there 


May^i'eS]     King  James  I.  arrives  at  Apethorpe.      39 

preached  before  His  Highness,  [Dr  WiLi.iAM  Ciiaderton] 
the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  ;  and  the  Sermon  was  no  sooner 
done,  but  all  [the]  Offices  in  the  house  were  set  open,  that 
every  man  might  have  free  access  to  Butteries,  Pantries  ; 
[and]  Kitchens  ;  to  eat  and  drink  in  at  their  pleasures. 

The  next  day,  being  Monday  the  25th  of  April  [1603], 
His  Highness  rode  back  again  to  Sir  JOHN  Harington's 
[House  at  Harington-Burley] ;  and  by  the  way  his  horse  fell 
with  him,  and  [he]  very  dangerously  bruised  his  arm  ;  to  the 
great  amazement  and  grief  of  all  them  that  were  about  His 
Majesty  at  that  time.  But  he,  being  of  an  invincible 
courage,  and  his  blood  yet  hot,  made  light  of  it  at  the  first : 
and  being  mounted  again,  rode  to  Sir  John  Harington's  ; 
where  he  continued  that  night. 

And,  on  Tuesday  morning,  the  pain  received  by  his  fall 
was  so  great  that  he  was  not  able  to  ride  on  horseback  ;  but 
he  turned  from  Sir  John  Harington's,  to  take  a  coach  : 
wherein  His  Highness  returned  to  Burlegh,  where  he  was 
royally  entertained  as  before  ;  but  not  with  half  that  joy, 
the  report  of  His  Majesty's  hurt  had  disturbed  all  the  Court 
so  much. 

The  next  day,  being  Wednesday  the  27th  day  of  April 
[1603],  His  Majesty  removed  from  Burlegh  towards  Master 
Oliver  Cromwell's. 

And,  in  the  way,  he  dined  at  that  worthy  and  worshipful 
Knight's,  Sir  ANTHONY  MiLDMAY's  [at  Apethorpe]  ;  where 
nothing  wanted  in  a  subject's  duty  to  his  Sovereign,  nor 
anything  in  so  potent  a  Sovereign  to  grace  so  loyal  a 
subject.  Dinner  being  most  sumptuously  furnished,  the 
tables  were  newly  covered  with  costly  Banquets  [Dessert] ; 
wherein  everything  that  was  most  delicious  for  taste  proved 
[the]  more  delicate  by  the  art  that  made  it  seem  beauteous 
to  the  eye :  the  Lady  of  the  House  being  one  of  the  most 
excellent  Confectioners  in  England ;  though  I  confess  many 
honourable  women  [to  be]  very  expert. 

Dinner  and  Banquet  [Dessert]  being  past,  and  His 
Majesty  at  point  to  depart ;  Sir  Anthony,  considering 
how  His  Majesty  vouchsafed  to  honour  him  with  his  royal 


40    James  I.  comes  to  Sir  Oliver  Cromwell's.  [May^i'eS 

presence,  presented  His  Highness  with  a  gallant  Barbary 
horse,  and  a  very  rich  saddle  with  furniture  suitable  thereto  : 
which  His  Majesty  most  lovingly  and  thankfully  accepted  : 
and  so,  taking  his  princely  leave,  set  forward  on  the  way. 

In  this  remove  towards  Master  Oliver  Cromwell's  did 
the  people  flock  in  greater  numbers  than  in  any  place 
northward.  Though  many  before  pressed  to  see  their 
Sovereign,  yet  here  the  numbers  multiplied. 

This  day,  as  His  Majesty  passed  through  a  great  common 
(which,  as  the  people  thereabout  complain,  Sir  I.  Spenser 
[John  Spencer]  of  London  hath  very  uncharitably  molested 
[enclosed^),  most  of  the  country  [district]  joined  together, 
beseeching  His  Majesty  that  the  common  might  be  laid 
open  again  for  the  comfort  of  the  poor  inhabiters  there- 
abouts :  which  His  Highness  most  graciously  promised 
should  be  performed,  according  to  their  hearts'  desire. 

And  so,  with  many  benedictions  of  the  comforted  people, 
he  passed  on  till  he  came  within  half  a  mile  of  Master 
Oliver  Cromwell's  [at  Hinchinbrook  Priory] ;  where 
met  him  the  Bailiff  of  Huntingdon,  who  made  a  long  oration 
to  His  Majesty,  and  there  delivered  him  the  Sword,  which 
His  Highness  gave  to  the  new[ly]  released  [Henry 
Wriothsley]  Earl  of  SOUTHAMPTON  [the  Patron  of 
Shakespeare\  to  bear  before  him. 

O  admirable  work  of  mercy !  confirming  the  hearts  of  all 
true  subjects  in  the  good  opinion  of  His  Majesty's  royal 
compassion  :  not  alone  to  deliver  from  the  captivity  such 
high  Nobility,  but  to  use  vulgarly  with  great  favours  not 
only  him,  but  also  the  children  of  his  late  honourable 
fellow  in  distress  \i.e.  of  Robert  Devereux  Earl  of 
Essex].  Well,  GOD  have  glory,  that  can  send  friends,  in 
the  hour  he  best  pleaseth,  to  help  them  that  trust  in  him. 

But  to  the  matter.  His  Majesty  passed,  in  state,  the 
Earl  of  Southampton  bearing  the  Sword  before  him,  as 
T  before  said  he  was  appointed,  to  Master  Oliver 
Cromwell's  house :  where  His  Majesty  and  all  his 
followers,  with  all  comers  whatsoever,  had  such  entertain- 
ment, as  the  like  had  not  been  seen  in  any  place  before, 
since  his  first  setting  forward  out  of  Scotland. 

There  was  such  plenty  and  variety  of  meats :  such 
diversity  of  wines,  and  those  not  rifte  ruffe  but  ever  the 


May^ieS^:]  The  welcome  of  Cambridge  University.    41 

best  of  the  kind ;  and  the  cellars  open  at  any  man's 
pleasure.  And  if  it  were  so  common  with  wine,  there  is 
little  question  but  the  Butteries  for  beer  and  ale  were 
more  common  ;  yet  in  neither  was  there  difference.  For 
whoever  entered  the  house,  which  to  no  man  was  denied, 
tasted  what  they  had  a  mind  to  :  and  after  a  taste,  found  full- 
ness :  no  man,  like  a  man,  being  denied  what  he  would  call  for. 

As  this  bounty  was  held  back  to  none  within  the  house ; 
so  for  such  poor  people  as  would  not  press  in,  there  were 
many  open  beer-houses  erected  :  where  there  was  no  want 
of  beef  and  bread  for  the  comfort  of  the  poorest  creatures. 
Neither  was  this  provision  for  the  little  time  of  His 
Majesty's  stay ;  but  it  was  made  ready  [for]  fourteen  days : 
and,  after  His  Highness's  departure,  distributed  to  as  many 
as  had  [a]  mind  to  it. 

There  attended  also  at  Master  OLIVER  Cromwell's,  the 
Heads  of  the  University  of  Cambridge,  all  clad  in  scarlet 
gowns  and  corner-caps ;  who,  having  presence  of  His 
Majesty,  there  was  made  a  most  learned  and  eloquent 
Oration  in  Latin,  welcoming  His  Majesty,  as  also  intreating 
the  confirmation  of  their  Charter  and  privileges  :  which  His 
Majesty  most  willingly  and  free  granted.  They  also  pre- 
sented His  Majesty  with  divers  books  published  in  commen- 
dation of  our  late  gracious  Queen :  all  which  was  most 
graciously  accepted  of  His  Highness. 

Also  Master  CROMWELL  presented  His  Majesty  with 
many  rich  and  acceptable  gifts :  as  a  very  great  and  a  very 
fair  wrought  Standing  Cup  of  gold,  goodly  horses,  float 
[  'ijieet]  and  deep-mouthed  hounds,  divers  hawks  of  excellent 
wing.  And  at  the  remove,  [he]  gave  £^0  [=^200  now] 
amongst  His  Majesty's  Officers, 

Upon  the  29th  day  [of  April  1603],  being  Friday,  after 
His  Highness  had  broke  his  fast ;  he  took  kind  and 
gracious  leave  of  Master  Oliver  Cromwell*  and  his 
virtuous  Lady,  late  widow  to  that  noble  and  opulent  Knight, 
Signer  HoRATio  Paulo  Vicino. 

Thence,  with  many  regal  thanks  for  his  entertainment,  he 
departed  to  Royston. 

*  Sir  Oliver  Cromwell  was  uncle  of  his  great  namesake.    E.  A. 


42     The  70  plow-teams  of  Godmanchester.  [May^i'eS 

And  as  he  passed  through  Godmanchester,  a  town  close 
by  Huntingdon,  the  Bailiffs  of  the  town  with  their  Brethren 
met  him  ;  and  acknowledged  their  allegiance.  There,  con- 
voying hiip  through  their  town,  they  presented  him  with 
threescore  and  ten  team[s]  of  horse  all  traced  to  fair  new 
ploughs  ;  in  shew  of  their  husbandry. 

Which,  while  His  Majesty,  being  very  well  delighted 
with  the  sight,  demanded.  Why  they  offered  him  so  many 
horses  and  ploughs  ?  he  was  resolved  [answered],  That  it 
was  their  ancient  custom  whensoever  any  King  of  England 
passed  through  their  town,  so  to  present  His  Excellence. 
Besides,  they  added,  that  they  held  their  lands  by  that 
tenure  ;  being  the  King's  tenants. 

His  Majesty  not  only  took  well  in  worth  their  good 
minds  ;  but  bade  them  use  well  their  ploughs :  being  glad 
he  was  landlord  of  so  many  good  husbandmen  in  one  town. 

I  trust  His  Highness,  when  he  knows  well  the  wrong,  will 
take  order  for  those,  as  Her  Majesty  began,  that  turn 
ploughland  into  pasturage :  and  where  many  good  husband- 
men dwelt  there  is  now  nothing  left  but  a  great  house 
without  [a]  fire :  the  Lord  commonly  at  sojourn  near 
London  ;  and  for  the  husbandmen  and  ploughs,  he  only 
maintains  a  shepherd  and  his  dog.  But  what  do  I  talking 
of  sheep  !  when  I  am  to  follow  the  gests  of  a  King.  I  will 
leave  them  and  their  wolfish  Lords,  that  have  eaten  up 
poor  husbandmen  like  sheep  :  and  proceed  where  I  left  [off]. 

His  Majesty,  being  past  Godmanchester,  held  on  his  way 
to  Royston ;  and  drawing  near  the  town,  the  Sheriff  of 
Huntingdonshire  humbly  took  his  leave.  And  there  he 
was  received  by  that  worthy  Knight,  Sir  Edward  Denny, 
High  Sheriff  of  Hertfordshire,  attended  upon  by  a  goodly 
company  of  proper  men,  being  in  number  seven  score, 
suitably  apparelled.  Their  liveries  [were]  blue  coats, 
with  sleeves  parted  in  the  midst,  buttoned  behind  in 
jerkin  fashion ;  and  white  doublets :  and  hats  and 
feathers :  and  all  of  them  mounted  on  horses  with  red 
saddles. 

Sir  Edward,  after  his  humble  duty  done,  presented 
His  Majesty  with  a  gallant  horse,  a  rich  saddle,  and  furni- 
ture correspondent  to  the  same ;  being  of  great  value : 
which  His    Majesty  accepted  very  graciously,  and  caused 


May^i'eS]  ^^^   King  reaches  Broxburn  Bury.   43 

him  to  ride  on  the  same  before  him.  This  worthy  Knight, 
being  of  a  dehver  spirit  and  agile  body,  quickly  mounted, 
managing  the  gallant  beast  with  neat  and  eiduing  work- 
manship [  f  eye-doing  horsemanship] :  being  in  a  rich  suit  of  a 
yellow  dun  colour ;  somewhat  near  the  colour  of  the  horse, 
and  the  furniture. 

And  thus,  in  brave  manner,  he  conducted  His  Majesty 
to  one  Master  Chester's  house  [at  Cockenhatch]  :  where 
His  Highness  lay  that  night,  at  his  own  kingly  charge. 

The  30th  day  [of  April  1603],  being  Saturday,  His 
Majesty  took  his  journey  towards  Standon,  to  Sir  Thomas 
Sadler's  :  and,  by  the  way,  [Dr  Richard  Bancroft]  the 
Bishop  of  London  met  him ;  attended  on  by  a  seemly 
company  of  Gentlemen  in  tawny  coats  and  chains  of 
gold. 

At  Sir  Thomas  Sadler's,  His  Majesty  was  royally 
entertained,  for  himself  and  his  kingly  train :  nothing 
being  wanting  the  best  desired,  nor  the  meanest  could 
demand. 

There  His  Majesty  stayed  [on]  Sunday  :  before  whom  the 
Bishop  of  London  preached. 

His  Majesty,  now  drawing  near  to  London,  the  numbers 
of  people  more  and  more  increased,  as  well  of  Nobility, 
Gentry,  Citizens,  country  people,  and  all ;  as  well  of  degree 
as  of  no  degree.  So  great  a  desire  had  the  Noble  that 
they  pressed  with  the  ignoble  to  see  their  Sovereign  :  this 
being  the  difference  of  their  desires,  that  the  better  sort, 
either  in  blood  or  of  conceit,  came  to  observe  and  serve ;  the 
other  to  see  and  wonder. 

The  1st  of  May  [1603],  being  Monday,  His  Majesty 
removed  to  Sir  Henry  Cock's  [at  Broxburn  Bury],  being 
9  miles  from  Sir  Thomas  Sadler's  :  where  provision  for 
His  Majesty  and  his  royal  train  was  so  abundant  that  there 
was  no  man  of  what  condition  soever,  but  had  what  his 
appetite  desired.  For  His  Majesty's  private  and  most  to  be 
respected  entertainment :  it  was  such  as  ministered  His 
Highness  great  contentment. 

Continuing    there    but    one    night,    and    departing    the 


44        The  King  arrives  at  Theobalds.      [May^ic^: 

next  day ;  [he]  honoured  the  good  Knight  for  his  greater 
expenses. 

The  3rd  of  May  [1603],  being  Tuesday,  His  Majesty  took 
his  journey  towards  Theobalds,  a  house  belonging  to  Sir 
Robert  Cecil,  and  about  4  miles  distant  from  Sir 
Henry  Cock's  :  where  met  him  [Sir  Thomas  Egerton,, 
afterwards  Lord  Ellesmere,]  the  Lord  Keeper  [of  the 
Great  Seal],  [Thomas  Sackville,  Earl  of  Dorset,]  the 
Lord  Treasurer,  [Charles  Howard,  Earl  of  Notting- 
ham,] the  Lord  Admiral,  with  most  of  the  Nobility  of  the 
land  and  [the]  Council  of  Estate ;  who  were  graciously 
received. 

At  which  time,  the  Lord  Keeper  made  a  most  grave, 
learned,  brief,  and  pithy  oration  to  His  Majesty :  to  which 
His  Highness  answered  with  great  grace  and  princely 
wisdom. 

At  this  house  there  met  His  Majesty  all,  or  the  most  part, 
of  the  old  servants  and  Officers  in  [the]  Household  of  our 
late  royal  Mistress,  Queen  Elizabeth  ;  and  with  them,  the 
Guard  of  His  Majesty's  Body :  all  of  them  being  courteously 
received  to  their  own  content. 

Also  in  this  house  of  Theobalds,  His  Majesty  made 
divers  Noblemen  of  Scotland,  of  his  Honourable  Privy 
Council  [of  England],  viz  : 

[LoDOwicK  Stuart,]  the  Duke  of  Lenox. 

[John  Erskine,]  the  Earl  of  Mar. 

[Alexander  Home,]  the  Lord  Home. 

Sir    George    Home  [,  aftenvards  Earl    of  Dunbar], 

Treasurer  of  Scotland. 
Sir  James  Elphinston  [,  afterwards  Lord  Balmeri- 

NOCH],  Secretary  to  the  King. 
[Edward  Bruce,]  the  Lord  of  Kinloss,  now  Master 
of  His  Majesty's  Rolls.     [He  received  that  appoint- 
ment on  1 8th  May  1603.] 

Also  of  the  English  Nobility,  he  made  these  of  his  secret 
and  Honourable  [Privy]  Council  ; 

The  Lord  Henry  Howard  [,  afterwards  Earl  of  Nor- 
thampton]. 
The   Lord   Thomas    Howard   [,  afterwards   Earl   of 


May^ie^:]        Knights  made  at  Theobalds.  45 

Suffolk]  :  who  was  also  made  there,  Lord  Chamber- 
lain. 
[Charles  Blount,]  the  Lord  Mountjoy  ^.afterwards 
Earl  of  Devonshire]. 


His  Majesty  stayed  at  Theobalds  four  days  \^rd-6th  May 
1603] ;  where  to  speak  of  Sir  Robert's  cost  to  entertain 
him  were  but  to  imitate  geographers  that  set  a  little  o  for 
a  mighty  Province  :  words  being  hardly  able  to  express  what 
was  done  there  indeed,  considering  the  multitude  that 
thither  resorted,  besides  the  train  ;  none  going  hence  unsatis- 
fied.    ISee  Vol.  v.,  pp.  623-656]. 

At  Theobalds,  His  Majesty  made  these  Knights  [on 
7th  May]  : 


r  William  Killigrew      [co.  Cornw.] 
r  Francis  Barrington     [co.  Essex] 
r  Rowland  Litton  [co.  Hertf.] 

r  William  Peters  [?Petre][co.  Essex] 


John  Brograve 
William  Cooke 
Arthur  Capel 
Herbert  Croft 
Edward  Grevill 
Henry  Boteler 
Henry  Maynard 
Richard  Spencer 
John  Leventhorp 
Michael  Stanhope 
Thomas  Pope  Blount 
Richard  Gifford. 
Thomas  Medcalfe 
Gamaliel  Capel 
William  Smith 
John  Ferrers 
Robert  Bitton 
Vincent  Skinner 
Hugh  Beeston 
John  Leigh 
Thomas  Bishop 
Edward  Lewis 


[co.  Hertf] 
[co.  Essex] 
[co  Hertf] 
[co.  Heref] 
[co.  Warw.] 
[co.  Hertf] 
[co.  Essex] 
[co.  Hertf] 
[co.  Hertf] 
[co.  Suff.] 
[co.  Hertf.] 

[co.  York.] 

[co.  Essex] 

[co.  Essex] 

[co.  Hertf] 

[not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

[co.  Middl.] 

[co.  Chest.] 

[not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

[co.  Suss.] 

[co.  Glam.] 


46        James  I.  enters  London  in  state.      [May'^16^3: 

Sir  Gervase  Elwes  [or  Ellys] 

Sir  Richard  Baker  [the  Chronicler,  co.  Kent] 

[Sir  Henry  Fanshaw  co.  Hertf.] 

The  7th  of  May  [1603],  being  Saturday,  His  Majesty 
removed  from  Theobalds,  towards  London,  riding  through 
the  meadows :  where,  within  two  miles  on  this  side  of 
Waltham,  Sir  Henry  Denny  discharged  his  followers. 

And  there,  Master  Swinnerton,  one  of  the  Sheriffs 
of  London,  accompanied  with  the  Sheriff  of  Middlesex, 
met  his  Majesty,  with  sixty  men  in  livery  cloaks ;  where 
an  eloquent  and  learned  oration  was  made  to  His  Highness. 

Besides  these  men  in  livery  cloaks  that  attended  the 
Sheriff,  all  well  mounted  on  gallant  horses ;  most  of  the 
Sheriffs  Officers  attended  him  :  who  conducted  His  Majesty 
[to]  within  two  miles  of  London. 

And  at  Stamford  Hill  [Master  ROBERT  Lee]  the  Lord 
Mayor  of  London  presented  him  with  the  Sword  and  Keys 
of  the  City :  with  whom  were  the  Knights  and  Aldermen 
in  scarlet  gowns  and  great  chains  of  gold  about  their  necks, 
with  the  Chief  Officers  and  Council  of  the  City.  Besides 
500  citizens,  all  very  well  mounted,  clad  in  velvet  coats 
and  chains  of  gold ;  with  the  chief  Gentlemen  of  the 
Hundreds :  who  made  a  gallant  shew  to  entertain  their 
Sovereign. 

There  also  met  his  Majesty,  all  his  Officers  of  Estate,  as 
Serjeants  at  Arms  with  their  rich  maces ;  the  Heralds  with 
their  Coats  of  Arms,  and  Trumpeters :  every  one  in  their 
order  and  due  place. 

The  Duke  of  Lenox  bore  the  Sword  of  Honour  before 
His  Majesty :  and  so  His  Highness  passed  on  in  royal  and 
imperial  manner. 

At  this  time,  that  honourable  old  Knight  Sir  Henry 
Leigh  met  with  His  Majesty,  being  attended  by  sixty 
gallant  men  well  mounted  on  fair  horses,  thirty  of  them 
being  great  horses :  many  of  his  men  having  chains  of  gold  ; 
the  rest  wearing  yellow  scarfs  embroidered  with  these  words, 
Constantia  etfide.  To  this  old  Knight,  His  Majesty  spake  very 
lovingly  :  and  so  paced  through  his  troops  very  well  pleased. 
The  multitudes  of  people  in  high  ways,  fields,  meadows, 
closes,  and  on  trees,  were  such  that  they  covered  the  beauty 


May'i'eS]  Knights  made  at  the  Charterhouse. 


47 


of  the  fields  ;  and  so  greedy  were  they  to  behold  the  counte- 
nance of  the  King  that,  with  much  unruliness,  they  injured 
and  hurt  one  another.  Some  even  hazarded  to  the  danger 
of  death.  But  as  uncivil  as  they  were  among  themselves ; 
all  the  way,  as  His  Majesty  past  [they  welcomed  him]  with 
shouts,  and  cries,  and  casting  up  of  hats  (of  which  many 
never  returned  into  the  owners'  hands). 

He  passed  by  them,  over  the  fields  ;  and  came  in  at  the 
back  side  of  the  Charterhouse. 


Thither  being  come,  he  was  most  royal  received  and 
entertained  by  the  Lord  Thomas  Howard.  Where  was 
such  abundance  of  provision  of  all  manner  of  things  that 
greater  could  not  be  ;  both  of  rare  wild  fowls,  and  many  rare 
and  extraordinary  banquets  ;  to  the  great  liking  of  His 
Majesty,  and  contentment  of  the  whole  train. 

He  lay  there  four  nights  \yth  to  loth  May  1603]  :  in  which 
time  the  Lords  of  the  Council  often  resorted  thither,  and  sat 
upon  their  serious  affairs. 

At  his  departure  [iitk  May  1603],  he  made  divers  Knights, 
whose  names  are  these  : 

Sir  Charles  Howard 

Sir  Ambrose  Willoughby 

Sir  Edward  Howard 

Sir  Henry  Hastings 

Sir  Giles  Allington 

Sir  Richard  Verney 

Sir  John  Thinne 

Sir  William  Fitzwilliams 
William  Carrel 


Sir 
Sir 
Sir 


Edward  Bacon 
Francis  Anderson 
Sir  John  Poultney 
Sir  Edward  Darcy 
Sir  John  Sydenham 
Sir  John  Tufton 
Sir  Thomas  Griffin 
Sir  Valentine  Knightley 
Sir  Ralph  Wiseman 
Sir  William  Ayloffe 
Sir  James  Cromer 


CO. 
CO. 
CO. 
CO. 


Suss.] 
Line] 
Sum] 
Leic] 
CO.  Camb.] 
CO.  Warw.] 
CO.  Wilts.] 
CO.  Line] 
CO.  Suss.] 
CO.  Suff.] 
CO.  Bedf.] 
CO.  Notts.] 
CO.  York] 
CO.  Som.] 
CO.  Kent] 
CO.  Northt.] 
CO.  Northt.] 
CO.  Essex] 
CO.  Essex] 
CO.  Kent] 


48        Knights  made  at  the  Charterhouse.  [ 


T.  M. 

May  1603. 


r  Thomas  Rouse 

r  Rodney 

r  Henry  Vaughan 

r  John  Smith 

r  John  Hunnam 

r  Thomas  Mede 

r  Eusebius  Isham 

r  Arthur  Cooper 

r  Robert  Wingfield 

r  Thomas  Josling 

r  Henry  Gooderick 

r  Maximilian  Dallison 

r  William  Cope 

r  George  Fleetwood 

r  Peter  Evers 

r  Henry  Cleere 

r  Francis  Wolley 

r  Arthur  Mainwaring 

r  Edward  Waterhouse 

r  William  Twysden 

r  Hatton  Cheeke 

r  Henry  Goring 

r  Robert  Townsend 

r  William  Hynde 

r  Richard  Sandys 

r  Robert  Bruce  Cotton 

r  Oliver  Luke 

r  Thomas  Knevet 

r  Henry  Seckford 

r  Edwin  Sandys 

r  John  Ashley 

r  William  Fleetwood 

r  Walter  Mildmay 

r  Edward  Lewkenor 

r  Miles  Sandys 

r  William  Kingsmill 

r  Thomas  Kempe 

r  Edward  Tyrrel 

r  Thomas  Russell 

r  Richard  Tichborne 

r  Thomas  Cornwall 


[CO.  Suff.] 

[not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

[not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

[co.  Kent] 

[co.  Chest.] 

[co.  Kent] 

[co.  Northt] 

[co.  Sum] 

[co.  Northt] 

[co.  Herts.] 

[co.  York.] 

[co.  Kent] 

[co.  Northt] 

[co.  Bucks.] 

[co.  Line] 

[co.  Norf.] 

[co.  Line] 

[co.  Chest.] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  Kent] 

[?  CO.  Essex] 

[co.  Suss.] 

[co.  Salop.] 

[co.  Camb.] 

[co.  Kent] 

[co.  Hunts.] 

[co.  Bedf.] 

[co.  Norf.] 

[co.  Suff.] 

[co.  Kent] 

[co.  Kent] 

[co.  Bedf] 

[co.  Essex] 

[co.  Suff.]  " 

[co.  Camb.] 

[co.  Southt] 

[co.  Kent] 

[co.  Bucks.] 

[co.  Wore] 

[co.  Southt.] 

[co.  Salop.] 


T.  M. 
May  1603 


:]  Knights  made  at  the  Charterhouse.     49 


r  Richard  Fermor 
r  William  Stafford 
r  Thomas  Carrell 
r  Edward  Carrell 
r  Thomas  Palmer 
r  Robert  Newdigate 
r  George  Rawleigh 
r  Thomas  Beaufoe 
r  William  Lower 
r  Thomas  Fairfax 
r  Henry  Sidney 
r  George  Harvey 
r  Henry  Grippes 

[or  Crispe 
r  John  Heveningham 
r  William  Bowyer 
r  Jerome  Weston 
r  Edmund  Bowyer 
r  Nicholas  Haslewood 
r  John  Jennings 
r  Ambrose  Turville 
r  John  Luke 
r  John  Dormer 
r  Richard  Saunders 
r  John  Sherley 
r  Thomas  Wayneman 
r  Goddard  Pempton 
r  Thomas  Metham 
r  Edmund  Bellingham 
r  John  Harington 
r  Edward  Harington 
r  William  Dyer 
r  William  Dyer 
r  Walter  Montague 
Sir  Guy  Palmes 
Sir  Henry  Ashley 

Thomas  Vackathell 
[or  Vachill.] 
Sir  Thomas  Stukeley 
Sir  Edward  Watson 
Sir  Thomas  Preston 

D 


[co.  Northt.] 

[co.  Hunts.] 

[co.  Suss.] 

[not  in  J.  Philipot's  List] 

[co.  Kent] 

[co.  Bedf.] 

[co.  Essex] 

[co.  Warw.] 

[co.  Cornw.] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  Norf.] 

[co.  Essex] 

CO.  Kent] 
[co.  Norf.] 
[co.  Bucks.] 
[co.  Essex] 
[co.  Surr.] 
[co.  Northt.] 
[co.  Wore] 
[co.  Line] 
[co.  Bedf.] 
[co.  Bucks,] 
[co.  Line] 
[co.  Suss.] 
[co.  Oxon.] 

[co.  York] 
[co.  Camb.] 
[co.  York] 
[co.  York] 
[co.  Som.] 
[co.  Som.] 
[co.  Som.] 
[co.  Rutl.] 
[co.  Surr.] 


[co.  Suss.] 
[co.  Northt] 
[co.  Dors.] 


50     Knights  made  at  the  Charterhouse.   [Ma/i'eol: 


Sir  William  Leeke 
Sir  Charles  Cornwallis 
Sir  Edward  Francis 
Sir  Hugh  Losse 
Sir  William  Lygon 
Sir  Thomas  [le]  Grosse 
Sir  John  Taskerow 

[or  Tasburgh 
Sir  Thomas  Fowler 
Sir  EusEBius  Andrew 
Sir  Edward  Andrew 
Sir  William  Kingsmill 
Sir  Robert  Lucy 
Sir  William  Walter 
Sir  John  Cutts 
Sir  Richard  Blount 
Sir  Anthony  Bering 
Sir  H.  Vaughan 
Sir  John  Carew 
Sir  Edward  Apsley 
Sir  Bertram  Boomer 
Sir  William  Alford 
Sir  Robert  Lee 
Sir  Thomas  Beaumont 
Sir  Robert  Markham 
Sir  Francis  Castilion 
Sir  George  Savile 
Sir  George  Martham 
Sir  Arthur  Attie 

[or  Atey 
Sir  Pecksall  Brocas 
Sir  John  Washall  [or 

?  Sir  Robert  Marshall] 
Sir  Robert  Cleveland 
Sir  Richard  Fermor 
[Sir  Thomas  Cheke 
[Sir  Thomas  Ayloffe 
[Sir  Walter  Tichborne 
[Sir  Thomas  Baker 


[CO.  Suff.] 

[notin  J.  Philipot's  List] 

[CO.  Middl.] 

[co.  Wore] 

[co.  Norf.] 

CO.  Suff.] 

[co.  Middl] 

[co.  Northt.] 

[notin  J.  Philipot's  List] 

[co.  Southt] 

[co.  Warw.] 

[co.  Camb.] 

[co.  Oxon.] 

[co.  Kent] 

[notin  J.  Philipot's  List] 

[co.  Som.] 

[co.  Suss.] 

[co.  York] 

[co.  Line] 

[co.  Leic] 

[co.  Oxon.] 

[co.  Berks.] 

[co.  York] 

[notin  J. Philipot's  List] 

CO.  Middl.] 
[co.  Southt] 


[co.  Northt] 

CO.  Essex] 

CO.  Essex] 

] 

] 


May^i'eS]  James  I.  enters  the  Tower  of  London.     51 

Upon  Wednesday,  the  nth  of  May  1603,  His  Majesty 
set  forward  from  the  Charterhouse,  to  the  Tower  of  London  ; 
in  going  quietly  on  horseback  to  Whitehall,  where  he  took 
[his]  barge. 

Having  shot  the  Bridge  \London  Bridge],  his  present 
landing  was  expected  at  [the]  Tower  Stairs.  But  it  pleased 
His  Highness  to  pass  the  Tower  Stairs,  towards  St 
Katharine's  :  and  there  stayed  on  the  water  to  see  the 
ordnance  on  the  White  Tower,  commonly  called  JULIUS 
Cesar's  Tower,  being  in  number  20  pieces ;  [together] 
with  the  great  ordnance  on  Tower  Wharf,  being  in  number 
100;  and  chambers  to  the  number  of  130,  discharged  off 
Of  which  all  services  were  so  sufficiently  performed  by  the 
Gunners,  that  a  peal  of  so  good  order  was  never  heard  before  : 
which  was  most  commendable  to  all  sorts,  and  very  accept- 
able to  the  King. 

Then  his  royal  person  arrived  at  his  own  Stairs,  so  called 
the  King's  Stairs  ;  and  with  him  these  Nobles,  besides  other 
gallant  Gentlemen  of  worthy  note,  viz  : 

[Charles  Howard,  the  Earl  of  Nottingham,]  the 

Lord  Admiral, 
[Henry  Percy,]  the  Earl  of  Northumberland, 
[Edward  Somerset,]  the  Earl  of  Worcester, 
Lord  Thomas  Howard,  &c. 

At  his  coming  up  the  Stairs,  the  Sword  was  presented  to 
His  Majesty  by  Sir  Thomas  Coni[g]SBY,  Gentleman 
Usher  of  his  Privy  Chamber  ;  and  by  the  King  delivered 
to  the  Duke  of  LENOX  :  who  bare  it  before  him  into  the 
Tower, 

Upon  the  Stairs,  the  Gentleman  Porter  delivered  the  Keys 
of  the  Tower  to  [Sir  John  Peyton]  the  Lieutenant  of  the 
Tower ;  and  the  Lieutenant  presented  them  accordingly 
to  the  King's  Majesty  :  who  most  graciously  acknowledged 
the  most  faithful  discharge  of  the  loyal  and  most  great  trust 
put  in  him  ;  so,  taking  him  about  the  neck,  [he]  redelivered 
them  again. 

After  his  repose  in  the  Tower  some  {i.e.  about  an]  hour ; 
it  was  His  Majesty's  pleasure  to  see  some  [of  the]  Offices  : 
as  the  Armory,  the  Wardrobe,  the  rich  Artillery,  and  the 
Church.  And  after,  for  recreation,  he  walked  in  the  garden  : 
and  so  rested  for  that  night. 


52    Knights  made  at  the  Tower  of  London.  [May^,- 


M. 
603. 


The  next  day,  being  Thursday  and  the  12th  of  May  [1603] 
he  saw  the  Ordnance  House  ;  and  after  that,  the  Mint 
Houses  ;  and,  last  of  all,  the  lions. 

The  next  day,  being  Friday  the  13th  of  May  [1603],  he 
made  these  Lords  and  Knights  following,  viz : 

In  his  Presence  Chamber,  before  dinner. 
[Sir   Robert    Cecil,]    Lord   Essendon  [,  co.  Rutl. : 

afterwards  Earl  of  Salisbury]. 
[Sir  Robert  Sydney,]  Lord  Sydney  of  Penshurst  [,  co. 

Kent :  afterwards  Earl  of  LEICESTER]. 
[Sir    William  Knollys,]  Lord  Knollys   of  Grays 

[,  CO.  Oxon.  :  afterwards  Earl  of  Banbury]. 
[Sir  Edward  Wotton,]  Lord  Wotton  of  Mar[her]le)' 

[,  CO.  Kent], 
Sir  John  Deane  [co.  Essex] 

Sir  John  Treavor  [co.  Flint] 

Sir  Thomas  Smith  [co.  Kent] 

Sir  Thomas  Hubert  [co.  Norf] 

And  [in  the]  afternoon,  in  the  Gallery. 
Sir  William  Dethick,  Garter 

[King  at  Arms  co.  Sum] 

Sir  Robert  Macklarand    [co.  Oxon.] 
Sir  George  Morton  [co.  Dors.] 

Sir  Edmund  Bell  [co.  Norf.] 

Sir  Thomas  Peyton  [co.  Kent] 

Sir  David  Fowles 
Sir  William  Gardner         [co.  Surr.l 


KING    JAMES 

his  entertainment 
at  Theobalds. 

With  his  welcome  to   London, 
together  with  a  salutatory 

Poem. 

By  yoHN  Savile. 

Dicito  Id  pee  an  :  et  Id  his  dicito  pcean» 


LONDON: 

Printed  by  Thomas  Snodham,  and  are  to  be  sold 

at  the  house  of  T.  E  s  t  e  . 

1603. 


55 


To  the  right  worshipful  Master  George 

S  A  V  I L  E  ,  son  and  heir  to  Sir  George 

S  A  V I L  E  knight,  his  most  approved 

kind  patron;  health,  honour, 

and  happiness. 

Ffspring  of  Gentry,  sprig  for  Honour  drest, 
'Tis  half  your  loss  (O  hell!)  but  all  my  blame, 
In  proper  words  your  worth  should  not  b'exprest. 
Let  it  suffice  that  I  adore  your  name! 

Then  pardon  what  is  wanting !  I  will  owe  it ; 

And  as  I'm  able,  I  will  pay,  I  vow  it  I 


Meanwhile,  accept  this  Poem  to  our  King  I 

Peruse  it  at  your  leisure,  half  or  all ! 

Your  Worship's  worth,  our  Muse  shall  shortly  sing  ; 

Though  in  true  Poesy,  her  skill  's  but  small : 

Howe'er  it  be,  accept  her  pure  goodwill  I 

She  rests  at  your  command,  in  all  save  111. 

Your  Worship's 

Ever  ready  at  command  in  all  duty. 

John     Savile. 


M<^B'^W<^^ 


56 


King   James  his  entertainment  at  Theo- 
balds ;  with  his  welcome  to  London. 


mM^^^^^^^^i 

i 

OuRTEOUS  Reader  !  for  the  better  under- 
standing of  this  description  following, 
especially  [those]  to  whom  the  situation 
of  the  place  is  either  less  known  or  not  at 
all  :  they  are  therefore  to  note  that  Theo- 
balds (whither  the  King's  Majesty  came 
on  Tuesday,  being  the  3rd  of  May,  accom- 
panied with  his  whole  train)  is  a  princely 
manor  belonging  to  the  Right  Honourable  Sir  Robert 
Cecil,  Principal  Secretary  to  His  Majesty,  and  one  of  His 
Highness's  Privy  Council,  seated  in  the  county  of  Essex 
{or  rather  Hertfordshire,  near  Cheshunt],  twelve  miles  distant 
from  London,  directly  by  north,  near  to  an  ancient  town 
called  Walton  [Waltham]  Cross. 

This  house  is  not  placed  adjoining  to  the  highwayside,  as 
many  sumptuous  buildings  are  in  that  country  and  there- 
abouts (and  especially  between  that  place  and  London),  the 
most  part  whereof  belong  to  the  city  merchants  :  but  it  hath 
a  most  stately  Walk  from  the  common  streetway,  whereby 
passengers  travel  up  to  the  palace,  by  the  space  of  one 
furlong  in  length,  beset  about,  either  side,  with  young  elm 
and  ash  trees  confusedly  mixed  one  for  another,  from  the 
highway  to  the  first  court  belonging  to  the  house  ;  containing 
in  breadth  three  rods  (which  amount  to  some  fifteen  yards), 


fjunfT^!';]      Savile  at  the  Bell  at  Edmonton.       57 

in  fashion  made  like  a  high  ridgeland,  or  the  middle  street- 
way  without  Bishopsgate. 

His  Majesty  having  dined  upon  that  same  day,  with  Sir 
Henry  Cocks  at  Broxbourne,  four  miles  distant  from 
Theobalds,  about  half  an  hour  after  one  a  clock  in  the 
afternoon,  His  Highness  proceeded  forward  towards  Theo- 
balds. He  was  accompanied  by  Sir  Edward  Denny, 
then  Sheriff  of  Essex  [?  Hertfordshire],  who  had  150  followers 
in  parti-coloured  hats,  red  and  yellow  bands,  round  rolled, 
with  a  feather  in  every  one  of  them  of  the  same  colour ; 
besides  two  trumpeters  :  all  which  were  in  blue  coats,  and 
gallantly  mounted.  There  did  accompany  His  Majesty  from 
Broxbourne,  many  of  the  nobility  of  England  and  Scotland. 

As  His  Highness  was  espied  coming  towards  Theobalds, 
for  very  joy  many  ran  from  their  carts,  leaving  their  team  of 
horse[s]  to  their  own  unreasonable  direction. 

After  his  nigh  approach  unto  Theobalds,  the  concourse  of 
people  was  so  frequent,  every  one  desiring  a  sight  of  him, 
that  it  were  incredible  to  tell  of.  And  it  was  wonderful  to 
see  the  infinite  number  of  horsemen  and  footmen  that  went 
from  the  city  of  London  that  day,  thitherwards  ;  and  likewise 
from  the  counties  of  Kent,  Surrey,  Essex,  and  Middlesex, 
besides  many  other  countries. 

There  were  in  my  company  two  others.  After  I  had  put 
it  into  their  minds,  what  infinite  numbers  of  horse  and  foot 
passed  by  us,  after  our  breakfast  at  Edmonton,  at  the  sign 
of  the  Bell,  we  took  occasion  to  note  how  many  would  come 
down  in  the  next  hour.  So  coming  up  into  a  chamber  next 
the  street,  where  we  might  best  both  see  and  likewise  take 
notice  of  all  passengers  ;  we  called  for  an  hourglass,  and  after 
we  had  disposed  of  ourselves  as  to  who  should  take  the  number 
of  the  horse  {ridevs],  and  who  the  foot  [walkers],  we  turned  the 
hourglass  ;  but  before  it  was  half  run  out,  we  could  not 
possibly  truly  number  them,  they  came  so  exceedingly  fast. 
There  we  broke  off,  and  made  our  account  of  309  horse,  and 
137  footmen  ;  which  course  continued  that  day,  from  four 
a  clock  in  the  morning  till  three  a  clock  [in  the]  afternoon  ; 
and  the  day  before  also,  as  the  host  of  the  house  told  us, 
without  intermission.  Now  whether  every  equal  space  [of 
time]  did  equal  the  number  of  this  I  cannot  justly  say; 
therefore  I  forbear  to  set  it  down. 


58       K/NG  James  I.  arrives  at  Theobalds,     [jjJnf^eo^ 

When  we  were  come  to  Theobalds,  we  understood  His 
Majesty  to  be  within  the  compass  of  three  quarters  of  a  mile 
from  the  house.  At  which  tidings,  we  divided  ourselves  into 
three  parts,  each  one  taking  a  place  of  special  note,  to  see  what 
memorable  accidents  might  happen  within  his  compass ;  one 
standing  at  the  upper  end  of  the  Walk,  the  second  at  the 
upper  end  of  the  first  court,  the  third  [i.e.,  J.  Savile 
himself]  at  the  second  court's  door ;  and  we  made  choice  of 
a  gentleman  of  good  sort  to  stand  in  the  court  that  leads  into 
the  hall,  to  take  notice  what  was  said  or  done  by  His  High- 
ness to  the  nobility  of  our  land,  or  said  or  done  by  them  to 
His  Majesty,  and  to  let  us  understand  of  it.  All  which 
accidents,  as  they  happened  in  their  several  places,  you  shall 
hear  in  as  few  words  as  may  be. 

Thus  then  for  His  Majesty's  coming  up  the  Walk.  There 
came  before  His  Majesty  some  of  the  nobility,  some  Barons, 
Knights,  Esquires,  Gentlemen,  and  others  ;  amongst  whom 
was  the  Sheriff  of  Essex  [1  Hertfordshire]  and  most  of  his 
men,  the  trumpets  sounding  next  before  His  Highness, 
sometimes  one,  sometimes  another;  His  Majesty  not  riding 
continually  betwixt  the  same  two  [noblemen],  but  sometimes 
[with]  one,  sometimes  [with]  another,  as  seemed  best  to  His 
Highness ;  the  whole  nobility  of  our  land  and  Scotland  round 
about  him,  observing  no  place  of  superiority,  but  all  bare- 
headed ;  all  of  whom  alighted  from  their  horses  at  their 
entrance  to  the  first  court,  save  only  His  Majesty,  who  alone 
rode  along  still,  with  four  noblemen  laying  their  hands  upon 
his  steed,  two  before  and  two  behind.  In  this  manner  he 
came  till  he  was  come  to  the  court's  door  where  I,  myself, 
stood,  where  he  alighted  from  his  horse  ;  from  which  he  had 
not  gone  ten  princely  paces  but  there  was  delivered  to  him  a 
petition  by  a  young  gentleman ;  His  Majesty  returning  his 
gracious  answer,  that  "  He  should  be  heard,  and  have 
justice." 

At  the  entrance  to  that  court  stood  many  noblemen ; 
among  whom  was  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  who  there  meet- 
ing His  Majesty,  conducted  him  into  his  house  ;  all  which 
was  practised  with  as  great  applause  of  the  people  as  could 
be,  hearty  prayer  and  throwing  up  of  hats. 

His  Majesty  had  not  stayed  above  an  hour  in  his  chamber, 
but  hearing  of  the  multitude  thronging  so  fast  into  the  upper- 


rjunfTeoa'.]     WHERE  THERE  IS  A  UNIVERSAL  FEASTING.         59 

most  court  to  see  His  Highness,  as  His  Grace  was  informed  ; 
he  shewed  himself  openly,  out  of  his  chamber  window,  by 
the  space  of  half  an  hour  together.  After  which  time,  he 
went  into  the  labyrinth-like  garden  to  walk  ;  where  he  re- 
created himself  in  the  meanders,  compact  of  bays,  rosemary, 
and  the  like  overshadowing  his  walk,  to  defend  him  from  the 
heat  of  the  sun,  till  supper  time.  At  which,  there  was  such 
plenty  of  provision  for  all  sorts  of  men  in  their  due  place,  as 
struck  me  with  admiration  [astonishment]. 

And  first,  to  begin  with  the  ragged  regiment,  and  such  as 
were  debarred  the  privilege  of  any  Court,  these  were  so 
sufficiently  rewarded  with  beef,  veal,  mutton,  bread,  and 
beer,  that  they  sang  "  holiday !  "  every  day,  and  kept  a  con- 
tinual feast.  As  for  poor,  maimed,  and  distressed  soldiers, 
which  repaired  thither  for  maintenance  ;  the  wine,  money, 
and  meat,  which  they  had  in  very  bounteous  sort,  hath  been 
a  sufficient  spur  to  cause  them  to  blaze  it  abroad  since  their 
coming  to  London  :  whose  thankfulness  is  not  altogether 
unknown  to  myself,  some  of  whom  hearing  that  I  was  about 
to  publish  this  small  Remembrance,  made  means  to  me  to 
give  me  true  information  of  such  princely  exhibition,  as  they 
daily  received  during  the  time  of  His  Majesty's  abode  at 
Theobalds. 

But  let  us  a  little  look  back  into  the  Mirror  of  Majesty,  to 
our  Sovereign's  own  self!  who  in  his  princely  wisdom,  con- 
sidering the  multitude  of  people  assembled  together,  had  that 
provident  care  over  us  his  loving  subjects,  that  (foreseeing 
that  victuals  would  be  dear,  both  for  horse  and  man,  had 
they  been  permitted  to  have  been  disposed  of,  according  to 
the  unsatiable  desire  of  the  town  inhabitants)  he  ratified  a 
deposition  to  that  effect  before  the  Clerk  of  the  Market,  for 
such  and  such  victuals,  meal,  bread,  butter,  eggs,  cheese, 
beef,  mutton,  veal,  and  the  like,  with  lodgings  and  many 
more  such  necessary  matters,  that  they  should  not  be  out  ot 
measure  dear,  beyond  ordinary  course  and  custom,  within 
the  verge  of  His  Majesty's  Court,  so  long  as  it  continued  at 
Theobalds.  What  his  princely  intention  was  in  this,  towards 
the  public  good  of  all  his  faithful  subjects  then  and  there 
assembled  together,  drawn  merely  with  the  bonds  of  love  and 
bounden  duty,  may  easily  be  gathered  by  the  publication  of 
the  same  by  His  Majesty's  privilege :  but  how  effectually 


6o    The  multitude  that  came  out  of  London. [,  /^^t^^^l 

this  was  observed  by  all  estates  of  people  within  the  verge 
of  His  Majesty's  Court  at  the  said  time,  I  refer  it  to  the 
censure  of  them  that  are  assured  of  the  certainty  of  it. 

Upon  Wednesday  morn,  being  the  4th  of  May  [1603],  His 
Majesty  rode,  very  early  in  the  morning,  into  Enfield  Chase, 
accompanied  with  many  of  the  nobility.  His  return  was 
shorter  than  was  expected  by  a  great  deal,  by  reason  that  the 
morning  seemed  to  promise  a  shower,  but  did  not  perform  it. 
I  could  have  wished  that  either  it  had  never  lowered  at  all, 
so  should  we  have  enjoyed  the  presence  of  His  Majesty  the 
longer  at  that  present,  or  that  the  middle  region  would  have 
given  us  just  cause  to  have  railed  against  it,  by  urging  His 
Highness's  return  into  the  house  before  his  full  recreation. 

He  rode  the  most  part  of  the  way  from  the  Chase,  between 
two  honourable  personages  of  our  land,  the  Earl  of  North- 
umberland upon  His  Majesty's  right  hand,  and  the  Earl  of 
Nottingham  upon  his  left  hand. 

Now  one  word  concerning  His  Majesty's  proceeding 
towards  London,  upon  Saturday,  the  7th  of  May ;  and  so  I 
will  end. 

For  the  number  of  people  that  went  forth  of  the  city  of 
London  to  see  His  Majesty  that  day ;  doubtless  they  were 
contained  in  a  number,  but,  without  all  doubt,  were  not  to 
be  numbered.  I  heard  many  grey  heads  speak  it,  that  in  all 
the  meetings  they  had  seen  or  heard  of,  they  had  never  heard 
or  seen  the  tenth  man  of  those  that  were  to  be  seen  that 
day,  betwixt  Enfield  and  London.  Every  place  in  this  space 
was  so  clogged  with  company,  that  His  Highness  could  not 
pass  without  pausing,  ofttimes  willingly  enforced,  though 
more  willing  to  have  proceeded,  if  conveniently  he  could 
without  great  peril  to  his  beloved  people. 

After  our  return  to  our  houses,  in  our  recreating  prattle,  a 
gentleman  then  sojourning  in  my  house,  one  Master  Th[omas] 
Pa  :  a  man  upon  my  own  knowledge  of  sufficient  wealth  ; 
yet  he  would  have  been  content  to  have  exchanged  his  state 
so  he  might  but  have  had  actually,  for  every  reasonable 
creature  there  was  there  that  day,  a  bee  ;  and  a  hive  to  put 
them  in.  Another,  more  reasonable  than  he,  would  ask  for 
no  more  living,  than  for  every  one,  a  pin  ;  which  (according 
to  an  arithmetical  proportion  and  by  the  judgement  of  two  or 


tjunfleos-]      Deer  Hunt  near  Stamford  Hill.         6i 

three  martial  men  (who  had  seen  great  companies  together), 
as  near  as  they  could  guess  by  their  seeming  show,  would 
have  amounted  to  150  lbs.,  receiving  but  of  every  one  a  pin. 

His  Majesty  coming  to  Stamford  Hill,  there  was  an  oration 
made  unto  His  Highness  ;  the  effect  of  which  I  could  not 
truly  learn  ;  and  hear  it,  I  could  not,  by  reason  of  the  crowd. 
For  even  there,  being  three  miles  from  London,  the  people 
were  so  throng,  that  a  carman  let  his  cart  for  eight  groats 
[2s.  8d.]  to  eight  persons,  whose  abode  in  it  was  not  above 
one  quarter  of  an  hour. 

From  Stamford  Hill  to  London,  was  a  train  [hunt]  made 
with  a  tame  deer,  with  such  turnings  and  doubles  that  the 
hounds  could  not  take  it  faster  than  His  Majesty  proceeded; 
yet  still  by  the  industry  of  the  huntsman  and  the  subtilty  of 
him  that  made  the  train  in  a  full  mouthed  cry  all  the  way,  it 
was  never  further  distant  than  one  close  [field]  from  the 
highway  whereby  His  Highness  rode,  and  for  the  most  part 
directly  against  His  Majesty ;  who,  together  with  the  whole 
company,  had  the  lee  wind  from  the  hounds;  to  the  end 
they  might  the  better  perceive  and  judge  of  the  uniformity 
of  the  cry. 

After  His  Majesty  had  come  from  Kingsland,  there  was  a 
division  amongst  the  people,  which  way  His  Highness  would 
take  when  he  came  at  Islington  ;  but,  in  fine,  he  came  the 
higher  way,  by  the  west  end  of  the  church  ;  which  street 
hath  ever  since,  and  I  guess  ever  will  be  called  King's  Street 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  same. 

When  His  Highness  had  passed  Islington,  and  another 
place  called  New  Rents,  and  entered  into  a  close  called 
Wood's  Close  by  a  way,  cut  of  purpose,  through  a  bank,  for 
His  Majesty's  more  convenient  passage  into  the  Charterhouse 
garden  ;  the  people  that  were  there  assembled,  I  can  compare 
to  nothing  more  conveniently  than  to  imagine  every  grass  to 
have  been  metamorphosed  into  a  man  in  a  moment,  the 
multitude  was  so  marvellous.  Amongst  whom  were  the 
children  of  the  Hospital  [the  Bluecoat  School,  see  Vol.  IV.  p.  240] 
singing,  orderly  placed  for  His  Majesty's  coming  along 
through  them  ;  but  all  displaced  by  reason  of  the  rudeness  ot 
such  a  multitude. 

After  His  Majesty  was  come  among  the  press  of  the 
people,  the  shouts  and  clamours  were  so  great   that   one 


62   The  King  arrives  at  the  Charterhouse.  [,  /jnf^iS*' 

could  scarce  hear  another  speak  ;  and,  though  there  was 
hope  to  find  what  was  lost  especially  by  the  loser,  notwith- 
standing, in  token  of  excessive  joy  inwardly  conceived  in 
the  heart,  many  threw  up  their  caps. 

Now,  at  last,  he  is  entered  into  the  garden  ;  from  which  time, 

till  his  going  to  the  Tower,   mine  eyes  were  never  blessed 

with  his  encounter. 

Now  he  is  amongst  us,  GOD  long  preserve  him 

over  us  !  whose  presence  makes  old  men 

say,  Satis  S9  vixisse  se  viso. 


FINIS. 


63 


A  salutatory  Poem  to  the  Majesty 
of  King  James. 

Ail,  mortal  god  !  England's  true  joy  !  great  King 
All  hail !  Thy  coming  forceth  my  Muse  to  sing ! 
Too  forward,  so  untutored  in  these  lays, 
Unfit  to  blazon  Kings'  befitting  praise, 
Yet  ne'ertheless  I'm  forced  perforce  to  write : 
Some  Fury  doth  my  head,  my  hand  incite. 
Antiquity  hath  taught,  next  that  day 
That  English  hearts  first  for  your  state  did  pray, 
The  angel  Gabriel,  from  Jehovah  sent. 
Told  to  the  creature,  what  her  Maker  meant. 
How  She,  a  maiden-wife,  should  bear  a  son, 
Mankind's  sole  Saviour  when  we  were  undone. 
This  blessed  Eve  of  th'blest  Annunciation 
Was  first  day  of  your  Highness's  proclamation. 
What  hopes,  what  haps  this  proclamation  brings 
Is  cause  efficient  why  our  Muses  sing. 
Hail,  full  of  grace!  this  'gins  the  Salutation, 
Striking  the  Blessed  with  deepest  admiration  ; 
Half  daunted  first,  then  straight  no  whit  dismayed. 
Mildly  made  answer,  BeH  as  my  Lord  hath  said ! 
Look  what  surpassing  solace,  joy  without  measure, 
Possessed  her  soul  for  this  celestial  treasure, 
Entombing  in  her  womb  our  Saviour  dear. 


64       A     SALUTATORY     POEM     TO     THe[,  j^^^fifol 

Deigned  only  worthy,  man's  Saving  Health  to  bear. 

The  like,  and  more,  if  more  or  like  could  be, 

Possessed  our  souls,  longing  so  long  for  thee. 

She  blessed  the  author  of  her  good,  the  incarnate  Word, 

Singing,  My  soid  doth  magnify  the  Lord  ! 

At  tidings  of  your  proclamation  we, 

In  hands,  in  hats,  in  hearts  did  all  agree. 

The  world  hath  our  applause,  heav'ns  have  our  hearty  praying, 

Yourself,  hands,  hats,  and  hearts  from  you  ne'er  straying. 

The  fruit  which  came  by  the  angel's  Ave !  t'all 

Is  easily  gathered  by  old  Adam's  fall ; 

The  world,  the  flesh,  the  Devil,  each  one  our  foe, 

By  Ave!  had  their  final  overthrow. 

The  fruit  we  hope  to  reap  by  "  GOD  save  the  King  !  " 

Which  England's  Council,  unto  the  world  did  ring 

'Pon  that  same  day,  's,  doubtless,  beyond  compare 

Yourself  in  virtue,  learning,  valour  rare. 

Gabriel  !  why  stay'st  ?     Angel !  why  art  thou  slack  ? 

Tell  me.  Eternal  Messenger  !  what  holds  thee  back  ? 

To  take  thy  wings,  leave  demi-deity. 

And  bid  "  GOD  save  King  James  his  Majesty  !  " 

Since  thou  'rt  create  to  tell  thy  Maker's  mind, 

And  for  no  other  end  wert  first  assigned. 

Old  Homer  writes  a  silly  dog  would  say 

"  Welcome  "  to's  master  Kpd<i  aivofjuevr) ; 

Persius  hath  told  us,  for  great  Cesar's  sake, 

A  speechless  parrot,  xaipe  to's  welcome  spake: 

What  shall  our  hearts  devise  ?  or  hands  set  down  ? 

Worthy  thy  great  (O  w^orthy  King !)  renown  ! 

But  thousands  of  "  Welcomes  !  "  millions  of  %at/3e9  send; 

Plaudites  numberless,  shouts  wanting  end. 

Should  we  not  this  do,  thankless  were  we  then, 

But  oft  it's  seen,  beasts  are  more  kind  than  men. 

Witness  old  Bardus's  ape,  freed  from  the  pit 


? June "i'^'s.]    Majesty   of    King   James.      65 

That  held  a  Senator  and  snake  within  it  1 
Adrian  promised  Bardus  half  of  all 
His  goods,  to  rid  him  from  his  hunting  fall. 
Poor  man,  untied  his  truss,  let  down  his  rope  ; 
To  pull  out  Adrian  first  was  all  his  hope. 
The  ape  espying  it,  out  of  the  prison  burst. 
Clipping  the  line  in  's  arms,  was  hauled  up  first. 
Bardus  lets  down  his  cord  the  second  time. 
Intending  Adrian  up  thereby  should  climb; 
When  'twas  come  down,  near  to  th'imprisoning  ground, 
The  serpent  close  himself  about  it  wound. 
He  was  released  the  next :   whom  Bardus  seeing. 
Ran,  all  aghast,  hoping  t'escape  by  fleeing. 
Lastly,  the  Senator,  fast  by  it  caught  : 
Released,  ne'er  thanked  him  for  the  deed  he  had  wrought. 
Th'  aforesaid  two,  wanting  Words,  Reason,  Art, 
Did  several  duties  to  him  in  their  heart. 
In  thankfulness,  poor  ape  did  give  him  wood  ; 
A  precious  stone,  for  his  received  good 
The  serpent  gave  him.     Thus  we  plainly  see  ; 
For  good  received,  thankful,  dumb  creatures  be. 
Why  do  I  instant  in  ungrateful  man, 
Sith  all  are  pressed  to  do,  say,  show  the  best  they  can, 
To  entertain  England's  undoubted  King; 
James,  First  of  that  name,  to  his  own  to  bring  ? 
Do  not  our  parrots,  Persius  !  equal  thine  ? 
When  one,  'mongst  many,  so  truly  could  divine 
Could  augurize  aright,  foresee,  foresay 
A  full  month  since,  bidding  "  King  James,  good  day !  " 
Unseen  of  most,  hearing  his  only  name, 
Tell'st  in  the  streets,  recks  not  her  teacher's  blame, 
Naming  him  twenty  times  at  least  together. 
Ceasing  no  longer  than  oiling  of  a  feather, 
'Twixteach  "King  James,"  or  "  King,"  or  "  good,"  or  "day;" 

E  2 


66       A     SALUTATORY      PoEM     TO    TIIe[,  j\^f^^l 

And  oft,  poor  fool,  she  totally  did  pray 

Withouten  ceasing,  utter  the  whole  throughout 

To  th'admiration  of  the  gazing  rout. 

I  cannot  deem  it  now  gulling  toy 

Which  Vennard  (inspired!)  entitled  England's  Joy; 

I  rather  guess  he  did  our  good  divine, 

Nor  daring  to  disclose  't  before  full  time. 

Be  bold  !  go  on  !     Now's  thy  presaging  plain  ! 

King  James  is  England's  Joy,  long  hoped  for  gain. 

That  it  is  he,  who  cannot  easily  prove ! 

Sith  it  is  only  he,  we  only  love. 

'Tis  he  that  England's  Joy  did  first  awake, 

After  sad  sorrowing  for  Eliza's  sake. 

Then  reck  no  clownish  frumps  !  regard  them  nought ! 

Banish  such  fooleries  from  thy  purer  thought ! 

We  know  the  fruit  sprung  from  foreknowing  pen, 

"  King  James  is  England's  Joy  I  "  Say  all  "  Amen  !  " 

Tokens  of  England's  Joy,  who  list  to  seek 

That  night  might  find  strawed  in  London  street, 

Making  the  night,  a  day ;  Phcebe,  a  sun, 

This  was  the  first  sign  when  our  Joy  began  : 

Continued  still  t'England's  eternal  good, 

In  the  happy  issue  of  your  royal  blood. 

Make  haste  to  make  us  happy,  worthy  King  ! 

Our  Muse  desires  to  write  th'enthronizing 

At  famous  Westminster,  in  thy  Elders'  Chair  ; 

Where  England's  peers  will  yield  our  Crown  to  th'heir, 

To  th'heir  legitimate,  yourself,  dread  Sovereign  ! 

Wishing  your  happy  and  victorious  reign. 

Besides  a  Trine  of  Kingdoms  are  your  own 

Possess  them  all  !  possessing  England's  crown, 

France,  and  froward  Ireland,  with  our  English  land. 

Are  feal  subjects  to  your  royal  hand. 

Besides,  your  sacred  Self  doth  bring  with  you, 


? june^i6o3.]   Majesty   OF    KiNG   James.        6"] 

A  kingdom  never  knit  to  these  till  now, 

As  Camden's  Britain  tells,  since  Brutus'  days  ; 

Then  let  us  thank  our  GOD  !  sing  roundelays ! 

England,  rejoice  !  "  St.  George  for  England  !  "  shout ! 

For  joy,   '  St.  Denis  !  "  cry  all  France  throughout ! 

Double  our  joys,  O  Albion  !  Hark,  Cambrian  banks  1 

GOD  hath  enriched  thee  with  a  Prince,  give  hearty  thanks  ! 

You  that,  of  long,  had  Lords  in  judgement  sit 

Deciding  causes,  for  your  country  fit. 

Clap  hands  !  sing  Iw  !  changed  is  your  government: 

Our  King's  dearest  son's  your  Prince,  your  President ! 

St.  David,  ring  !  for  joy,  set  up  your  leek ! 

Your  prayer's  heard,  you  have  got  you  long  did  seek! 

Brave  Henry  Frederick,  that  imperial  name 

I  guess  from  his  nativity  foretold  the  same. 

Thrice  happy  in  his  tiu'eefold  name,  are  you  ! 

Henry,  bold  Frederick,  is  a  Steward  true, 

How  well  these  titles,  with  your  names  agree  ? 

You,  almost  all,  at  least  possessing  three  ; 

Welcome  them  heartily!  welcome  brave  Prince  Henry  ! 

Sing  carols  for  his  sake  !  keep  wakes  !  be  merry  ! 

Ireful  cold  Ireland,  cease  from  thy  rage  at  last ! 

To  yield  subjection  to  thy  King,  make  haste  ! 

Sound  out  "  St.  Patrick !  "  Scotland,  "  St.  Andrew !"  sing  ! 

King  James   is    England's,  Scotland's,    France's,   Ireland's 

King, 
What  can  I  add  to  eke  our  joys  withal. 
Sith  James  is  King  of  all,  contained  in  all. 
But  thou  hast,  dear  King !  t'ease  our  expecting  mind 
Unstayed  while  your  Highness  stays  behind. 
Indeed  ne'er  truly  stayed,  till  we,  you  greet 
With  %atpe  ^aatXevq  in  London  street ; 
Nor  then  indeed,  till  we  do  all  resort 
To  see  your  face  shining  in  England's  Court, 


68      Poem  to  the  Majesty  of  King  James.    [ ,  /, 


Savile. 
une  1603. 


And  then  (0  but  till  then  make  haste  !)  your  Grace  shall  see 

Your  stranger  subject's  faithful  loyalty. 

Now  to  return  where  first  I  did  begin, 

'Mongst  all  estates,  Poets  have  cause  to  sing 

King  James  his  welcome ;  for  he  doth  excel 

(As  his  Lcpantho  and  his  Furies  tell) 

In  Poesy.     All  kings  in  Christendom, 

Then  welcome  him  (quick  spirits !),  blush  to  be  dumb ! 

And  pardon  him  that  boldly  makes  this  suit 

Forced  by  some  Fury,  scorns  to  be  longer  mute, 

Rejoice  !     Your  patron  is  your  country's  King. 

Judge  !  of  all  states,  have  not  you  cause  to  sing  ? 

For  shame,  then,  rouse  your  spirits  !     Awake,  for  shame  ! 

Give  Cesar's  due  !     Acquit  yourselves  from  blame  1 

All  wish  his  welcome,  'mongst  all  sorts  of  men, 

Save  only  such  as  are  past  sixty-ten  : 

These  wayward  old  ones  grudge  to  leave  behind 

What  our  succeeding  Age  is  sure  to  find. 

The  peace,  the  plenty,  pleasure,  and  such  like  gain 

Which  we  are  sure  t'enjoy  in  James  his  reign  ; 

Wishing,  Would  he  had  lived  in  their  youth's  prime ; 

Or  Old  Age  would  return  to  ten  and  nine  1 

Were  they  but  nineteen  who  have  ninety  seen, 

They  would  then  wish  to  see  King  James  and  's  Queen. 

And  so  indeed  they  do,  the  whitest  heads 

That  lived  in  antique  time,  and  prayed  on  beads 

These  holiest  fathers  crave  no  longer  life 

Than  once  to  see  King  James  his  Queen  and  wife 

With  hands  upreared,  giving  Jehovah  praise, 

That  length'ed  their  lives  to  see  his  happy  days. 

That  these  his  happy  days  full  grace  may  bring, 

Let  English  hearts  cry  all,  "  GOD  save  our  Kingl** 

FINIS. 


THE 

Time    Triumphant, 

Declaring  in  brief  the  arrival  of  our 

Sovereign   liege  Lord^   King   y  A  M  E  S^ 

into   Engla?id,    His    Coronation   at   Westminster ; 

together  with  his  late  Royal  Progress  from  the 

Tower  of  London  through  the  City  to 

His  Highnesses  Manor  of 

Whitehall. 

Shewing  also  the  varieties  and  rare- 
ties  of  all  the  sundry  Trophies  or  Pageants, 
erected  as  well  by  the  worthy  citizens  of  the 
honourable  City  of  London,   as  also  by 
certain  of  other  nations,   namely, 
Italians,  Dutch,  and  French. 

With  a  Rehearsal  of  the  King  and  ^lueeri  s 
late  coming  to  the  Exchange  in  London. 


By    Gilbert    Dugdale. 


^  At  LONDON.     Printed  by  R.  B.     1604, 


71 


Triumphant^ 

i7t     King     James    his    happy 

comi7ig   to    the    Crown    of 

Efigland^   &^c. 


Hat  time  it  pleased  GOD  omnipotent,  tc 
seize  upon  the  soul  of  our  late  Sovereign 
Queen  of  famous  memory,  that  worthy 
gentleman,  Sir  Robert  Gary,  night  and 
day  omitting  no  industry,  brought,  as  I 
have  heard  it  credibly  reported,  the  first 
fame  of  the  happened  honour  to  our  thrice 
famous  and  heroic  King  James  :  whose 
haste  though  it  unhappily  threw  him  from  his  horse  near  his 
journey's  end,  yet  it  foretold  the  ensuing  Majesty  to  come, 
and  worthily  entertained  of  one  so  gracious  as  our  blessed  and 
dread  Sovereign,  gave  him  to  understand  the  power  of  the 
Almighty  in  his  behalf;  seating  him  as  lawful  and  immediate 
in  the  English  Throne,  to  rule  Israel  with  a  happy  hand. 

I  shall  not  need  to  relate  the  good  orders  of  the  Most 
Honourable,  grave,  and  wise  Gouncil  of  this  land ;  the  great 
love  of  the  whole  nobility;  the  affective  humours  of  all  the 
Gourt  to  shew  their  duties  in  that  behalf;  the  worthy  usage 
of  the  citizens  of  London  in  general,  and  in  what  excellent 
manner  he  was  proclaimed,  with  what  quiet  love  and  govern- 
ment.    For  mine  own  part,  I  have  known  the  city  of  London 


72    Parting  of  James  and  Anne  in  Scotland.  [*^  ^"^f^^; 

many  years,  but  I  never  did  see  the  retainers,  inhabitants, 
both  young  and  old,  of  that  excellent  order  and  government ; 
nothing  of  that  giddy  rashness,  as  in  times  before  the}'  were 
accustomed  to  be  :  but  all  in  one,  and  one  in  all,  most  worthily 
received  the  Imperial  name  of  King  James,  and  freely  con- 
sented to  his  titles  as  By  the  Grace  of  God,  of  England, 
Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland,  King ;  Defender  of,  &c. 

The  day  then  generally  known  of  his  coming  forward  to 
the  possession  of  the  Regal  Seat ;  let  me  tell  you,  by  the  way, 
the  joy  was  not  so  great  in  England  by  the  English  to  fetch 
him,  as  the  sorrow  was  in  Scotland  of  the  Scots  to  leave  him. 
And  that  which  was  more  confounding  to  their  joys  than  the 
rest,  the  parting  betwixt  his  Queen  and  him  in  the  open  street, 
in  the  full  eye  of  all  his  subjects,  who  spent  tears  in  abun- 
dance to  behold  it.  Here  English  and  Scottish  in  one 
sympathy,  joined  first  in  hearty  affected  love ;  in  sign  where- 
of the  floods  of  their  eyes  drawn  from  their  kind  hearts, 
conjoined  their  amity  :  and  no  doubt,  they  that  in  kindness, 
being  possessed  with  one  joy,  can  weep  together :  they  will 
now,  and  at  all  times,  live  and  die  together. 

But  to  make  haste  to  the  principal,  whereof  this  is  part. 
Towards  England  he  comes. 

His  royal  entertainment  in  Berwick,  both  of  the  train  of 
England  and  the  soldiers  there  I  need  not  set  down.  Yet  I 
will  tell  you  of  a  wise  answer  of  the  King  to  a  question 
propounded. 

When  he  entered  in  the  town,  it  rained  small  drops,  where- 
by some  things  had  hindrance  which  should  have  royalised 
the  time :  but  His  Grace  graciously,  being  attended  in  his 
chamber,  on  the  sudden,  looking  from  his  window,  might  see 
the  sunshine. 

One  by,  of  no  small  account,  began  to  question  thus. 
'*  I  muse,  why  the  temperate  season  was  so  quickly  overcast 
by  a  shower  of  rain  ;  and  now  that  rain  so  overthrown  by  this 
sunshine :  it  presages  somewhat  sure[ly]  1  " 

The  King  smiling,  "  No  great  matter!"  quoth  he,  "only 
this  imagine !  the  first  fair  shew  of  weather,  my  prosperous 
setting  forwards,  by  GOD's  sufferance  ;  the  latter  shower, 
the  universal  tears  of  my  country  to  leave  their  King ;  and 
this  sudden  sunshine,  the  joy  of  England  for  my  approach." 
Which  undoubtedly  it  was  so,  as  it  appeared ;  for  the  cost, 


^* '^"^^e'dt']  Coronation  at  Westminster  on  25  July.     ']2, 

and  love  pains,  of  his  subjects  (all  the  way  from  Berwick  to 
York,  from  thence  to  Stamford,  from  thence  to  Theobalds, 
and  so  to  the  Charter  House  in  London,  where  he  remained 
for  certain  days,  and  then  went  to  the  Tower  of  London, 
and  so  seating  his  most  royal  person  there),  as  the  like  hath 
seldom  been,  or  I  think  ever  will  be  again  to  the  world's  end, 
to  any  man's  imagination. 

Well  here  he  is,  happily  planted  and  heartily  welcome  ! 
What  wants  then  but  his  blessed  coronation  !  At  which  v;as 
no  small  triumph.  For  had  you  seen  him  in  progress  to  it, 
as  many  did,  when  he  took  barge  at  Whitehall,  on  Saint 
James's  day  [25^/j  Julyf] ;  such  was  his  salutation  to  the 
people,  and  theirs  to  him.  But  anon  comes  forth  England's 
Triumph,  the  worth  of  women,  Anne,  Queen  of  England,  and 
happy  wife  to  our  most  gracious  King  (whose  father  was 
King,  brother  no  less  a  King,  and  whose  husband  four  Kings 
in  one),  accompained  with  lovely  ladies  (the  only  wedstars  of 
the  world  for  beauty  and  good  graces),  following  her  dear 
husband  to  Coronation,  with  her  seemly  hair  down  trailing 
on  her  princely  bearing  shoulders,  on  which  hair  was  a 
coronet  of  gold.  She  so  mildly  saluted  her  subjects,  that  the 
women  weeping  ripe,  cried  all  in  one  voice  "  GOD  bless  the 
Royal  Queen  !  Welcome  to  England  !  long  to  live  and  con- 
tinue so !  " 

To  Westminster  they  went,  and  took  on  them  the  royalty 
of  the  time,  the  complete  order  of  Coronation  ;  and,  by  a 
general  and  free  consent,  enjoyed  the  rights  of  Royalty  and 
were  invest  in  Honour,  possessed  of  Majesty,  owners  of 
Royalty,  and  made  the  only  Commander  of  all  Principality. 

The  Triumph  of  that  time,  I  omit ;  but  let  me  turn  to  the 
Londoners  whose  hearts  were  wild  fire,  and  burned  unquench- 
able in  love  to  this  royal  couple,  and  expressing  her  desires 
and  their  heads  together  to  solemnize  in  triumph  that 
happy  day  :  which  hour  of  glory  was  dashed  by  the  omnipo- 
tency  of  GOD's  power;  who,  mortally  visiting  the  City  and 
land  with  a  general  Visitation,  hath,  since  that  time,  taken 
thousands  to  His  mercy,  and  laid  their  heads  low  that  else, 
in  these  actions,  would  have  held  them  high. 

Yet  see  again  a  new  love  of  His  Majesty !  He  nobly  re- 
garding the  cost  together  with  their  loves,  and  that  their  ex- 
pectations should  go  current,  appoints  when  the  full  posses- 


74        The  Procession  through  London,    p°"^ffo": 

sion  of  their  joys  should  be  ;  that  was  when  the  angry  hand 
of  GOD  had  worked  the  will  of  His  all-commanding  power 
when  the  infection  ceased,  then  should  the  Triumph  of  the 
day  be  solemnized.  To  this  consent,  cost  prepared,  and 
the  City  with  the  strangers,  merchants,  and  others,  erected 
Trophies  of  Glory,  Pageants  of  that  magnificence  that  never 
were  the  like. 

Well,  the  time  appointed,  when  His  Highness  would  set 
forward,  should  be  in  the  holy  time  in  Lent,  the  joyful  Spring 
time  when  the  ground  in  triumph  of  the  time  should  likewise 
flourish  in  ample  equipage ;  and  she  (no  niggard  of  her 
pomp)  attires  hers  in  a  green  liver}-  embroidered  with  flowers 
of  a  thousand  divers  and  sundry  colours.  Thus  heaven  and 
earth  applaud  the  Triumph  of  King  James,  and  mortals  all 
agree  to  make  that  hour  famous. 

In  the  meantime.  His  Grace,  with  his  Queen  and  children, 
progressed  in  the  country,  and  dealt  honours  as  freely  to  our 
nation  as  their  hearts  would  wish,  as  creating  Knights,  of 
Gentlemen ;  Lords,  of  Knights  ;  and  Earls,  of  Lords ;  and, 
no  doubt,  hereafter  Dukes,  of  Earls  :  I  [ay],  and  raised  up  an 
Honour  in  England  that,  to  this  day,  has  been  long  in 
oblivion,  which  as  now  it  is  honourably  living,  so  it  will 
never  die  :  I  mean  our  noble  Knights  of  the  Bath,  young 
and  gallant,  worthy  and  valiant. 

Nay,  see  the  bounty  of  our  all  kind  Sovereign  !  Not  only 
to  the  indifferent  of  worth,  and  the  worthy  of  honour,  did  he 
freely  deal  about  these  causes  ;  but  to  the  mean,  gave  grace  : 
as  taking  to  him,  the  late  Lord  Chamberlain's  servants,  now 
the  King's  Actors :  the  Queen  taking  to  her  the  Earl  of 
Worcester's  servants,  that  are  now  her  Actors ;  the  Prince, 
their  son  Henry,  Prince  of  Wales,  full  of  hope,  taking  to  him 
the  Earl  of  Nottingham  his  servants,  who  are  now  his 
Actors.  So  that  of  Lord's  servants,  they  are  now  the 
servants  of  the  King,  Queen,  and  Prince. 

But  to  return  again  to  our  Time  Triumphant.  Now  the 
hour  is  come,  and  the  da}^  appointed.  The  preparation  of 
which  is  mighty,  I  [ay]  and  so  great  as  neither  can  my  tongue 
tell,  nor  my  pen  set  down.  Yet  to  make  a  flourish  of  a  flourish, 
thus  it  was. 

Our  heroic  King  hearing  the  preparation  to  be  great,  as 


^■^"^to4.]  DELAYED  BY  PlAGUE  TILL  MaRCII   I  5,  1604.       75 

well  to  note  other  things,  as  that  he  was  desirous  privately, 
at  his  own  pleasure,  to  visit  them  ;  accompanied  with  his 
Queen  in  his  coach,  he  came  to  the  Exchange,  there  to  see 
for  his  recreation,  thinking  to  pass  unknown.  The  wily 
multitude  perceiving  something,  began  with  such  hurly 
burly  to  run  up  and  down,  with  such  unreverent  rashness  as 
the  people  of  the  Exchange  were  glad  to  shut  the  stair  doors 
to  keep  them  out.  Here  they  lost  the  pleasing  sight  they 
might  have  enjoyed  but  for  their  rashness. 

When  His  Highness  had  beheld  the  merchants  from  a 
window,  all  below  in  the  walks,  not  thinking  of  his  coming, 
whose  presence  else  would  have  been  more  :  they,  like  so 
many  pictures,  civilly  seeming,  all  bare  [headed],  stood  silent, 
modesty  commanding  them  so  to  do.  Which  sight  so  delighted 
the  King,  that  he  greatly  commended  them  saying,  "  He 
was  never  more  delighted  that  seeing  so  many,  of  divers  and 
sundry  nations,  so  well  ordered  and  so  civil  one  with  the 
other  :  "  but  withal  discommended  the  rudeness  of  the  multi- 
tude, who,  regardless  of  time,  place,  or  person,  will  be  so 
troublesome. 

And,  countrymen,  let  me  tell  you  this  !  If  you  heard  what 
I  hear,  as  concerning  that ;  you  would  stake  your  feet  to  the 
earth,  at  such  a  time,  ere  you  would  run  regardless  up  and 
down  1  Say,  it  is  His  Highness's  pleasure  to  be  private,  as 
you  may  note  by  the  order  of  his  coming ;  will  you  then  be 
public,  and  proclaim  that  which  Love  and  Duty  cries  silence 
to  ?  This  shews  his  love  to  you  :  but  your  open  ignorance 
to  him  !  You  will  say,  perchance,  "  It  was  your  love !  " 
Will  you,  in  love,  press  upon  your  Sovereign  thereby  to 
offend  him  ?  Your  Sovereign  may,  perchance,  mistake  your 
love,  and  punish  it  as  an  offence ! 

But,  hear  me  !  When  hereafter  he  comes  by  you,  do  as 
they  do  in  Scotland  !  Stand  still !  see  all !  and  use  silence  ! 
So  shall  you  cherish  his  Visitation,  and  see  him  thrice  for 
once  amongst  you  !  But  I  fear  my  counsel  is  but  water 
turned  into  the  Thames.     It  helps  not ! 

But  to  our  Solemnity.  The  Court,  the  City,  and  Country, 
all  make  preparation  to  the  day :  the  Court,  the  order 
for  the  King's  person  ;  they  in  the  City,  his  welcome  to  it, 
and  his  quiet  pass  through  the  streets ;  the  Country,  they 


76    The  Tower  emptied  of  State  prisoners.  l^'^"^^^1 

post  up  to  attend :  so  that  all  are  busied  to  this  Solemnity ; 
and  the  reason,  I  trow,  being  the  Day  of  Triumph  so  long 
expected. 

The  Tower  was  empty  of  his  prisoners  ;  and  I  beheld  the 
late  [!]  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  the  late  [!]  Lord  Cobham,  the 
late  [!]  Lord  Grey,  Markham,  with  others,  conveyed  some 
to  the  Marshalsea,  others  to  the  Gatehouse,  and  others  to 
appointed  prisons  [in  November,  1603]. 

The  Tov^^er  itself  was  prepared  with  that  pomp  as  eye 
never  saw,  such  glory  in  the  hangings  !  such  majesty  in  the 
ornaments  of  the  chambers  !  and  such  a  necessary  provision, 
as  when  I  beheld  it,  I  could  no  less  than  say 

GOD  gives  King  Jambs  the  grace 
And  glory  of  the  day, 
As  never  a  King  possessed  like  place 
That  came  the  Northern  way, 

And  since  the  heavens  will  have  it  so, 

What  living  soul  dares  say  "  No  !  " 

Upon  the  Thames,  the  water  works  for  his  entertainment 
were  miraculous,  and  the  fireworks  on  the  water  passed 
pleasing.  As  of  a  castle  or  fortress  built  on  two  barges, 
seeming  as  a  settled  fort  in  an  island,  planted  with  much 
munition  of  defence :  and  two  pinnaces  ready  rigged,  armed 
likewise  to  assault  the  castle  :  that  had  you  beheld  the 
managing  of  that  fight,  with  the  onset  on  the  castle,  repulse 
from  the  castle,  and  then  the  taking  of  it,  it  was  a  show 
worthy  the  sight  of  many  Princes.  Being  there  placed  at 
the  cost  of  the  Cinque  Ports:  whereat  the  King,  all  pleased, 
made  answer  that  "their  love  was,  like  the  wild  fire,  un- 
quenchable ! "     And,  I  pray  GOD,  it  may  ever  be  so  ! 

Well,  from  the  Tower,  he  came.  Here,  Cost  was  careless; 
Desire  was  fearless,  and  Content  flourished  in  abundance. 
But  so  royally  attended,  as  if  the  gods  had  summoned  a 
Parliament,  and  were  all  in  their  steps  of  triumph  to  Jove's 
High  Court.  This  worthy  train  attending  so  majestic  a 
presence,  the  Companies  of  London  in  their  liveries,  placed 
in  the  street  which  was  double  railed  [i.e.,  a  rail  on  each  side 
of  the  street]  for  them  and  the  passengers,  the   Whifflers  in 


^■^"^fg^';]  Lord  Mayor  goes  as  far  as  Temple  Bar.    "]"] 

their  costly  suits  and  chains  of  gold  walking  up  and  down, 
not  a  conduit  betwixt  the  Tower  and  Westminster  but  runs 
with  wine,  drink  who  will  !  coming  thus,  with  his  royal 
assembly,  all  so  gallantly  mounted,  as  the  eye  of  man  was 
amazed  at  the  pomp. 

In  Fenchurch  street  was  erected  a  stately  Trophy  or 
Pageant,  at  the  City's  charge ;  on  which  stood  such  a  shew 
of  workmanship  and  glory  as  I  never  saw  the  like  !  Top 
and  topgallant,  whereon  were  shews  so  embroidered  and  set 
out,  as  the  cost  was  incomparable  !  who  spake  speeches  to 
the  King  of  that  incomparable  eloquence,  as,  while  I  live,  I 
shall  commend. 

The  city  of  London  was  very  rarely  and  artificially  made  ; 
where  no  church,  house,  nor  place  of  note,  but  your  eye  might 
easily  find  it  out :  as  the  Exchange,  Cole  Harbour,  Paul's, 
Bow  Church,  &c. 

There,  also  Saint  George  and  Saint  Andrew,  in  complete 
armour,  met  in  one  combat,  and  fought  for  the  victory ;  but 
an  old  Hermit  passing  by,  in  an  oration,  joined  them  hand 
in  hand,  and  so,  for  ever,  hath  made  them  as  one  heart :  to 
the  joy  of  the  King,  the  delight  of  the  Lords,  and  the  unspeak- 
able comfort  of  the  comminalty. 

Our  gracious  Queen  Anne,  mild  and  courteous,  placed  in 
a  chariot  of  exceeding  beauty,  did  all  the  way  so  humbly  and 
with  mildness,  salute  her  subjects,  never  leaving  to  bend  her 
body  this  way  and  that,  that  women  and  men  in  my  sight 
wept  with  joy. 

The  young  hopeful  Henry  Frederick,  or  Frederick 
Henry,  Prince  of  Wales,  smiling  as  overjoyed,  to  the  people's 
eternal  comfort,  saluted  them  with  many  a  bend. 

Before  whom,  the  Lord  Mayor  of  the  City  in  a  crimson 
velvet  gown,  bearing  his  enamelled  golden  mace  on  his 
shoulder,  ushered  the  King,  Queen,  and  Prince ;  bringing 
them  to  Temple  Bar,  took  his  leave,  and  received  many  thanks 
of  the  King  and  Queen:  who  were  after  met  by  the  Aldermen 
and  Sheriffs,  that  came  to  guard  him  home. 

Well,  the  glory  of  that  Show  passed,  the  King  and  his  train 
passed  on  through  Gratious  [Gracechuvch]  street.  But  there 
let  me  tell  you  I  was  not  very  near :  but,  in  my  eye,  it  was 


y8        The  old  man's   Song  of  Welcome.    [^■^"^^,^': 

super  excellent  Justice,  as  I  take  it,  attired  in  beaten  gold, 
holding  a  crown  in  her  hand  ;  guarded  with  shalmes  and  cor- 
nets, whose  noise  was  such  as  if  the  Triumph  had  been  endless. 

There,  likewise,  were,  on  both  sides,  speeches  spoken  ; 
Shows  appointed  with  several  harmonies  of  drums,  trumpets, 
and  music  of  all  sorts. 

The  Italians  spared  no  spending  in  that  behalf,  at  whose 
charge  this  glorious  prospect  was  so  pompous  and  full  of 
shew,  to  the  wonder  of  every  beholder  for  the  height,  strength, 
and  quality.     Through  it  our  King  and  his  train  passed. 

At  the  corner  of  the  street  stood  one,  an  old  man  with  a 
white  beard,  at  the  age  of  seventy-nine,  who  had  seen  the 
change  of  four  Kings  and  Queens,  and  now  beheld  the 
triumphs  of  the  fifth ;  which,  by  his  report,  exceeded  all  the 
rest.  Wherefore,  as  hopeful  never  to  behold  the  like,  yet  he 
would,  of  his  own  accord,  do  that  which  should  show  his 
duty  and  old  love,  that  was  to  speak  a  five  lines  that  his  son 
had  made  him  :  which  lines  were  to  this  purpose,  he  himself 
being  attired  in  green — 

Peerless  of  Honour,  hear  me  speak  a  word  ! 

Thy  welcomed  glory  and  enthroned  renown 

Being  in  peace,  of  earthly  pomp  and  State, 

To  furnish  forth  the  beauties  of  thy  Crown, 

Age  thus  salutes  thee,  with  a  downy  pate. 

Threescore  and  nineteen  is  thy  servants  years. 

That  hath  beheld  thy  predecessors  four 

All  flourishing  green  ;  who  deaths,  the  subjects'  tears 

Mingled  with  mine,  did  many  times  deplore^ 

But  now  again,  since  that  our  joys  are  five, 

Five  hundred  welcomes,  I  do  give  my  King  I 

And  may  thy  change,  to  us  that  be  alive, 

Never  be  known,  a  fifth  extreme  to  bring  ! 

My  honest  heart  be  pattern  of  the  rest  ! 

Whoever  prayed  for  them  before  now  thee, 

Both  them  and  thine,  of  all  joy  be  possest  ! 

Whose  lively  presence,  we  all  bless  to  see. 

And  so  pass  on  I  GOD  guide  thee  on  thy  way  .' 

Old  Hind  concludes,  having  no  more  to  say. 


^'^^^foot']  The  Third  Trophy,  by  the  Exchange.  79 

But  the  narrow  way,  and  the  pressing  multitudes  so  over- 
shadowed him,  wuth  the  noise  of  the  Show,  that  opportunity 
was  not  favourable  to  him  ;  so  that  the  King  passed  by  :  yet 
noting  his  2eal,  I  have  publicly  imprinted  it,  that  all  his 
fellow  subjects  may  see  this  old  man's  forwardness  ;  who 
missed  of  his  purpose  by  the  concourse  of  the  people. 
Besides  the  King  appointed  no  such  thing,  but  at  several  stays 
and  appointed  places. 

Along  Cornhill,  they  trooped  with  great  majesty.  But 
His  Highness,  being  right  over  against  the  Exchange,  smiled, 
looking  toward  it ;  belike,  remembering  his  last  being  there, 
the  grace  of  the  merchants,  and  the  rudeness  of  the  multi- 
tude :  and  casting  his  eye  up  to  the  third  Trophy  or  Pageant, 
admired  it  greatly;  it  was  so  goodly,  top  and  top  many  stories, 
and  so  high  as  it  seemed  to  fall  forward. 

On  the  top,  you  might  behold  the  sea  dolphins  as  dropping 
from  the  clouds  on  the  earth,  or  looking  to  behold  the  King ; 
pictures  of  great  art,  cost,  and  glory,  as  a  double  ship  that, 
being  two,  was  so  cunningly  made  as  it  seemed  but  one,  which 
figured  Scotland  and  England  in  one,  with  the  arms  of  both 
in  one  escutcheon,  sailing  on  two  seas  at  once. 

Here,  was  a  speech  of  wonder  delivered  too.  But  the 
glory  of  this  Show  was  in  my  eye  as  a  dream,  pleasing  to  the 
affection,  gorgeous  and  full  of  joy  :  and  so  full  of  joy  and 
variety,  that  when  I  held  down  my  head,  as  wearied  with 
looking  so  high,  methought  it  was  a  grief  to  me  to  awaken 
so  soon.  But  thus  the  Dutch  and  French  spared  for  no  cost 
to  gratify  our  King. 

Still  the  streets  stood  railed,  and  the  Liveries  of  all  the 
Companies  on  both  sides  guarding  the  way ;  and  the  strong 
stream  of  people  violently  running  in  the  midst  towards 
Cheapside.  There,  our  Triumphant  rides,  garnished  with 
troops  of  royalty  and  gallant  personages. 

And  passing  by  the  Great  Conduit,  on  the  top  thereof,  stood 
a  prentice,  in  a  black  coat,  flat  cap,  servant-like,  as  walking 
before  his  master's  shop.  Now  whether  he  spake  this  or  not, 
I  heard  it  not  :  but  the  manner  of  this  speech  was  this ;  it 
coming  to  me  at  third,  or  second  hand. 


8o      The  T  r  o  p  ii  y  by  the  Great  Conduit.  [^-  ^''^'!^l 

'*  What  lacks  you,  gentlemen  ?  What  will  j'ou  buy  ? 
Silks!     Satins!     Taffetas!  &c. 

But  stay,  bold  tongue  !     Stand  at  a  giddy  gaze  I 
Be  dim,  mine  eyes  !     What  gallant  train  are  here, 
That  strike  minds  mute,  and  put  good  wits  in  maze  ? 
O  'tis  our  King  !     Royal  King  J  AMES  is  near  ! 

Pass  on  in  peace,  and  happy  be  thy  way  ! 

hive  long  on  earth,  England's  great  crown  to  sway  ! 

Thy  City,  gracious  King,  admires  thy  fame, 

A  nd  on  their  knees,  prays  for  thy  happy  state  ! 

Our  women,  for  thy  Queen  Anne,  whose  rich  name 

Is  their  created  bliss,  and  sprung  of  late. 

If  women's  wishes  may  prevail  thus  being, 

They  wish  you  both  long  lives,  and  good  agreeing  ! 

Children  for  children  pray,  before  they  eat, 

At  their  uprising,  and  their  lying  down  : 

Thy  sons  and  daughters,  Princely  all  complete. 

Royal  in  blood,  children  of  high  renown. 
But  generally  together  they  incline. 
Praying  in  one,  great  King,  for  thee  and  thine." 

Whether  he  were  appointed,  or  of  his  own  accord,  I  know 
not ;  but  howsoever  forward,  love  is  acceptable  ;  and  I  would 
the  King  had  heard  him,  but  the  sight  of  the  Trophy  at  Soper 
Lane  end,  made  him  more  forward. 

There  was  cost  both  curious  and  comely,  but  the  devices 
of  that,  afar  off,  I  could  not  conjecture.  But  by  report,  it  was 
exceeding.  It  made  no  hugh  high  shew  like  the  other  ;  but 
was  pompous,  both  for  glory  and  matter ;  a  stage  standing 
by,  on  which  were  enacted  strange  things  ;  after  which,  an 
oration  was  delivered  of  great  wisdom.  Both  sides  of  this 
Pageant  were  decked  gallantly  ;  and  furnished  so  as  all  the 
broad  street,  as  the  King  passed,  showed  like  a  Paradise. 

But  here,  His  Grace  might  see  the  love  of  his  subjects, 
who,  at  that  time,  were  exceedingly  in  the  Shows.  Passing  by 
the  Cross  [in  Cheapside]   beautifully  gilt   and  adorned  ;  there 


^'■°"^S]     The  remainder  of  the  Snows.  8i 

the  Recorder  and  the   Aldermen   on  the  scaffold,  delivered 
him  a  gallant  oration  ;  and  withal  a  cup  of  beaten  gold. 

So  he  passed  on  to  the  Pageant  at  the  Little  Conduit,  very 
artificial  indeed,  of  no  exceeding  height,  but  pretty  and 
pleasing,  in  the  manner  of  an  arbour ;  wherein  were  placed 
all  manner  of  w^ood  inhabitants,  divers  shews  of  admiration 
as  pompions,  pomegranates,  and  all  kinds  of  fruits  :  which  the 
Lords  highly  commended :  where,  after  strange  musics  had 
given  plenty  of  harmony  ;  he  passed  toward  Fleet  Street, 
through  Ludgate,  where  the  Conduits  dealt  so  plenteously 
both  before  and  after  he  was  passed,  as  many  were  shipped  to 
the  Isle  of  Sleep,  that  had  no  leisure,  for  snorting,  to  behold 
the  day's  Triumph. 

When  he  came  to  the  Trophy  in  Fleet  Street,  the  Lords 
considered  that  the  same,  for  royalty,  was  so  richly  beautified, 
and  so  plenteous  of  shew,  that  with  the  breath  of  the  street, 
it  seemed  to  them  to  have  gone  back  again,  and  that  they 
were  but  then  at  the  Cross  in  Cheap,  but  otherwise  saluted, 
as  with  variety  of  speeches. 

All  sundry  sorts  of  music  appointed  by  the  City  too,  as 
that  at  the  Little  Conduit,  and  all  else  but  the  Exchange 
and  Gratious  Street.  On  the  top  of  this  Pageant  was  placed 
a  globe  of  goodly  preparation. 

Thus,  while  wondering  at  the  glory  of  it,  setting  on  un 
awares,  were  they  at  the  Pageant  at  Temple  Bar  :  neither 
great  nor  small,  but  finely  furnished ;  some  compared  it  to 
an  Exchange  shop,  it  shined  so  in  that  dark  place  and  was 
so  pleasing  to  the  eye.  Where  one,  a  young  man,  an  Actor 
of  the  City,  so  delivered  his  mind,  and  the  manner  of  all,  in 
an  oration,  that  a  thousand  gave  him  his  due  deserving  com- 
mendations. 

In  the  Strand,  also,  was  another,  of  small  proportion,  a 
Pyramid  fit  beseeming  time  and  place.  But  the  day  was  far 
spent,  and  the  King  and  the  States,  I  am  sure,  wearied  with 
the  Shows,  as  the  stomach  may  glutton  :  the  daintiest  Court 
stayed  not  long,  but  passed  forward  to  the  place  appointed  ; 
where  I  leave  them  to  GOD's  protection  and  their  own 
pleasures. 

Thus  have  you  heard  a  short  description  of  this  day's  Pro- 
gress, in  which  all  the  Peers  and   Lords   of  England,  and  a 


82      But   a    very    few    Accidents.    [^- ^"^'^ 


dale. 
604. 


part  of  those  of  Scotland  were  assembled,  to  beautify  the 
triumphs  of  their  most  gracious  King.  The  multitude  of 
people  present  at  this,  was  innumerable  ;  but  to  conclude, 
GOD  be  thanked  for  it  !  such  was  the  care  of  the  worshipful 
citizens  of  London,  and  all  things  so  providentially  foreseen  by 
them,  that  little  or  no  hurt  ensued  to  any  :  which  was  greatly 
feared  of  many  to  have  happened,  by  reason  of  the  great 
multitudes  that  were  in  the  City,  being  come  both  far  and 
near  this,  to  see  this  most  glorious  and  happy  Show. 

And  I  beseech  Almighty  GOD,  of  His  infinite  mercy  and 

goodness,  so  to  keep  our  King,  Queen,  and  Prince,  and  all 

their  princely  progeny,  that  no  harm  may  ever  come  near 

them,  nor  touch  them  ;  but  that  may  ever  live  to  His 

great  glory,  and  to  maintain  His  glorious 

Gospel,  for  evermore.     Amen. 


THE 

COM  ME  NT^R  IE  S 

O  F 

Sir  FRANCIS  VERE, 

Being 

divers    Pieces   of   Service,  wherein  he 

had  command  ;    written  by  himself, 

in    way  of   Commentary, 


Published  by 
William   Dillingham,   D.D. 


Ut  V  E  R  U  S  in  suis  Commitx\t3.T\\s  prodidii.     Camdkh,  Annai. 
Mihi  siifficit  hcec  summatiiu  e  y  £  R  /  Commentzir'io  annoiasse.     Idem.  /^>/d. 


CAMBRIDGE: 

Printed  by  John  Field,  Printer  to  the  famous 
University.     Jmo  Dom.  M  D  C  L  V 1 1 . 


84 


]^Brave   Vers  !  who  hast  by  deeds  of  arms  made  good 
What  thou  hadst  promised  by  birth  and  blood, 
Whose  Courage  neer  turned  edge,  being  backed  with  zvise 
And  sober  Reason,  sharpened  with  Advice. 
Look,  Reader,  how  from  JVieuport  hills,  he  throws 
Himself  a  thunderbolt  amongst  Ins  foes  ! 
And  what  his  Sword  indited,  that  his  Pen 
With  like  success  doth  here  fight  der  again  ! 
What  Mars  performed,  Mercur  y  doth  tell ! 
None  eer  but  Cmsar  fought  and  wrote  so  well  / 
Why  may  not  then  his  book  this  title  carry, 
The  Second   Part  of  C/ESAr's  Commentary  ? 

V  E  R  I     S  c  I  P  I  A  D  M 

duo  fulmina  belli.] 


85 


To  the  Right  Worshipful 

Horace     Townsbend, 

Baronet. 

Right    Worshipful, 

Here  present  you  with  the  Works,  that  is,  with 
the  Actions  and  Writings  of  your  great  uncle.  Sir 
Francis  Vere  ;  unto  which,  as  you  have  a  right 
by  blood,  common  to  some  others  with  you,  so 
have  you  also  right  by  purchase,  proper  and  peculiar  to 
yourself  alone :  having  freely  contributed  to  adorn  the 
impression  [contributed  towards  the  engravings  of  the  original 
edition]  ;  wherein  you  have  consulted,  as  the  reader's  delight 
and  satisfaction,  so  the  honour  and  reputation  of  your  family. 
I  have  read  of  one  that  used  to  wear  his  father's  picture 
always  about  him  ;  that,  by  often  looking  thereon,  he  might 
be  reminded  to  imitate  his  virtues,  and  to  admit  of  nothing 
unworthy  of  the  memory  of  such  an  ancestor.  Now,  Sir,  I 
think  you  shall  not  need  any  monitor  than  3^our  own  name  ! 
if,  but  as  often  as  you  write  it  or  hear  it  spoken,  you  recall 
into  your  thoughts,  those  of  your  progenitors,  who  contributed 
to  it :  your  honoured  father,  Sir  Roger  Townshend,  and 
your  grandfather,  the  truly  honourable  and  valiant  the  Lord 
Vere  of  Tilbury;  men  famous  in  their  generations,  for  owning 
religion,  not  only  by  profession,  but  also  by  the  practice 
and  patronage  of  it.  Whose  virtues,  while  you  shall  make 
the  pattern  of  your  imitation,  you  will  increase  in  favour 
with  GOD  and  man,  and  answer  the  just  expectations  of 
your  country.  And  that  you  may  so  do,  it  is  the  earnest 
desire,  and  hearty  prayer  of. 

Sir, 
Your  very  respectful  friend  and  humble  servant, 

William    Dillingham. 


"^ 


86 


:^^ 


To   the  ingenuous  Reader. 

Lthough  this  book  can  neither  need,  nor  admit  of  any 
Letters  RecomrAendatory  from  so  mean  a  hand  :  yet 
I  thought  it  not  incongruous  to  give  thee  some  account 
of  it ;  especially  coming  forth  so  many  years  after  the 
author's  death  [Sir  Francis  Verb  died  28th  August,  1608, 
aet.  54]. 

Know  then,  that  some  years  since,  it  was  my  good  hap  to  meet 
with  a  copy  [i.e.,  in  manuscript]  of  it,  in  the  library  of  a  friend, 
which  had  been  either  transcribed  from,  or  at  least  compared  with 
another  in  the  owning  and  possession  of  Major  General  Skippon  : 
which  I  had  no  sooner  looked  into,  but  I  found  myself  led  on  with 
exceeding  delight,  to  the  perusal  of  it.  The  gallantry  of  the  action, 
the  modesty  of  the  author,  and  the  bcconiingness  of  the  style,  did 
much  affect  me :  and  I  soon  resolved  that  such  a  treasure  could 
not,  without  ingratitude  to  the  author  and  his  noble  family,  nor 
without  a  manifest  injury  to  the  repute  our  English  Nation,  yea, 
and  unto  truth  itself,  be  any  longer  concealed  in  obscurity. 

Whereiipon,  I  engaged  my  best  endeavours  to  bring  it  into  the 
public  view :  but  finding  some  imperfections  and  doubtful  places 
in  that  copy,  I  gave  myself  to  further  inquiry  after  some  other 
copies;  supposing  it  very  improbable  that  they  should  all  stiunble 
at  the  same  stone. 

And  so,  I  was  favoured  with  another  copy  out  of  the  increasing 
library  of  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland, 
which  had  been  transcribed  immediately  from  the  author's  own ; 


w.  Dillingham,  D.D.J     SiR  JOHN  OgLE's  ACCOUNTS  ADDED.         87 

another,  the  Honourable  the  Lord  FAIRFAX  was  pleased  to  afford 
me  the  perusal  of :  but  that  which  was  instar  omnium,  was  the 
Original  itself,  written  by  the  author^  own  hand,  being  the  goods 
and  treasure  of  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Clare,  but  at 
present,  through  his  favour,  in  my  possession. 

These,  Reader !  are  the  Personages  whose  favour  herein,  I  am, 
even  upon  thy  account,  obliged  here  to  remember  and  acknowledge. 

I  have  subjoined  Sir  John  Ogle's  account  of  the  Last  Charge 
at  Nieuport  battle  :  whom,  I  suppose,  our  author  himself  would 
have  allowed  {being  his  Lieutenant-Colonel)  to  bring  up  the  rear. 
I  have  also  inserted  his  account  of  the  Parley  at  the  siege  of  Ostend. 
Both  were  communicated  to  me,  by  the  same  friendly  hand  [the 
Earl  of  Clare]  that  first  lent  me  the  copy  [manuscript]  of  Sir 
Francis  Verb. 

A  nd,  for  thy  further  satisfaction,  I  have  adventiired  to  continue 
the  story  of  that  Siege,  from  the  time  that  our  A  uthor  put  up  his 
pen,  to  the  time  that  he  put  up  his  sword  there :  having  first,  by 
his  example,  taught  others  the  way  how  to  defend  the  town.  .  .  . 

I  will  not  here  mention  anything  concerning  our  author's  life 
and  extraction.  The  one  whereof  is  sufficiently  known  :  and  for 
the  other,  I  shall  content  myself  with  what  Sir  Robert  Naunton 
hath  briefly  written  of  him,  which  I  have  printed  here  before  the 
book  ;  which  is  all  but  a  larger  Commentary  upon  that  which  he 
hath  there  delivered. 


Only  give  me  leave  to  bemoan  a  little  our  own  loss,  and  the 
author's  tmhappiness  in  this,  that  his  noble  brother  [Sir  Horace 
Verb],  having  been  in  courage  equal,  and  in  hazards  undivided _ 
slwuld  leave  him  here  to  go  alone.  For  as  he  must  be  allowed  a 
great  share  in  these  actions  recorded  by  his  brother  :  so  were  his 
own  services  afterwards,  when  General  of  the  English,  so  eminent 
and  considerable,  that  they  might  easily  have  furnished  another 
Commentary ;  had  not  his  own  exceeding  modesty  proved  a  step- 
mother to  his  deserved  praises. 


88     Officers  trained  by  Lord  Vere.    [w.  Duungham,  d.d^ 

He  was  a  religious,  wise,  and  valiant  Commander :  and,  that 
which  quartered  him  in  the  bosom  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  he 
was  always  successful  in  Jiis  enterprises  ;  sometimes,  to  the  admira- 
tion both  of  friends  and  enemies.     Take  an  instance  or  two. 

When  he  took  Sluis,  there  was  one  stronghold  first  to  be  taken, 
which  he  found  some  difficulty  to  overcome ;  and  that  was,  the 
opinion  of  his  friends  of  the  impossibility  of  the  enterprise.  And 
for  his  enemies,  SPINOLA  himself,  were  he  now  alive,  would,  I 
question  not,  do  him  the  right  which  he  did  him  in  his  lifetime  : 
and  bear  witness  of  his  gallant  retreat  with  /\.,ooo  from  between  his 
very  fingers  ;  when,  with  three  times  that  number,  he  had  grasped 
up  the  Prince  and  his  men  against  the  seashore. 

And  because  the  proficiency  of  the  Scholars  was  ever  accounted  a 
good  argument  of  their  Master's  ability ;  I  shall  make  bold,  with 
their  leaves,  to  give  you  a  list  of  some  of  his  [Sir  Horace,  after- 
wards Lord  Verb  of  Tilbury,  who  died  in  1635]. 

Henry,  Earl  of  Oxford.  Sir  John  Conyers,  Captain. 

Thomas,  Lord  Fairfax.  Sir  Thomas  Gale,  Captain. 

Sir  Edward  Vere,  Lieut.-  Sir  William  Lovelace,  Captain. 

Colonel.  Sir  Robert  Carey,  Captain. 

Sir  Simon  Harcourt,  Sir  Jacob  Ashley,  Captain. 

Sergeant  Major.  Sir  Thomas  Conway,  Captain. 

Sir  Thomas  Button,  Sir  John  Burlacy,  Captain. 

Captain.  Sir  THOMAS  WiNNE,  Captain. 

Sir  Henry  Paiton,  Sir  Ger[vase]  Herbert, 

Captain.  Captain. 

Sir  John  Burroughs,  Sir  Edward  Harwood, Captain. 

Captain.  Sir  Michael  Everid,  Captain. 
Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Captain. 

Besides  divers  others,  whose  effigies  [portraits]  do  at  once,  both 
guard  and  adorn  Kir  by  Hall  in  Essex  ;  where  the  truly  religious 
and  honourable  the  Lady  Vere  doth  still  survive  [in  i6^y],kept 
alive  thus  long  by  special  Providence,  that  the  present  Age  might 


W.  Dillingham, 


fgj^:]      The  daughters  of  Lord  Vere.      89 


more  than  read  and  remember,  what  was  true  godliness  in  [at] 
eighty-eight. 

As  for  her  Lord  and  husband,  who  died  long  since  [in  1635J, 
though  he  left  no  heir  male  behind  him,  to  bear  his  name  ;  yet 
hath  he  distributed  his  blood,  to  run  in  the  veins  of  many  honour- 
able and  worshipful  families  in  England.  For  his  daughters 
were,  The  Right  Honourable,  Honourable  and  virtuous,  the 
Countess  of  Clare,  the  Lady  Townshend  now  Countess  of 
Westmoreland,  the  Lady  Paulet,  the  Lady  Fairfax,  and 
Mistress  Worstenholme  :  whose  pardon  I  crave,  for  making 
so  bold  with  their  names  ;  but  my  hope  is,  they  will  be  willing  to 
become  witnesses  unto  their  Uncle's  book  (though  a  warlike  birth), 
and  to  let  their  names  midwife  it  into  the  world. 


Thus,  Reader,  I  have  given  thee  a  brief  account  of  this  piece ^ 
and  so  recommend  me  to  Sir  FRANCIS  Vere  I 


r^""« 


90    Naunton's  account  of  Sir  F.  Vere.  [sir  r.  Naumon. 


?     1631. 


Sir  Robert  Naunton,  in  his  Fragmenta  Regalia,  p.  41. 

V  E  RE. 

Ir  Francis  Vere  was  of  that  ancient,  and  of  the 
most  noble,  extract  of  the  Earls  of  Oxford  ;  and 
it  may  be  a  question  whether  the  Nobility  of 
his  House  or  the  Honour  of  his  Achievements 
mio'ht  most  commend  him  ;  but  that  we  have  our  authentic 
rule, 

Nam  genus,  et  proavos,  et  qucB  non  fecimus  ipsi 
Vix  ca  nostra  voco,  &c. 

For  though  he  was  an  honourable  Slip  of  that  ancient  Tree 
of  Nobility,  which  was  no  disadvantage  to  his  virtue :  yet  he 
brought  more  glory  to  the  Name  of  Verb,  than  he  took  blood 
from  the  Family. 

He  was,  amongst  all  the  Queen's  Swordsmen  [uiilitary  and 
naval  officers],  inferior  to  none  ;  but  superior  to  many.  Of 
whom,  it  may  be  said,  "  To  speak  much  of  him,  were  the  way 
to  leave  out  somewhat  that  might  add  to  his  praise,  and  to 
forget  more  that  would  make  to  his  honour." 

I  find  not,  that  he  came  much  to  the  Court,  for  he  lived 
almost  perpetually  in  the  Camp  :  but  when  he  did,  none  had 
more  of  the  Queen's  favour,  and  none  less  envied.  For  he 
seldom  troubled  it,  with  the  noise  and  alarms  of  supplications  : 
his  way  was  another  sort  of  underiuijiing  1 

They  report,  that  the  Queen,  as  she  loved  martial  men, 
would  Court  this  Gentleman,  as  soon  as  he  appeared  in  her 
presence  :  and,  surely,  he  was  a  soldier  of  great  worth  and 
Command  1  30  years  in  the  service  of  the  States  [United 
Netherlands],  and  20  years  over  the  English  in  Chief,  as  the 
Queen's  General.  And  he  that  had  seen  the  battle  at  Nieu- 
port,  might  there  best  have  taken  him,  and  his  noble  brother, 
the  Lord  of  Tilbury,  to  the  life. 


91 


THE 

CO  M  M  E  NT  ARIES 

OF 

Sir    FRANCIS   VERE. 


Boemeler    Waert. 


N  THE  year  of  our  Lord  1589,  the  Count 
Charles  Mansfeldt  having  passed  part  of 
his  army  into  the  Boemeler  Waert  (the  rest 
lying  in  Brabant  over  against  the  island  of 
Voorn),  prepared  both  troops  to  pass  into  the 
said  island,  with  great  store  of  flat-bottomed 
boats ;  his  artillery  being  placed  to  the  best 
advantage  to  favour  the  enterprise. 
The  Ceunt  Maurice  had  to  impeach  him,  not  above  800 
men :  the  wh  )le  force  that  he  was  then  able  to  gather  to- 
gether, not  being  above  1,500  men  ;  whereof  the  most  were 
dispersed  along  the  river  of  Waal,  fronting  the  Boemeler 
Waert,  to  impeach  the  enemy's  passage  into  the  Betuwe. 
Of  these  800  men ;  600  were  English,  of  which  myself  had 
the  command. 

These  seemed  small  forces  to  resist  the  enemy,  who  was 
then  reckoned  about  12,000  men ;  and  therefore  Count 
Maurice  and  Count  Hollock  \the.  popular  name  of  Count 
Philip  William  Hohenlo],  one  day,  doing  me  the  honour 
to  come  to  my  quarters,  put  in  deliberation.  Whether  it  were 
not  best  to  abandon  the  place  ? 


92  The  first  relief  of  Rheinberg.  p'/y, 


ere. 
606. 


Whereunto,  when  others  inclined;  my  opinion  was,  That 
in  regard  of  the  importance  of  the  place,  and  for  the  reputa- 
tion of  Count  Maufice,  this  being  the  first  enterprise 
wherein  he  commanded  in  person  as  chief ;  it  could  not  be 
abandoned  but  with  much  reproach,  without  the  knowledge 
and  orders  of  the  States  General  :  and  that  therefore  they 
were  first  to  be  informed  in  what  state  things  stood;  I  under- 
taking in  the  meantime,  the  defence  of  the  place. 

Which  counsel  was  followed ;  and  I  used  such  industry 
both  in  the  intrenching  of  the  island  and  planting  artillery, 
that  the  enemy,  in  the  end,  desisted  from  the  enterprise. 


The  relief  of  Rheinberg. 

N  THE  year  of  our  Lord  1589,  the  town  of  Berg 
upon  the  Rhine,  being  besieged  by  the  Marquis  of 
Warrenbon,  and  distressed  for  want  of  victuals  : 
I  was  sent  to  the  Count  Meurs,  Governor  of 
Gelderland,  by  the  States,  with  nine  companies  of 
English. 

At  my  coming  to  Arnheim,  where  he  lay,  in  a  Storehouse 
of  munitions;  in  giving  order  for  things  necessary  for  his 
expedition,  the  powder  was  set  on  fire,  and  he_so  sorely  burnt, 
that  he  died  within  few  days  after. 

The  States  of  that  Province  called  me  before  them,  told  me 
in  what  extremity  the  town  was,  the  importance  of  the  place, 
and  facility  in  succouring  it ;  desiring  me  to  proceed  in 
the  enterprise  :  which  I  did  willingly  assent  unto ;  and  they 
appointed  seven  companies  of  their  own  nation  to  join  with 
me,  which  were  to  be  left  in  Berg  in  lieu  of  so  many  other 
companies  to  be  drawn  out  hence. 

To  the  Count  Overstein,  a  young  Gentleman  and  then 
without  any  charge  [commaniX  as  a  kinsman  and  follower 
of  the  Count  of  Meurs,  they  gave  the  command  of  twelve 
companies  of  horse. 

With  these  troops,  we  passed  to  the  Fort  Caleti,  made  by 
Skink,  over  against  Rees.  Where,  finding  the  carriages 
appointed  for  that  purpose,  ready  laden  with  provisions ;  we 
marched  towards   Bt-rg,  taking  our  way  through   a    heathy 


^'S^'TeoeG  Fight  in  the  woods  near  Loo  Castle.     93 

and  open  country :  and  so,  with  diligence  surprising  the 
enemy  (who  lay  dispersed  in  their  forts  ahout  the  town),  in 
full  view  of  them,  we  put  oar  provisions  into  the  town  ;  and 
so  returned  to  the  said  Fort  by  Rees,  the  same  way  we  had 
gone. 

The  second  relieving  of  Rheinberg. 

Fter  some  days'  refreshing,  new  provision  of 
victuals  being  made,  it  was  thought  good  by  the 
States,  who,  in  the  meantime  had  advice  how 
things  had  passed,  that  we  should  with  all  speed, 
put  in  more  provisions. 
Being  advertised  that  the  enemy  gathered  great  forces  at 
Brabant,  under  the  conduct  of  the  Count  Mansfeldt,  for  the 
strait  besieging  of  the  town ;  this  made  us  hasten,  and 
withal  take  the  ordinary  and  ready  way  near  the  Rhine  side. 
But  because  it  was  shorter,  and  not  so  open  as  the  other  ; 
and  so  more  dangerous,  if  perchance  the  enemy  with  his  full 
power  should  encounter  us:  and  because  there  were  upon  it 
certain  small  redoubts  held  by  the  enemy ;  we  took  along 
with  us  two  small  field  pieces. 

When  we  came  within  two  English  miles  of  Berg,  at  a 
Castle  called  Loo  {afterwards  the  favourite  residence  of  William 
III.],  which  stands  on  the  side  of  a  thick  wood  within  musket 
shot  of  the  way  we  were  [intended]  to  take  through  the  said 
wood:  [it]  being  very  narrow  and  hemmed  in,  on  both  sides, 
with  exceeding  thick  underwood  (such,  as  I  guess,  as  those 
dangerous  places  of  L'eland).  The  enemy  from  the  Castle 
first  shewed  themselves  :  and  then  came  out  towards  the 
place,  along  the  skirt  of  the  wood,  to  gall  our  men  and  horses 
in  their  passage,  with  such  bravery,  as  I  might  well  perceive 
they  were  not  of  the  ordinary  garrison. 

I  first  sent  out  some  few  Shot  [infantry  with  muskets]  to 
beat  them  back  ;  giving  order  to  our  Vanguard  in  the  mean- 
time, to  enter  the  passage,  the  Dutch  footmen  to  follow  them, 
and  the  horsemen,  and  the  carriages  [waggons]  :  with  orders 
to  pass  with  all  diligence  to  the  other  side  of  the  place,  and 
then  to  make  a  stand,  until  the  rest  of  the  troops  were  come 
up  to  them  ;  keeping  with  myself,  who  stayed  in  the  Rear- 
ward, 50  horse,  6  trumpeters,  and  all  the  English  foot. 


94  The  Spaniards  driven  back  to  the  Castle.  [' 


Sir  F.  Vere. 

?       1606. 


In  the  meantime,  the  enemy  seconded  [reinforced]  their 
troops  of  Shot,  to  the  number  400  or  500 ;  insomuch  as  I  was 
forced  to  turn  upon  greater  numbers  with  resolution  to  beat 
them  home  to  their  castle :  which  was  so  thoroughly  per- 
formed, that,  afterwards,  they  gave  us  leave  to  pass  more 
quietly. 

When  the  rest  of  the  troops  were  passed,  I  made  the 
English  enter  the  strait  [ravine]  :  who  were  divided  into 
two  troops ;  of  which  I  took  100  men  with  6  drums,  placing 
them  in  the  rearward  of  all ;  myself  with  the  50  horse, 
marching  betwixt  them  and  the  rest  of  the  English  footmen. 

This  strait  is  about  a  quarter  of  an  English  mile  long : 
and  hath,  about  the  middle  of  it,  another  way  which  cometh 
into  it  from  Alpen,  a  small  town  not  far  off. 

When  we  were  past  this  cross  way,  we  might  hear  a  great 
shout  of  men's  voices  redoubled  twice  or  thrice,  as  the  Spanish 
manner  is,  when  they  go  to  charge  :  but,  by  reason  of  the 
narrowness  and  crookedness  of  the  place,  had  no  sight  of 
them. 

I  presently  caused  the  troops  to  march  faster ;  and  withal 
gave  order  to  the  trumpeters  and  drums  that  were  with  me, 
to  stand,  and  sound  a  Charge :  whereupon  there  grew  a  great 
stillness  amongst  the  enemy;  who,  as  I  afterwards  under- 
stood by  themselves,  made  a  stand  expecting  to  be  charged. 

In  the  meantime,  we  went  as  fast  from  them  as  we  could, 
till  we  had  gotten  the  plain.  Then  having  rid[den]  to  the 
head  of  the  troops,  who  were  then  in  their  long  and  single 
orders,  and  giving  directions  for  the  embattling  of  them,  and  the 
turning  their  faces  towards  the  strait,  and  the  mouth  of  pieces 
also ;  and  so  riding  along  the  troops  of  English  towards  the 
place,  I  might  see  from  the  plain,  which  was  somewhat  high 
raised  over  the  woods  which  were  not  tall,  the  enemy  coming 
in  great  haste,  over  a  bridge  some  eightscore  [yards]  within 
the  strait,  with  ensigns  [colours]  displayed,  very  thickly 
thronged  together;  and,  in  a  trice,  they  shewed  themselves 
in  the  mouth  of  the  strait. 

My  hindermost  troops,  which  were  then  near  the  strait, 
were  yet  in  their  long  order  :  and  with  the  suddenness  of  the 
sight  somewhat  amazed.  Insomuch  that  a  Captain,  well 
reputed  and  that  had,  the  very  same  day,  behaved  himself 
very  valiantly,  though  he  saw  me  directing  as  became  me, 


Sir  ¥.  Vere.' 

?       1606, 


]       "  I    W  AS    NE  V  E  R    LESS    TO    S  EE  K  !  "  95 


often  asked  What  he  should  do  ?  till,  shortly  and  roughly,  as 
his  importunity  and  the  time  required  I  told  him,  that  "  I 
was  never  less  to  seek  [i.e.,  never  had  less  trouble  tohnoiv  what 
to  do]  !  "  that  "  he  therefore  should  go  to  his  place,  and  do 
as  I  had  commanded,  till  further  orders." 

And  so  doubting  [fearing]  the  enemy  would  get  the  plain 
before  my  troops  would  be  thoroughly  ordered  to  go  against 
them  ;  I  took  some  of  the  hinder  ranks  of  the  Pikes,  and 
some  Shot,  with  which  I  made  out  to  the  strait's  mouth,  [at]  a 
great  pace,  willing  the  rest  to  follow :  whereupon  the  enem}' 
made  a  stand,  as  it  were  doubtful  to  come  on ;  and  so  I  came 
presently  to  the  push  of  pike  with  them. 

Where,  at  the  first  encounter,  my  horse  being  slain  under 
me  with  a  blow  of  a  pike,  and  falling  on  me  so  as  I  could  not 
suddenly  rise,  I  lay  as  betwixt  both  troops  till  our  men  had 
made  the  enemy  give  back;  receiving  a  hurt  in  my  leg,  and 
divers  thrusts  with  pikes  through  my  garments. 

It  was  very  hard  fought  on  both  sides,  till  our  Shot  spread- 
ing themselves  along  the  skirt  of  the  wood,  as  I  had  before 
directed,  flanked  and  sore  galled  the  enemy :  so  that  they 
could  no  longer  endure,  but  were  forced  to  give  back  :  which 
they  did  without  any  great  disorder,  in  troop.  And,  as  they  were 
hard  followed  by  our  men,  they  turned  and  made  head  man- 
fully; which  they  did  four  several  times  before  they  broke  : 
and,  at  last,  they  flang  away  their  arms,  and  scattered 
asunder,  thrusting  themselves  into  the  thickets;  for  back- 
wards, they  could  not  flee,  the  way  being  stopped  by  their 
own  men. 

I  commanded  the  men  not  to  disband  [scatter],  but  to  pur- 
sue them  ;  and  passing  forward,  easily  discomfited  the  500 
horsemen,  who  presently  left  their  horses,  and  fled  into  the 
bushes:  amongst  whom,  it  was  said  the  Marquis  of  Warren- 
BON  was  in  person  ;  for  the  horse  he  was  mounted  on,  was 
then  taken  amongst  the  rest. 

The  horsemen  who  fled  into  the  thick[et]s,  we  followed 
not :  but  went  on  the  straight  way,  till  we  encountered  with 
the  24  companies  of  Neapolitans ;  who  discouraged  with  our 
success,  made  no  great  resistance.  We  took  18  of  their 
ensigns  [colours],  and  made  a  great  slaughter  of  their  men,  till 
we  had  recovered  the  bridge  before  mentioned  of  them. 

My  troop  being  small  of  itself,  made  less  by  this  fight,  and 


g6  400  English  kill  ?^oo  Spaniards.  [^''■/- ^^ 


ere 
606 


less  by  the  covetousness  of  the  soldiers  (whereof  a  good  part 
could  no  longer  be  kept  from  rifling  the  enemy  and  taking 
horses) ;  I  thought  good,  not  to  pursue  the  enemy  further 
than  the  said  bridge  :  where,  having  made  a  stand  till  our 
men  had  taken  full  spoil  of  all  behind  us,  the  enemy  not  once 
so  much  as  shewing  himself;  night  growing  on,  I  made  my 
retreat,  and  two  hours  after  sunset,  came  with  the  troops 
into  the  town  of  Berg. 

This  fight  was  begun  and  ended  with  one  of  the  two 
English  troops  [battalions  of  infantry],  which  could  not  exceed 
400  men :  the  other,  which  Sir  Oliver  Lambert  led,  only 
following,  and  shewing  itself  in  good  order,  and  ready  if 
occasion  required;  the  Netherlanders  remaining  in  the  plain, 
with  the  horsemen  and  the  Count  Overstein. 

The  enemy  lost  about  800  men  [killed]  ;  and  by  an  Italian 
Lieutenant  of  Horsemen,  who  w^as  the  only  man  taken  alive, 
I  understood,  that  Count  Mansfeldt  was  newly,  before  this 
encounter,  arrived  ;  and  had  joined  his  forces  with  those  of 
the  Marquis  of  Warrenbon,  in  which  were  all  the  Spanish 
regiments  making  220  ensigns,  besides  other  forces  :  so  that 
the  whole  strength  was  supposed  to  be  13,000  or  14,000  foot, 
and  1,200  horse,  of  their  oldest  and  best  soldiers. 

They  had  intelligence  of  our  coming,  but  expected  us  the 
way  we  had  taken  before  ;  and  made  all  speed  to  impeach  us 
by  cutting  off  this  passage,  sending  those  harquebussiers  we 
first  met  with  by  the  Castle,  to  entertain  us  in  skirmish. 

Presently,  upon  my  coming  to  Berg,  though  in  great  pain 
with  my  wound,  we  fell  to  deliberation  what  was  to  be  done. 
We  knew  the  enemy's  strength,  and  the  danger  we  were  to 
abide  in  returning  :  and  to  stay  in  the  town  were  to  hasten 
the  loss  of  it,  by  eating  the  provisions  we  had  brought. 

Of  the  two,  we  chose  rather  to  return.  And  so  giving  order 
for  the  change  of  garrison  and  refreshing  our  men,  and 
bestowing  those  who  were  hurt,  on  the  empty  carriages ;  by 
the  break  of  day,  the  morning  being  very  foggy  and  mist}-, 
we  set  forward,  in  as  secret  manner  as  we  could,  taking 
the  open  and  broader  way:  without  sight  of  any  enemy  till 
about  noon,  when  some  troops  of  horse  discovered  themselves 
afar  off,  upon  a  very  spacious  heath,  and  gave  us  only  the 
looking  on.  So  that,  without  any  impeachment,  we  arrived, 
that  night,  at  the  fort  before  Rees. 


Sir  F   Vere. 


?^  leos;]  Simultaneous  assaults  on  Litkenhooven.  97 


The  relieving  of  the  Castle  of  LitkenJiooven. 

N  THE  year  of  our  Lord  1590,  in  the  Castle  ol 
Litkenhooven  in  the  Fort  of  Recklinghausen, 
there  was  a  garrison  of  the  States'  soldiers  besieged 
by  the  people  of  that  country,  aided  with  some 
good  number  of  the  Duke  of  Cleve's,  the 
Bishops  of  Cologne  and  Paderborn's  soldiers,  whom  they  call 
Hanniveers. 

The  States  gave  me  order,  with  some  companies  of  English 
foot,  to  the  number  of  700  or  800,  and  500  Horse,  to  go  to  the 
relief  of  the  said  Castle :  which  I  accepted,  marching  with 
all  possible  speed,  in  good  hope  to  have  surprised  them  at 
unawares.  Arriving  there  one  morning  by  break  of  day ;  I 
found  the  chief  troop  was  dislodged,  and  that  they  [the  garrison] 
wrought  hard  upon  a  fort  before  the  entry  of  the  Castle 
in  which  they  had  left  good  store  of  men. 

I  did  expect  to  have  found  them  without  any  entrenchment, 
and  therefore  had  brought  no  provision  of  artillery  or  scaling 
ladders  :  without  the  which,  it  seemed  very  dangerous  and 
difficult  to  carry  it  by  assault.  [The  entrenchment]  was 
reared  of  a  good  height  with  earth,  and  then  with  gabions 
thereupon,  of  six  feet  high,  which  made  it  almost  unmount- 
able  :  and  to  besiege  them,  I  had  no  provision  of  victuals. 
So  that  I  was  to  return  without  making  of  any  attempt ;  or 
to  attempt  in  a  manner  against  reason :  which  notwithstand- 
ing, I  resolved  to  adventure. 

And  therefore,  dividing  the  English  troops  into  eight  parts, 
I  conveyed  them  as  secretly  as  I  could,  so  as  two  of  these 
troops  might  readily  assault  every  corner  of  the  said  Fort, 
being  a  square  of  four  small  bulwarks  [bastions  or  batteries] , 
but  with  a  distance  betwixt  the  troops :  to  give  on  each 
corner  with  a  signal  of  drums,  at  which,  the  first  four  troops 
should  go  to  the  assault;  and  another  signal  to  the  other  four 
troops  to  second  [support] ,  if  need  required. 

While  this  was  in  doing,  I  sent  a  drum,  to  summon  them 
of  the  Fort  to  yield  :  who  sent  me  word,  "  They  would  first 
see  my  artillery." 

I  saw  by  their  fashion,  there  was  no  good  to  be  done  by 
entreaty :   yet   to   amuse  them,  I    sent   them   word,    "  The 


98  Attack  on  the  Fort  near  Burick.  [^'"'/•Teoe: 

artillery  was  not  yet  arrived.  If  they  made  me  stay  the 
coming  of  it,  I  would  give  them  no  conditions  !  " 
They  answered,  "  That  I  should  do  my  worst  !  " 
At  the  very  instant  of  my  drum's  return,  I  gave  the  signal, 
and  the  troops  speedily  gave  upon  the  Fort,  as  I  had  ap- 
pointed them.  Though  they  did  their  utmost  endeavours, 
they  did  find  more  resistance  than  they  were  able  to  overcome; 
nevertheless,  I  gave  them  no  second  [reinforcement]  till  I 
might  perceive  those  within  had  spent  their  ready  powder  in 
their  furnitures.  At  which  time,  I  gave  the  second  signal ; 
which  was  well  and  willingly  obeyed,  and  gave  such  courage 
to  the  first  troops,  that  the  assault  was  more  eager  on  all 
hands ;  insomuch  that  one  soldier  helping  another,  some  got 
to  the  top  of  the  rampires  [ramparts]  :  at  which,  the  enemy 
gave  back,  so  that  the  way  became  more  easy  for  others  to 
climb  to  the  top  ;  and  so  finally,  the  place  was  forced,  and 
all  the  men  put  to  the  sword,  being  in  number  350,  all  chosen 
men,  with  the  loss  and  hurting  of  about  80  of  my  men. 

The  place  thus  succoured,  and  my  men  refreshed  for  some 
few  days,  I  returned  homewards :  and  found  in  my  wa}^  that 
Burick  a  small  town  of  Cleve,  and  a  little  fort  on  that  side  the 
Rhine,  were  in  the  meantime  surprised. 

The  enemy  then  held  a  Royal  Fort  not  far  from  Wesel, 
which  served  to  favour  the  passage  of  his  forces  over  the 
Rhine.  This  place,  I  understood  by  those  of  Wesel,  to  be 
slenderly  provided  of  victuals,  so  as  they  had  but  to  serve 
them  from  hand  to  mouth,  out  of  the  town  ;  and  that  their 
store  of  powder  was  small. 

I  knew  the  service  would  be  acceptable  to  the  States,  if  I 
could  take  that  Piece  from  the  enemy ;  and  therefore  resolved 
to  do  what  lay  in  me. 

I  first  appointed  a  guard  of  horse  and  foot  to  hinder  their 
recourse  to  the  town,  for  their  provisions. 

Then  passing  into  the  town  of  Burick  ;  with  such  stuff  as 
I  could  get  on  a  sudden,  and  such  workmen,  I  began  to  make 
ladders,  so  as,  the  night  following,  I  had  forty  ladders  in 
readiness,  upon  which  two  men  [at  a  time]  might  go  in  front. 
For  I  being  so  weak,  and  the  enemy  having  the  alarm  of  my 
being  abroad,  I  was  to  expect  their  coming:  so  as  it  was 
not  for  me  to  linger  upon  the  starving  of  those  of  the  Fort. 


^"■f'  Teos:]  The  first  escalade  on  the  Fort  fails.     99 

With  this  provision,  I  resolved  to  give  a  scalado  to  the 
Fort :  which  as  it  was  high  of  rampire  ;  so  had  it  had  neither 
water  in  the  ditch,  nor  palHsado  to  hinder  us. 

The  Fort  was  spacious,  capable  of  [holding]  1,500  men,  and 
had  had  four  very  ro3^al  Bulwarks  [bastions]  ;  upon  one  of 
which,  I  purposed  to  give  an  attempt,  and  only  false  alarms 
on  the  other  quarters  of  the  Fort.  And  to  this  end,  for 
avoiding  confusion  in  the  carriage,  rearing,  planting,  and 
scaling  ;  as  also  for  the  more  speedy  and  round  execution  :  I 
appointed  eight  men  to  every  ladder,  to  bear,  plant,  and  mount 
the  same  ;  whereof  four  were  Shot,  and  four  Pikes,  one  of 
either  sort  to  mount  a-front. 

And  being  come  near  the  Fort,  in  a  place  convenient  to 
range  the  men ;  they  were  divided  into  two  parts,  and  ranged 
a-front  [in  line] ;  with  commandment,  upon  a  signal  given, 
the  one  half  to  give  upon  one  face  of  the  bulwark,  the  other 
upon  the  other:  which  they  did  accordingly,  and  gave  a  furious 
attempt,  mounting  the  ladders  and  fighting  at  the  top  of 
them  ;  the  enemy  being  ready  to  receive  us.  But  by  reason 
many  of  the  ladders  (which  were  made,  as  I  said,  in  haste 
and  of  such  stuff  as  could  be  gotten  on  a  sudden)  were  not 
of  sufficient  strength  :  they  broke  with  the  weight  and  stirring 
of  the  men. 

Seeing  no  likelihood  to  prevail,  and  the  day  now  growing 
on ;  I  caused  our  men  to  retire,  and  to  bring  away  with 
them  their  ladders  that  were  whole  :  with  no  great  harm 
done  to  our  men,  by  reason  the  enemy,  being  diverted  by  the 
false  alarms,  did  not  flank  us  ;  neither  if  they  had  played 
from  the  Flanks  [bastions]  with  small  shot,  could  they  have 
done  any  great  hurt,  by  reason  of  the  distance.  The  most 
hurt  we  had,  was  with  blows  on  the  head  from  the  place  we 
attempted,  both  with  weapons  and  stones  :  for  the  journey 
being  long,  to  ease  the  soldiers,  they  had  brought  forth  no 
morions  [helmets] . 

I  therefore,  purposing  not  to  give  over  the  enterprise, 
provided  headpieces  for  them  in  the  town  of  Wesel,  and  used 
such  diligence  that,  before  the  next  morning,  I  was  again 
furnished  with  ladders,  and  in  greater  number.  For  I  had 
persuaded  the  horsemen,  that  were  well  armed  for  the  pur- 
pose with  their  pistols,  to  take  some  ladders  also,  and  be 
ready  to   give  the  scalado  in  the  same  manner  :  but  some- 


lOoTlIE    GARRISON    SURRENDER    TUB    FoRT.  p%^- ^|^. 

what  later,  for  even  then  day  began  to  break ;  which  not 
giving  us  time  to  persevere  in  the  attempt,  was  the  only 
hindrance  of  our  victory. 

For  our  Shot  having  orders,  when  they  came  to  the  top  of 
the  ladders,  not  to  enter,  but  taking  the  top  of  the  wall  for  a 
breast  [work]  and  safeguard,  to  shoot  at  the  enemy  fighting 
at  the  work  side  and  standing  in  the  hollow  of  the  bulwark, 
till  the  same  were  cleared  of  defendants,  for  to  enter  more 
assuredly  :  which  manner  of  assaulting,  though  it  be  not 
ordinary,  yet  well  considered,  is  of  wonderful  advantage. 
For  having  the  outside  of  both  the  faces  of  the  Bulwark 
not  flanked  as  I  said  before,  on  their  backs,  which  in  the 
darkness  of  the  night,  and  for  the  alarms  given  on  the  other 
parts,  they  could  not  see  or  intend. 

And  in  this  manner  having  galled  and  driven  many  of  the 
enemy  from  the  wall  ;  and  being  in  a  manner  ready  to  enter: 
day  came  upon  us,  and  the  enemy  having  discovered  us  from 
the  other  flanks,  turned  both  small  and  great  shot  against  us ; 
so  as  we  were  forced  to  retire,  carrying  our  ladders  with  us, 
with  less  loss  than  the  day  before  in  the  fight,  though  more 
in  the  retreat  by  reason  of  the  daylight. 

The  same  day,  I  provided  more  ladders,  purposing,  the 
next  morning,  to  try  fortune  again  :  when,  in  the  evening, 
the  Governor  of  the  Fort,  by  a  drum  [drummer]  wrote  me  a 
letter  complaining  that,  against  the  ordinary  proceedings  of 
men  of  war,  I  assaulted  before  I  summoned  :  and  the  drum  in 
mine  ear  told  me,  that  "  if  I  would  but  do  them  the  honour 
to  shew  them  any  piece  of  ordnance,  I  should  quickly  have 
the  Fort  !  " 

By  which  drawing  of  theirs,  I  perceived  they  were  in  fear, 
and  in  discretion  thought  it  meeter  to  make  my  advantage 
thereof,  by  drawing  them  to  yield,  than  to  despair  them,  to  my 
greater  loss,  by  further  attempting  to  carry  them  by  force. 

And  so,  taking  a  piece  out  of  the  town  of  Burick,  I  planted 
the  same  before  morning;  and,  by  break  of  day,  sent  a 
trumpet  to  summon  them  to  yield. 

Which  they  assented  to,  so  they  might  pass  away  with 
their  arms  :  which  I  granted. 

And  so  they  came  forth,  the  same  morning ;  two  companies 
of  Almains  [Germans]  and  two  half  companies  of  Italians  : 
being  nearly  as  strong  in  number  as  those  that  attempted 


^'^^Tfioe:]  Soldiers  dressed  as  market  women,   ioi 

them  ;  for  besides  the  English,  I  used  none,  but  some  few 
horsemen. 

Most  of  their  officers  were  hurt  and  slain,  and  of  the 
soldiers,  more  than  of  mine. 

This  is  true,  and  therefore  let  it  be  thought,  that  howsoever 
this  attempt  may  seem  rash  with  the  ordinary  proceedings  of 
other  Captains  ;  yet,  notwithstanding,  I  was  confident  upon 
a  certain  and  infallible  discourse  of  reason. 

In  the  place,  I  found  four  double-cannon,  with  a  pretty 
store  of  ammunition  and  victuals. 

The  same  night,  I  and  the  troops  were  countermanded  by 
the  States  :  but  I  left  the  place  with  some  guard  and  a  better 
-tore  of  necessaries,  before  my  departure. 


The  surprise  of  Zutphen  Sconce. 

N  THE  year  of  our  Lord  1591,  I  lying  then  at 
Doesburg,  with  the  English  forces ;  the  Count 
Maurice  wrote  unto  me,  that,  by  a  certain  day, 
he  would  be,  with  his  forces,  before  Zutphen,  to 
besiege  the  same,  willing  me,  the  night  before, 
with  my  troops  of  horse  and  foot  of  that  country  [Dutcli 
troops],  to  beset  the  town  on  the  same  side  of  the  river  on 
which  it  standeth. 

On  the  same  side,  those  of  the  town  held  a  Fort,  which 
made  my  Lord  of  Leicester  lose  many  men  and  much  time 
before  he  could  get  it. 

The  Fort  I  thought  necessary  to  take  from  the  enemy, 
before  he  had  knowledge  of  our  purpose  to  besiege  him  :  and 
because  I  wanted  force  to  work  it  by  open  means,  I  put  this 
sleight  following  in  practice. 

I  chose  a  good  number  of  lusty  and  hardy  young  soldiers, 
the  most  of  which,  I  apparelled  like  the  country  women  of 
those  parts ;  the  rest,  like  the  men :  and  gave  to  some, 
baskets ;  to  others  packs,  and  such  burdens  as  the  people 
usually  carry  to  the  market ;  with  pistols,  short  swords,  and 
daggers  under  their  garments.  Willing  them,  by  two  or 
three  in  a  company,  by  break  of  day,  to  be  at  the  ferry  at 
Zutphen,  which  is  just  against  the  Fort,  as  if  they  stayed  fur 


102  Vere  defends  a  bridge  of  boats  all  night.  [ 


Sir  F  Vere. 

1606. 


the  passage  boat  of  the  town  :  and  bade  them  to  sit  and  rest 
themselves,  in  the  meantime,  as  near  the  gate  of  the  Fort  as 
they  could  for  avoiding  suspicion  ;  and  to  seize  upon  the 
same,  as  soon  as  it  was  opened. 

Which  took  so  good  effect,  that  they  possessed  the  entry 
of  the  Fort,  and  held  the  same  till  an  officer  with  200 
soldiers,  who  were  laid  in  a  covert  not  far  off,  came  to  their 
seconds  [supports] ;   and  so  became  fully  masters  of  the  place. 

By  which  means,  the  siege  of  the  town  afterwards  proved 
the  shorter. 


The  siege  of  Deventer. 

N  THE  siege  of  Deventer,  by  reason  of  the  shortness 
of  a  bridge  of  boats  laid  over  the  ditch,  for  our 
men  to  go  to  the  assault ;  the  troops  could  not  so 
roundly  [quickly]  pass  as  had  been  requisite,  and 
so  were  forced  to  retire  with  no  small  loss. 
The  Count  Maurice  was  so  discouraged,  that  he  proposed, 
that  night,  to  have  withdrawn  his  ordnance. 

I  desired  that  he  would  have  patience,  till  the  next  day  ; 
and  resolve  in  the  morning  to  begin  the  battery  again,  for 
five  or  six  volleys,  and  then  to  summon  them  :  assuring  him 
that  I  would  guard  the  bridge  that  night,  if  the  enemy  should 
attempt  to  burn  it :  as  they  did,  though  in  vain. 

The  Count  Maurice  liked  well  of  the  advice,  and  it  had 
good  success  :  for  upon  the  summons,  they  yielded. 

Their  town  had  no  Flank  on  that  part.  The  wall,  which 
was  of  brick,  without  any  rampire,  was  in  a  manner  razed 
to  the  foundation;  and  the  town  so  close  behind  it,  that  they 
could  not  make  any  new  defences :  which,  as  they  might  be 
just  causes  of  discouragement  to  the  besieged;  so  they  made 
me  confident  that,  with  this  shew  of  perseverance,  they  would 
yield. 

The  Count  Herman  of  Berg,  who  commanded  the  town, 
was  sore  bruised  with  a  cannon.  There  marched  of  the 
enemy  out  with  him,  700  or  800  able  men.  Amongst  which, 
was  an  English  Gentleman,  whom,  for  his  using  unreverent 
and  slanderous  speeches  of  Her  Majesty,  I  had  long  held  in 
prison  :   out  of  which,  he  had,  during  that  siege,  made  an 


F.  Vere, 
?    1606, 


]Vere's  stratagem  against  the  Duke  of  Parma  103 


escape.  He  was  excepted  in  the  Composition,  taken  from 
them,  and  executed  as  he  well  deserved,  not  for  his  first,  but 
his  second  offence. 


The  defeat  given  to  the  Duke  of  Parma 
at  Knodsenburg  Fort, 

]N  THE  year  of  our  Lord  1591,  whilst  the  Count 
Maurice  was  busied  in  Friesland,  and  with  good 
success  took  many  forts,  as  Delfziel,  and  others 
about  Groeningen,  the  Duke  of  Parma  passed 
with  his  army  into  the  Betuwe,  and  besieged  the 
Fort  on  that  side  the  river,  upon  the  ferry  to  Nimeguen. 

Whereupon  the  States  countermanded  the  Count  Maurice, 
with  their  forces;  who,  being  come  to  Arnheim,  encamped  in 
the  Betuwe,  right  over  against  that  town. 

The  Duke  still  continuing  his  siege,  the  States,  who  were 
then  present  at  Arnheim  (desirous  us  to  hinder  his  purpose,  if 
it  were  possible)  in  their  Assembly,  to  which  I  was  called  with 
the  Count  Maurice,  propounded  the  matter,  and  insisted 
to  have  something  exploited  {achieved]  :  though  we  had  laid 
before  them  the  advantage  the  enemy  had  of  us,  in  the  number 
of  his  men,  the  strength  of  his  encamping,  as  well  by  the 
site  of  the  country  as  entrenchments.  So  as  much  time  was 
spent,  and  the  Council  dissolved  without  resolution  upon 
any  special  enterprise  :  albeit,  in  general,  the  Count  Maurice 
and  the  men  of  war  agreed  to  do  their  utmost  endeavour, 
for  the  annoying  and  hindering  of  the  enemy. 

I  had  observed  by  the  enemy's  daily  coming  with  good 
troops  of  horse,  and  forcing  of  our  scouts  [videttes],  that  they 
were  likely  to  bite  at  any  bait  that  was  cunningly  laid  for 
them  ;  and  therefore,  having  informed  myself  of  the  ways 
and  passages  to  their  army,  and  projected  with  myself  a 
probable  plot  to  do  some  good  on  them,  I  brake  the  same  to 
the  Count  Maurice  :  who  liked  my  device  well,  and  recom- 
mended to  me  the  execution  thereof;  giving  me  the  troops 
I  demanded,  which  were  1,200  foot  and  500  horse. 

The  distance  betwixt  the  two  armies  was  about  four  or 
five  English  miles  ;  to  the  which  there  lay  two  ready  ways 


io4Vere's  cavalry  attack  Parma's  outposts.  [ 


rSir  F.  Vere. 
1606. 


serving  for  the  intercourse  betwixt  Arnheim  and  Nimeguen  : 
the  one  a  dike  or  causeway  which  was  narrower,  and  most 
used  in  winter,  by  reason  of  the  lowness  and  miriness  of  the 
country ;  the  other  larger  [broader]  :  both  hemmed  in  with 
overgrown  ditches  and  deep  ditches. 

Nearly  half  a  mile  from  the  quarters,  this  causeway  was  to 
be  passed  to  come  to  the  other  way,  which  led  to  the  main 
quarters  of  the  enemy,  where  most  of  his  horse  lay.  About 
two-thirds  of  the  way  from  our  camp,  there  was  a  bridge. 

To  this  bridge  I  marched  early  in  the  morning,  sending 
forthwith  towards  the  enemy's  camp  200  light  and  well- 
mounted  horse,  with  orders  to  beat  [drive  in]  the  guards  of 
the  enemy's  horse,  even  to  their  very  quarters,  and  guards  of 
foot ;  to  take  such  spoil  and  prisoners  as  lay  ready  in  their 
way :  and  so  to  make  their  retreat,  if  they  were  followed, 
more  speedily ;  otherwise  at  an  ordinary  marching  pace. 

In  the  meantime  I  divided  my  footmen  into  two  parts, 
whereof,  one  I  laid  near  the  hither  side  of  the  bridge,  in  a 
place  very  covert ;  the  other,  a  quarter  of  a  mile  behind  : 
and  in  the  rearward  of  them,  the  rest  of  my  horse. 

If  the  enemy  came  in  the  tail  of  our  horse  (v/hom  for 
that  purpose  I  had  appointed,  as  beforesaid,  to  come  more 
leisurely,  that  the  enemy  might  have  time  to  get  to  horse),  I 
knew  they  could  bring  no  footmen  :  and  therefore  was 
resolved  to  receive  betwixt  my  troops  of  foot,  all  the  horse- 
men they  could  send.  But  if  they  pursued  not  our  men  in 
the  heat,  I  judged  they  would  either  come  with  good  numbers 
of  both  kinds  of  men  ordered  [tn  order],  or  not  at  all.  And  if 
they  came  with  good  advice,  that  they  would  rather  seek  to 
cut  off  my  passage  near  home,  by  the  causeway  and  higher 
way,  than  to  follow  me  directly.  For  the  better  preventing 
whereof,  the  Count  Maurice  himself,  with  a  choice  part  of  the 
horse  and  foot  of  the  arm}^,  was  to  attend  at  the  crossway  to 
favour  my  retreat. 

My  horsemen,  about  noon,  gave  the  enemy  the  alarm  ;  and 
according  to  their  directions,  made  their  retreat,  no  enemy 
appearing.  Whereupon  I  also  retired  with  the  rest  of  the 
troops  till  I  came  to  the  crossway,  v/here  I  found  the  Count 
Maurice  with  his  troops. 

In  the  head  of  which,  towards  the  way  of  the  causeway, 
with  some  distance  betwixt  his  troops  and  mine,  I  made  a 


^'''?^" TloeG  The  Duke  of  Parma  gives  up  the  siege.  105 

stand  in  a  little  field  by  the  side  of  the  way,  where  they  were 
at  covert. 

We  had  not  been  here  half-an-hour,  but  our  scouts  brought 
word  the  enemy  were  at  hand:  which  Count  Maurice's 
horsemen  hearing,  without  any  orders,  as  every  one  could 
get  foremost,  to  the  number  of  700  or  800,  they  made  with 
all  speed  towards  the  enemy. 

I  presumed,  and  said,  "  They  would  return  faster,  and  in 
more  disorder !  "  as  it  fell  out.  For  the  enemy  coming  as 
fast  towards  them,  but  in  better  order,  put  them  presently  in 
rout  :  and  the  greater  the  number  was,  the  more  was  the 
amazement  and  confusion.  Thus  they  passed  by  us,  with 
the  enemy  at  their  heels,  laying  on  them. 

I  knew  not  what  other  troops  they  had  at  hand,  nor  what 
discouragements  this  sight  might  put  into  the  minds  of  our 
men  ;  and  therefore  (whereas  I  purposed  to  have  let  the 
enemy  pass,  if  this  unlooked  disorder  had  not  happened 
amongst  our  horsemen)  I  shewed  my  troops  on  their  flanks, 
and  galled  them  both  with  Shot  and  Pikes  ;  so  that  they  not 
only  left  pursuing  their  chase,  but  turned  their  backs. 
Which  our  horsemen  perceiving,  followed,  and  thus  revenged 
themselves  to  the  full ;  for  they  never  gave  over  until  they 
had  wholly  defeated  the  troop,  which  was  of  800  horse  :  of 
which,  they  brought  betwixt  200  and  300  prisoners,  whereof 
divers  were  Captains,  as  Don  Alphonso  d'Avalos,  Fradilla, 
and  others ;  with  divers  Cornets,  and  about  500  horses. 

This  defeat  so  troubled  the  Duke  of  Parma,  that,  though 
so  forward  in  his  siege,  and  having  filled  part  of  the  ditch  of 
the  Fort,  he  retired  his  army  thence,  and  passed  the  river 
of  Waal  a  little  above  Nimeguen,  with  more  dishonour  than 
in  any  action  that  he  had  undertaken  in  these  wars. 


io6 


The  Calls  [Cadiz]  Journey, 

N  THE  year  of  our  Lord  1596,  I  was  sent  for 
into  England,  at  that  time  when  the  journey 
to  the  Coast  of  Spain  was  resolved  on  : 
which  because  of  the  taking  of  Calis,  was, 
after,  commonly  called  the  Calis  [Cadiz] 
Journey. 

I  returned  speedily  into  the  Low  Countries, 
with  Letters  of  Credence  from  Her  Majesty, 
to  acquaint  them  with  Her  Majesty's  purpose,  and  to  hasten 
the  preparation  of  the  shipping  they  had  already  promised 
to  attend  Her  Majesty's  Fleet  in  those  seas :  withal  to  let 
them  know  Her  Majesty's  desire  to  have  2,000  of  her  own 
subjects,  as  well  of  those  in  their  pay  as  her  own,  to  be 
employed  in  that  action,  and  to  be  conducted  by  me,  to 
the  Earl  of  Essex  and  the  Lord  Admiral  of  England 
[Lord  Howard  of  Effingham],  Generals  of  that  action,  by 
joint  Commission. 

Whereunto  the  States  assented  :  and  I  (according  to  my 
instructions  given  me  in  that  behalf),  by  the  time  appointed, 
shipped  and  transported  to  the  rendezvous  which  was  assigned 
me  before  Boulogne  on  the  coast  of  France,  by  reason  that 
Calais  in  France  was  then  besieged  by  the  Cardinal  Albert. 
Upon  that  occasion,  it  was  resolved  to  have  employed  this 
army  for  the  succour  and  relief  thereof ;  but  coming  into  that 
road  [Boulogne],  I  found  no  shipping  of  ours:  and  under- 
standing that  Calais  was  yielded  the  day  before,  I  crossed  the 
sea  to  Dover,  where  I  found  the  whole  Fleet,  and  the 
Generals  ;  who  received  me  with  much  joy  and  favour,  being 
then,  though  far  unworthy  of  so  weighty  a  charge,  chosen  to 


Sir  F.  Vere. 
?      1606. 


]  Vere  coaches  Lord  Essex  in  tactics,  &c.  107 


supply  the  place  of  Lieutenant  General  [second  in  command] 
of  the  Army,  by  the  name  and  title  of  Lord  Marshal. 

The  Fleet  set  sail  shortly  after,  and  my  Lord  of  Essex, 
leaving  his  own  ship,  embarked  himself  in  the  Rainbow  with 
myself  and  some  few  of  his  ordinary  attendant  servants ;  of 
purpose,  as  I  suppose,  to  confer  with  me  at  the  full  and  at 
ease,  of  his  Journey. 

After  two  days'  sailing,  his  Lordship  landed  at  Beachim, 
near  Rye,  with  divers  other  noblemen  that  he  had,  attending 
him  so  far  on  his  Journey. 

He  took  me  along  with  him  to  the  Court  ;  and  thence 
despatched  me  to  Plymouth,  whither  most  of  the  [other]  land 
forces  were  to  march,  to  see  them  lodged,  provided  with 
necessaries,  trained,  and  ordered  [marshalled  into  companies, 
S'c] ;  which  I  did  accordingly:  to  the  great  contentment  of 
the  Generals,  when,  at  their  coming,  they  saw  the  readiness 
of  the  men,  which  were  then  exercised  before  them. 

During  the  stay  of  this  Army  near  Plymouth,  which  (by 
reason  of  the  contrariety  of  wind)  was  nearly  a  month,  it 
pleased  my  Lord  of  Essex  to  give  me  much  countenance,  and 
to  have  me  always  near  him;  which  drew  upon  me  no  small 
envy,  insomuch  as  some  open  jars  fell  out  betwixt  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  then  Rear-Admiral  of  the  Navy,  Sir 
CoNNiERS  Clifford,  Serjeant- Major  General  of  the  Army, 
and  myself:  which  the  General  qualified  for  the  time,  and 
ordered  that  in  all  meetings  at  land,  I  should  have  the 
precedence  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  ;  and  he,  of  me  at  sea. 

[As  to]  Sir  Conniers  Clifford,  though  there  were 
grudging,  there  could  be  no  competition.  Yet  being  a  man 
of  haughty  stomach,  and  not  of  the  greatest  government  or 
experience  in  martial  discipline,  lest  ignorance  or  will  might 
mislead  him  in  the  execution  of  his  Office,  and  to  give  a  rule 
to  the  rest  of  the  High  Officers,  who  were  chosen  rather  for 
favour,  than  for  long  continuance  in  service  ;  to  the  better 
directing  of  them  in  their  duties,  as  also  for  the  more  readiness 
in  the  General  himself,  to  judge  and  distinguish  upon  all 
occasions  of  controversy:  I  propounded  to  my  Lord  of  Essex, 
as  a  thing  most  necessary,  the  setting  down  in  writing  what 
belonged  properly  to  every  Office  in  the  field.  Which  notion 
his  Lordship  liked  well,  and  at  several  times  in  the 
morning,  his  Lordship  and  myself  being  together,  he,  with 


ioSThe  Expedition  arrives  in  Cadiz  Bay.    p'/^ 


Vere. 
606. 


his  own  hand,  wrote  what  my  industry  and  experience  had 
made  me  able  to  deliver  :  which  was  afterwards  copied,  and 
delivered  severally  to  the  Officers ;  and  took  so  good  effect 
that  no  question  arose  in  that  behalf,  during  the  Journey. 
[It  is  quite  clear  that  Vere  was  used  to  teach  this  army  the  Art 
of  War,  as  he  had  learnt  it  by  actual  experience  in  the  Netherlands.] 

The  wind  serving,  and  the  troops  shipped,  I  embarked  in 
the  foresaid  Rainbow,  as  Vice-Admiral  of  my  Lord  of  Essex's 
Squadron. 

The  one  and  twentieth  day  after,  being  as  I  take  it,  the 
ist  of  July  [O.iS.],  the  Fleet  arrived  early  in  the  morning 
before  Calis-Malis  [the  city  of  Cadiz],  and  shortly  after,  came 
to  an  anchor  as  near  the  Caletta  as  the  depth  would  suffer  us. 

In  the  mouth  of  the  bay,  thwart  of  the  rocks  called  Los 
puercos,  there  lay,  to  our  judgement,  40  or  50  tall  ships; 
whereoffourwereofthe  King's  greatest  and  warlikest  galleons, 
eighteen  merchant  ships  of  the  West  Indian  Fleet  outward 
bound  and  richly  laden  ;  and  the  rest  were  private  merchant 
ships. 

Because  it  was  thought  these  could  not  escape  us  in  putting 
to  sea,  the  first  project  of  landing  our  men  in  the  Caletta 
went  on  :  and  so  the  troops  appointed  for  that  purpose,  were 
embarked  in  our  barges  and  long-boats.  But  the  wind 
blowing  hard,  the  landing  was  thought  too  dangerous ;  the 
rather  for  that  the  enemy  shewed  themselves  on  the  shore, 
with  good  troops  of  horse  and  foot. 

Notwithstanding,  in  hope  the  weather  would  calm,  the 
men  were  still  kept  in  the  boats,  at  the  ships'  sterns. 

This  day,  the  Generals  met  not  together  :  but  the  Lord 
Admiral  had  most  of  the  sea  officers  aboard  with  him,  as  the 
Lord  of  Essex  had  those  for  land  service  ;  and  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  was  sent  to  and  fro  betwixt  them  with  messages. 
So  that,  in  the  end,  it  was  resolved  and  agreed  upon,  to  put, 
the  next  tide,  into  the  Bay  :  and  after  the  defeating  of  the 
enemy's  fleet,  to  land  our  men  between  the  town  [Cadiz]  and 
Punthal;  without  setting  down  any  more  particular  directions 
for  the  execution  thereof. 

I  then  told  my  Lord  of  Essex  that  mine  was  a  floaty 
[light  of  draught]  ship,  and  well  appointed  for  that  service, 
that,  "  therefore,  if  his  Lordship  pleased  !  I  was  desirous  to 
put  in  before  his   Lordship,  and  the    other  ships  of  greater 


^'V'Teoe.']  They  find  40  or  50  ships  in  the  Bay.  109 

burden."  To  which  his  Lordship  answered  suddenly,  that 
"  In  any  case,  I  should  not  go  in  before  him  !  " 

With  this,  I  and  the  rest  of  the  officers  went  to  our  ships, 
to  prepare  ourselves. 

I  took  my  company  of  soldiers  out  of  the  boats  into  my  ship  : 
for  their  more  safety,  and  better  strengthening  of  my  ship. 

And  because  we  had  anchored  more  to  the  north  of  the 
Fleet,  more  astern,  and  to  the  leeward  of  the  Fleet  as  the 
wind  then  blew,  than  any  other  ship  ;  I  thought  to  recover 
these  disadvantages  by  a  speedier  losing  of  my  anchor  than 
the  rest.  And,  therefore,  not  attending  to  the  General's 
signal  and  warning,  so  soon  as  the  tide  began  to  favour  my 
purpose,  I  fell  to  weighing  my  anchor. 

But  the  wind  was  so  great,  and  the  billows  so  high,  that 
the  capstan,  being  too  strong  for  my  men,  cast  them  against 
the  ship's  side,  and  spoiled  [hurt]  many  of  them ;  so  that 
after  many  attempts  to  wind  up  the  anchor,  I  was  forced  to 
cut  cable  in  the  hawse.  When  I  was  under  sail,  I  plied 
only  to  windward,  lying  off  and  on  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Bay  to  the  sea,  which  lieth  near  at  hand,  east  and  west :  by 
that  means  gathering  nearer  to  the  Fleet. 

The  Lord  Thomas  Howard,  Vice-Admiral  of  the  Fleet, 
with  some  few  other  ships,  set  sail  also,  beating  off  and  on 
before  the  mouth  of  the  Bay  ;  but  the  General,  and  most  of 
the  Fleet  kept  their  anchors  still. 

The  tide  being  far  spent,  loth  to  be  driven  again  to  the 
leeward  of  the  Fleet,  and  to  endanger  another  cable,  and 
perchance  the  ship  itself  on  that  shore,  which  was  flat  and 
near ;  and  the  benefit  of  entering  the  Bay  with  the  first, 
which  was  not  the  least  consideration :  I  resolved  to  put 
into  the  mouth  of  the  Bay  as  near  to  the  enemy's  fleet  as  I 
could  without  engaging  fight,  and  there  to  cast  anchor  by 
them ;  which  I  did  accordingly.  So  that  they  made  a  shot 
or  two  at  me ;  but  since  I  made  no  answer,  they  left  off 
shooting. 

I  was  no  sooner  come  to  anchor,  but  the  Generals  set  sail, 
and  the  rest  of  the  Fleet ;  and  bare  directly  towards  me, 
where  they  also  anchored. 

It  was  now  late  ere  the  Flag  of  "  Council  !"  was  shewn  in 
my  Lord  Admiral's  ship ;  whither  my  Lord  of  Essex  and 
the  rest  of  the  Officers  repaired ;  and  there  it  was  resolved, 


no  The  Raixboiv  fights   17  galleys  at  once.  \^i^'^tX 

the  next  morning,  with  the  tide  to  enter  the  Bay,  and  board 
the  Spanish  ships,  if  they  abode  it.  And  ships  of  ours  were 
appointed  to  begin  this  service,  some  to  keep  the  channel 
and  midst  of  the  Bay ;  and  others  more  floaty,  to  bear  nearer 
the  town  to  intercept  the  shipping  that  should  retire  that 
way,  and  hinder  the  galleys  from  beating  on  the  flanks  of 
our  great  ships. 

I  was  not  allotted  with  m}'  ship  to  any  special  service  or 
attendance.  My  desire  was  great,  having  till  that  time  been 
a  stranger  to  actions  at  sea,  to  appear  willing  to  embrace 
the  occasions  that  offered  themselves ;  and  therefore  wound 
my  ship  up  to  her  anchor,  to  be  the  more  ready  to  set  sail  in 
the  morning  w  ith  the  beginning  of  the  flood. 

The  Spanish  ships  set  sail,  and  made  to  the  bottom  of  the 
Bay,  rather  driving  than  saiHng  ;  our  ships  following  as  fast 
as  they  could. 

As  the  Spanish  ships  loosed  from  their  anchors  and  made 
from  us  ;  their  galleys,  seventeen  in  number,  under  the  favour 
[cover]  of  the  town,  made  towards  us  ranged  in  good  order. 
My  ship  (as  before  said)  was  floaty,  stored  with  ordnance, 
and  proper  for  that  service  ;  which  made  me  hasten  towards 
them,  without  staying  for  any  company.  Indeed,  my  readi- 
ness was  such,  by  reason  of  my  riding  with  my  anchor  a-pike 
[taut],  that  no  other  ship  could  come  near  me  by  a  great 
distance.  So  I  entered  fight  with  them  alone,  and  so  galled 
them  with  my  ordnance,  which  was  cannon  and  demi-cannon, 
that  they  gave  back,  keeping  still  in  order  and  in  fight  with 
me,  drawing  as  near  the  town  as  they  could  :  and  with 
purpose,  as  I  thought,  as  our  ships  thrust  further  into  the 
Bay,  to  have  fallen  upon  our  smaller  ships  in  the  tail  of  the 
whole  Fleet ;  and  having  made  a  hand  with  them,  so  to  have 
put  to  the  seaward  of  us  the  better  to  annoy  us,  and  save 
themselves  from  being  locked  up. 

Wherein  to  prevent  them,  I  made  toward  the  shore,  still 
sounding  with  our  leads  till  the  ordnance  of  the  town  might 
reach  me,  and  I  the  shore,  with  mine.  Insomuch  as  I  put 
them  from  under  the  town,  and  took  certain  ships  which  rode 
there  at  anchor  forsaken  of  their  men;  and  followed  them, 
continuing  fight  till  they  came  under  the  Fort  of  the 
Punthal  :  where,  thwart  the  bottom  of  the  Bay,  which  was 
not  broad,  lay  their  four  great  ships,  with  a  pretty  distance 


Sir  F.  Vere. 
?      1606, 


]  The  four  Galleons  are  abandoned,  i  i  i 


betwixt  them,  spreading  the  breadth  of  the  channel,  and 
at  an  anchor ;  and  were  now  in  hot  fight  of  ordnance  with 
our  Fleet. 

I  was  nearer  Punthal  and  the  shore  of  Calls  by  much, 
than  any  ship  of  the  Fleet,  and  further  advanced  into  the 
Bay.  So  that  now  growing  within  shot  of  the  fort  which  lay 
on  my  right  hand ;  and  in  like  distance  to  the  galleons  on  the 
left  hand,  and  having  the  galleys  ahead  of  me,  betwixt  them 
all,  I  was  plied  with  shot  on  all  sides  very  roundly:  yet  I  resolved 
to  go  on,  knowing  I  had  good  seconds  [support]  and  that 
'*  man}^  hands  would  make  light  work."  But  my  company, 
either  wiser  or  more  afraid  than  myself,  on  a  sudden,  un- 
locked by  me,  let  fall  the  anchor ;  and  by  no  means,  would 
be  commanded  or  intreated  to  weigh  it  again. 

In  the  meantime,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  came  upon  my 
left  side,  with  his  ship,  and  a  very  little  ahead  of  me,  cast 
his  anchor ;  as  did  also  the  Generals,  and  as  many  of  the 
Fleet  as  the  channel  would  bear :  so  that  the  shooting  of 
ordnance  was  great ;  and  they  held  us  good  talk,  by  reason 
their  ships  lay  thwart  with  their  broadsidestoward  us,  and  most 
of  us,  right  ahead,  so  that  we  could  use  but  our  chasing  pieces. 

I  sent  my  boat  aboard  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  to  fasten  a 
hawse  to  wind  my  ship,  which  was  loosed  soon  after  my  boat 
was  put  off. 

About  me,  the  galleons  let  slip  cable  at  the  hawse,  and 
with  the  topsails  wended  and  drew  towards  the  shore  on  the 
left  hand  of  the  Bay ;  and  the  Indian  Fleet  with  the  rest  ot 
the  shipping  did  the  like,  more  within  the  Bay. 

It  was  no  following  of  them  with  our  great  ships  [which 
ifere  too  deep  in  the  water] ;  and  therefore  I  went  aboard  my 
Lord  of  Essex,  whose  ship  lay  towards  that  side  of  the 
channel,  to  see  what  further  orders  would  be  given. 

At  my  coming  aboard,  the  galleons  were  run  on  ground 
near  the  shore  ;  and  their  men,  some  in  their  boats,  began  to 
forsake  their  ships. 

I  was  then  bold  to  say  to  my  Lord  of  Essex,  that  "  it  was 
high  time  to  send  his  small  shipping  to  board  them :  for 
otherwise  they  would  be  fired  by  their  own  men."  Which 
his  Lordship  found  reasonable,  and  presently  sent  his 
directions  accordingly.  And  in  the  meantime,  sent  Sir 
William  Constable  with  some  long-boats  full  of  soldiers; 


I  12  5   REGIMENTS  (2,000  MEN)   LAND  AT   PuNTHAL.    [^- ^ 


.  Vere. 
606. 


which  his  Lordship  had  towed  at  his  stern,  since  the  first 
embarking,  to  have  landed  at  the  Caletta. 

But  notwithstanding  he  made  all  haste  possible,  before  he 
could  get  to  the  galleons,  two  of  them  were  set  on  fire  ;  and 
the  other  two,  by  this  means  saved  and  taken,  were  utterly 
forsaken  of  their  men,  who  retired  through  the  fens,  to  Puerto 
de  Santa  Maria. 

The  Spanish  Fleet  thus  set  on  ground,  the  prosecution  of 
that  victory  was  committed  to,  and  willingly  undertaken  by, 
the  sea  forces  by  a  principal  Officer  of  the  Fleet. 

And  because  longer  delay  would  increase  the  difficulty  of 
landing  our  forces,  by  the  resort  of  more  people  to  Calls,  it 
was  resolved  forthwith  to  attempt  the  putting  of  our  men  on 
shore;  and  to  that  end,  commandment  was  given  that  all 
men  appointed  for  that  purpose  should  be  embarked  in  the 
long-boats  :  and  that  my  Lord  of  Essex  should  first  land 
with  those  men  which  could  be  disembarked  ;  and  then  my 
Lord  Admiral  to  second  [support] ,  and  repair  to  the  General, 
who,  the  better  to  be  known,  would  put  out  his  flag  in  his 
boat. 

The  troops  that  were  first  to  land,  were  the  regiments  of 
the  General,  my  own,  and  those  of  Sir  Christopher 
Blunt,  Sir  Thomas  Gerrard,  and  Sir  Conniers  Clifford. 

On  the  right  hand,  in  a  even  front,  with  a  competent  distance 
betwixt  the  boats,  were  ranged  the  two  regiments  first  named  ; 
the  other  three  on  the  left  :  so  that  every  regiment  and  com- 
pany of  men  weresorted,  togetherwith  their  Colonels  and  chief 
officers  in  nimble  pinnaces,  some  in  the  head  of  the  boats, 
some  at  the  stern,  to  keep  good  order.  The  General  himself 
with  his  boat,  in  which  it  pleased  him  to  have  me  attend  him, 
and  some  other  boats  full  of  Gentlemen  Adventurers  and 
choice  men  to  attend  his  person,  rowed  a  pretty  distance 
before  the  rest :  whom,  at  the  signal  given  with  a  drum  from 
his  boat,  the  rest  were  to  follow  according  to  the  measure 
and  time  of  the  sound  of  the  said  drum,  which  they  were  to 
observing  in  the  dipping  of  the  oars ;  and  to  that  end,  there 
was  a  general  silence  as  well  of  warlike  instruments  as  other- 
wise. 

Which  order  being  duly  followed,  the  troops  came,  all 
together,  to  the  shore  betwixt  Punthal  and  Calls  ;  and  were 
landed,  and  several  regiments  embattled  in  an  instant,  with- 


Sir  F.  Vere 

?      1606 


•]    They  seize  the  isthmus  at  Punthal.  113 


out  any  encounter  at  all :  the  Spaniards,  who,  all  the  day 
before,  shewed  themselves  with  troops  of  horse  and  foot  on 
that  part,  as  resolved  to  impeach  our  landing,  being  clean 
retired  towards  the  town. 

The  number  of  the  first  disembarking  was  not  fully  2,000 
men ;  for  divers  companies  of  those  regiments,  that  had  put 
themselves  into  their  ships  again,  could  not  be  suddenly 
ready,  by  reason  the  boats  to  land  them,  belonged  to  other 
great  ships. 

Calls  on  that  side  was  walled,  as  it  were,  in  a  right  line 
thwart  the  land,  so  as  the  sea,  on  both  sides  [ends]  did  beat 
on  the  foot  of  the  wall  :  which  strength,  together  with  the 
populousness  of  the  town  (in  which,  besides  the  great  con- 
course of  Gentlemen  and  others,  upon  the  discovery  of  our 
Fleet,  and  alarm  of  our  ordnance  ;  there  was  an  ordinary 
garrison  of  soldiers)  had  taken  from  us  all  thought  of  forcing 
it  without  battery.  And  therefore,  being  landed,  we  advanced 
with  the  troops  to  find  a  convenient  place  to  encamp,  till  my 
Lord  Admiral,  with  the  rest  of  the  forces,  and  the  ordnance 
were  landed. 

Being  advanced  with  the  troops  half  the  breadth  of  the 
neck  of  the  land,  which  in  that  place  is  about  half  a  mile 
over,  we  might  perceive  that,  all  along  the  seashore  on  the 
other  side  of  this  neck  of  land,  men  on  horseback  and  foot 
repaired  to  the  town :  which  intercourse  it  was  thought 
necessary  to  cut  off.  And,  therefore,  because  the  greatest 
forces  of  the  enemy  were  to  come  from  the  land  ;  it  was 
resolved  on  to  lodge  the  better  part  of  the  army  in  the 
narrowest  of  the  neck,  which,  near  Punthal,  is  not  broader 
than  an  ordinary  harquebus  shot. 

To  which  strait.  Sir  Conniers  Clifford  was  sent  with 
three  regiments,  viz.,  his  own.  Sir  Christopher  Blunt's, 
and  Sir  Thomas  Gerrard's,  there  to  make  a  stand,  to  im- 
peach the  Spaniards  from  coming  to  the  town,  till  he  received 
further  orders  for  the  quartering  and  lodging  of  his  men. 

Which  done,  the  Lord  General,  with  the  other  two  regi- 
ments and  his  Company  of  Adventurers,  which  was  of  about 
250  worthy  Gentlemen;  in  all,  not  fully  a  1,000  men,  ad- 
vanced nearer  the  town,  the  better  to  discover  the  whole 
ground  before  it. 

And  as  we  approached  afar  off,  we  might  perceive  the  enemy 

H  2 


114  Vere  arranges  for  a  false  attack.  P' 


F.  Vere. 

?     1606. 


standing  in  battle  under  the  favour  of  the  town,  with  cornets 
[standards  of  the  cavalry]  and  ensigns  [colours  of  the  infantry'] 
displayed  ;  thrusting  out  some  loose  horse  and  foot  towards 
us,  as  it  were  to  procure  a  skirmish. 

I,  marking  their  fashion,  conceived  hope  of  a  speedier 
gaining  the  town  than  we  intended,  and  where  then  about ; 
and  said  to  his  Lordship,  at  whose  elbow  1  attended,  that 
*'  those  men  he  saw  standing  in  battle  before  the  town  would 
shew  and  make  way  for  us  into  the  town  that  night,  if  they 
were  well  handled."  And  at  the  instant,  I  propounded  the 
means :  which  was,  to  carry  our  troops  as  near  and  covertly 
as  might  be,  towards  the  town  ;  and  to  see,  by  some  attempt, 
if  we  could  draw  them  to  fight  further  from  the  town,  that 
we  might  send  them  back  with  confusion  and  disorder,  and 
so  have  the  cutting  of  them  in  pieces  in  the  town  ditch,  or 
enter  it  by  the  same  way  they  did. 

His  Lordship  liked  the  project,  and  left  the  handling 
thereof  to  me. 

I  presently  caused  the  troops  to  march  towards  the  other 
side  of  the  neck  of  land,  because  the  ordinary  and  ready  way 
to  the  town  lay  on  that  side,  low  and  embayed  to  the  foot  of 
the  hilly  downs,  so  as  troops  might  march  very  closely  from 
the  view  of  the  town. 

Then  I  choseout200  men,  which  were  committed  to  thecon- 
duct  of  Sir  John  Wingfield,  aright  valiant  Knight,  with  orders 
that  he  should  march  on  roundly  to  the  enemy  where  they 
stood  in  battle,  and  to  charge  and  drive  to  their  Battles  the 
skirmishers  :  but  if  the  enemy  in  gross  proffered  a  charge,  he 
should  make  a  hasty  and  fearful  retreat,  to  their  judgement, 
the  way  he  had  gone,  till  he  met  with  his  seconds  that 
followed  him  ;  and  then  to  turn  short,  and  with  the  greatest 
speed  and  fury  he  could,  to  charge  the  enemy. 

The  seconds  were  of  300  men,  led,  as  I  remember,  by  Sir 
Matthew  Morgan,  who  were  to  follow  the  first  troops  at  a 
good  distance  and  so  as  both  of  them,  till  the  enemy  were 
engaged,  might  not  at  once  appear  to  them  ;  and  to  advance 
with  all  diUgence  when  the  troops  before  them  did  retire,  to 
meet  them,  charge  the  enemy,  and  enter  the  town  with  them 
pesle  mesle  [pell  mell]. 

With  the  rest  of  the  forces,  his  Lordship  and  I  followed. 

The  place  served  well  for  our  purpose,  being  covert   [hid 


Sir  F.  Vere. 
?       i6o6. 


]  i,ooo  Englishmen  storm  Cadiz.  115 


with  trees]  and  of  no  advantage  for  their  horsemen  ;  and  the 
directions  were  so  well  observed,  that  the  enemy  were  engaged 
in  following  our  first  troop  before  they  discovered  the  rest. 
And  so  in  hope  and  assurance  of  victory,  being,  beyond  ex- 
pectation, lively  encountered  ;  they  fled  in  disorder  towards 
the  town,  so  nearly  followed  of  our  men,  that  most  of  the 
horsemen  forsook  their  horses,  and  saved  themselves,  some 
by  the  gates,  others  clambering  over  the  walls,  as  did  also 
their  footmen  ;  our  men  following  them  at  the  heels  to  the 
very  gate,  which  they  found  shut  against  them,  and  men 
standing  over  it  and  upon  the  walls  to  resist  us. 

The  ditch  was  very  hollow  but  dry.  Out  of  which  was 
raised  a  massy  rampire,  with  two  round  Half-Bulwarks,  the 
one  towards  the  one  sea,  the  other  towards  the  other ;  for 
height  and  thickness,  in  their  perfection,  but  not  steeped  and 
scarped  :  so  as  it  was  very  mountable,  and  lay  close  to  the  old 
wall  of  the  town,  which  somewhat  overtopped  it  no  higher 
than,  in  many  places,  a  man  might  reach  with  his  hand. 

To  the  top  of  the  rampire,  our  men  climbed  ;  who  being, 
for  the  most  part,  old  and  experienced  soldiers,  of  the  Bands 
[regiments]  I  brought  out  of  the  Low  Countries,  boldly  at- 
tempted to  climb  the  wall,  from  which  they  beat  with  their 
shot,  the  defendants  ;  wanting  no  encouragements  that  good 
example  of  the  chiefs  could  give  them,  the  General  himself 
being  as  forward  as  any. 

Whilst  it  was  hard  stroven  and  fought  on  that  side,  I  sent  a 
Captain  and  countryman  [of  the  same  county,  Essex]  of  mine, 
called  Upsher,  with  some  few  men  alongst  the  ditch,  to  see 
what  guard  was  held  along  the  wall  towards  the  Bay-ward  ; 
and  whether  any  easier  entrance  might  be  made  that  way  or 
not,  willing  him  to  bring  or  send  me  word  :  which  he  did 
accordingly,  though  the  messenger  came  not  unto  me. 

He  found  so  slender  a  guard,  that  he  entered  the  town  with 
those  few  men  he  had  ;  which  the  enemy  perceiving,  fled 
from  the  walls,  and  our  men  entered  as  fast  on  the  other 
side. 

My  Lord  of  Essex  was  one  of  the  first  that  got  over  the 
walls,  followed  by  the  soldiers  as  the  place  would  give  them 
leave  ;  and  such  was  their  fury,  being  once  entered,  that  as 
they  got  in  scatteringly,  so  they  hasted  towards  the  town, 
without  gathering  [into]  any  strong  and  orderly  body  of  men 


1 1 6  The  scattered  fighting  inside  Cadiz,     [' 


Sir  F  Vere. 
1606. 


as  in  such  case  is  requisite,  or  once  endeavouring  to  open  the 
gate  for  more  convenient  entry  for  the  rest  of  the  troops. 

I,  therefore,  foreseeing  what  might  ensue  of  this  confusion, 
held  the  third  body  of  the  men  together ;  and  with  much  ado, 
brake  open  the  gate,  by  which  I  entered  the  town :  and  so 
keeping  the  way  that  leads  from  the  gate  towards  the  town, 
joined  to  my  foot  those  men  I  met  withal,  scattered  here  and 
there. 

Not  far  from  the  Market  Place,  I  found  my  Lord  of  Essex 
at  a  stand  with  40  or  50  men  ;  whence  I  might  see  some 
few  of  the  enemy  in  the  Market  Place,  which  made  me  ad- 
vance towards  them,  without  attending  any  commandment : 
who,  upon  my  approaching,  retired  themselves  into  the 
Town  House  ;  whither  I  pursued  them,  broke  open  the  gates, 
and,  after  good  resistance  made  bythe  Spaniards  in  the  upper 
rooms  of  the  House,  became  master  of  it. 

In  which,  I  left  a  guard,  and  went  down  into  the  Market 
Place,  and  found  my  Lord  of  Essex  at  the  Town  House  door. 
I  humbly  entreated  his  Lordship,  to  make  that  place  secure, 
and  give  me  leave  to  scour  and  assure  the  rest  of  the  town  : 
which  I  did  accordingly. 

And  though  I  was  but  slackly  and  slenderly  followed,  by 
reason  of  our  men's  greediness  for  spoil :  yet  such  Spaniards 
as  I  found  making  head,  and  coming  towards  the  Market 
Place,  I  drove  back  into  the  Fort  St.  Philip  and  the  Abbey 
of  St.  Francis. 

Those  of  the  Abbey  yielded,  to  the  number  of  200  Gentle- 
men and  others  ;  and  being  disarmed  were  put  into  a  chapel ; 
and  there  left  guarded.  Those  of  St.  Philip,  it  being  now  in 
the  evening,  cried  to  us  that  "  in  the  morning,  they  would 
render  the  place."  Before  which  also  having  put  a 
guard  i  and  understanding  by  some  prisoners  that  there  was 
no  other  place  of  strength  but  the  Old  Town  near  the 
Market  Place  ;  I  repaired  to  my  Lord  of  Essex,  whom  I 
found  in  the  Market  Place,  and  the  Lord  Admiral  with 
him. 

And  after  I  had  made  report  upon  what  terms  things  stood, 
and  where  I  had  been  :  I  went  to  the  said  Old  Town  to  visit 
the  guards  which  were  commanded  by  Sir  Edward  Conway, 
with  part  of  the  forces  landed  with  my  Lord  Admiral ;  and 
from  thence,  to    that  part  of  the    town  where  we  entered. 


Sir  F.  Vere. 
?      1606 


•]The  stupidity  of  Sir  Conniers  Clifford  i  17 


And  thus  all  things  in  good  assurance,  I  returned  to  the 
Market  Place ;  where  the  rest  of  the  forces  were,  being  held 
togfether  to  be  readily  employed  upon  all  occasions. 

Their  Lordships  went  up  to  the  Town  House,  and  there 
gave  GOD  thanks  for  the  victory :  and,  afterwards,  all  wounded 
and  bloody  as  he  was,  yet  undressed  [i.e.,  his  wounds],  gave 
the  honour  of  knighthood  to  Sir  Samuel  Bagnall,  for  his 
especial  merit  and  valour  in  that  day's  service. 

The  loss  was  not  very  great  on  either  side :  for  as  the 
Spanish  troops  that  stood  ordered  without  the  walls,  got  into 
the  town  confusedly  and  disorderly  before  we  could  mingle  with 
them  ;  so  everyone,  as  he  was  counselled  by  fear  or  courage, 
provided  for  his  own  safety,  the  most  flying  to  the  Old  Town 
and  Castle. 

Those  that  made  head  after  the  first  entrance,  being 
scattered  here  and  there ;  our  men  as  they  followed  with 
more  courage  than  order,  so  encountered  them  in  the  like 
scattering  manner,  falling  straight  to  handstrokes  :  so  that  it 
seemed  rather  an  inward  tumult  and  town  fray  than  a  fight 
of  so  mighty  nations. 

The  next  day,  the  Old  Town  and  the  Fort  of  St.  Philip 
were  delivered  unto  us  :  and  the  people  that  were  in  them, 
except  some  principal  prisoners,  were  suffered  to  depart  ;  with 
great  courtesy  shewed,  especially  to  the  women  of  the  better 
sort.  There  went  out  of  the  town,  Gentlemen  and  others, 
likely  men  to  bear  arms,  betwixt  4,000  and  5,000.  The 
brunt  of  this  exploit  was  borne  with  less  than  1,000  men. 

We  could  have  no  help  of  Sir  Conniers  Clifford  ;  who 
mistaking  his  directions,  went,  with  his  troops  to  the  bridge 
called  Punto  Zuarro,  about  three  leagues  distant :  and  my  Lord 
Admiral,  notwithstanding  his  Lordship  used  all  possible  dili- 
gence in  the  landing  of  his  men,  arrived  not  till  we  were,  in 
a  manner,  full  masters  of  the  town. 

It  was  long  disputed  whether  the  town  should  be  held  or 
not.  I  offered  with  4,000  men,  to  defend  it  till  Her  Majesty's 
pleasure  might  be  known.  The  Lord  of  Essex  seemed  to 
affect  to  remain  there  in  person :  which  the  rest  of  the 
Council  would  not  assent  to,  but  [determined]  rather  to 
abandon  the  town  and  set  it  on  fire. 

Which  we  did,  about  fourteen  days  after  the  taking  of  it. 

I  got  there,  three  prisoners  worth  10,000  ducats  [£3,000  =: 


iiSSailors  are  cheated  of  the  Indian  Fleet,  [fy 


Vere. 
606. 


^15,000  now].  One  of  which  was  a  Churchman  [ecclesiastic], 
and  President  of  the  Contractation  of  the  Indies  :  the  other 
two,  were  ancient  Knights,  called  Don  Pedro  de  Herera 
and  Don  Geronimo  de  Avallos. 

In  the  meantime,  whether  of  design  and  set  purpose  or 
negligence,  the  Indian  Fleet,  being  unseized  on  by  those  who 
had  undertaken  it ;  some  of  the  prisoners  of  the  town  dealt 
[negotiated]  with  the  Generals  to  have  those  ships  and  their 
lading  set  at  ransom.  Whereupon,  they  had  conference 
with  the  Generals,  divers  times,  till  the  said  ships  were  set 
on  fire  by  the  Spaniards  themselves  :  in  which  was  lost,  by 
their  own  confession,  to  the  worth  of  12,000,000  [i.e.,  ducats  =■ 
^3,600,000  =  about  ;£'i8,ooo,ooo  now]  of  merchandise. 

The  troops  being  embarked,  the  Generals  met  and  consulted 
upon  their  next  exploit.  It  was  long  insisted  on,  to  put  to 
sea,  and  lie  to  intercept  the  West  Indian  Fleet,  which  com- 
monly, at  that  time  of  the  year,  arriveth  on  the  coast  of  Spain. 
But  the  scarceness  of  our  victuals  overthrew  that  purpose : 
and  resolution  was  taken  to  sail  towards  England ;  and  on 
our  way  to  visit  the  ports  of  that  coast,  and  so  to  spoil  and 
destroy  the  shipping. 

And  so,  first,  we  made  towards  Ferrol,  a  good  town  and 
Bishop's  see  of  Portugal  [which  country  at  this  time  belonged  to 
Spain  see  Vol.  III.  p.  13]  :  to  which,  by  water,  there  was  no 
safe  entrance  for  our  shipping  ;  the  town  lying  better  than  a 
league  from  the  sea,  served  with  a  narrow  creek,  though  a 
low  and  marshy  bottom. 

For  the  destroying  of  such  shipping  as  might  be  in  this 
creek,  as  also  for  the  wasting  of  the  country  adjoining,  and 
the  town  itself,  which  though  it  were  great  and  populous, 
was  unfenced  with  walls  ;  it  was  thought  meet  to  land  the 
forces  in  a  bay,  some  three  leagues  distant  from  the  town, 
and  so  to  march  thither. 

Which  was  done ;  the  town  forsaken  by  the  inhabitants, 
was  taken  by  us.  Our  men  being  sent  into  the  country, 
brought  good  store  of  provisions  for  the  refreshing  of  the 
army.  The  artillery  we  found,  was  conveyed  into  our  ships. 
And  we,  after  five  or  six  days'  stay,  returned  to  our  ships, 
the  way  we  came. 

The  regiments  embattled  marched  at  large,  in  a  triple 
front,  in  right  good  order ;    which  was  so  much  the   more 


Sir  F.  Vcre 
?       1606 


:]     The  return  of   the  Expedition.    119 


strange  and  commendable,  the  men,  for  the  most  part,  being 
new  :  and  once  ranged,  having  little  further  help  of  directions 
from  the  high  Officers ;  who  were  all  unmounted,  and  for  the 
great  heat,  not  able  to  perform  on  foot  the  ordinary  service 
in  such  cases  belonging  to  their  charges. 

The  troops  embarked,  we  made  towards  the  Groine 
[Corumia],  and  looked  into  the  Bay,  but  the  wind  blowing 
from  the  sea,  it  was  thought  dangerous  to  put  in,  and  there- 
fore, victuals  daily  growing  more  scant  so  that  in  some  ships 
there  was  already  extreme  want,  it  was  resolved  to  hasten  to 
our  coast  :  and  so,  about  the  midst  of  August,  we  arrived  in 
the  Downs,  near  Sandwich. 

My  Lord  of  Essex  having  taken  land  in  the  West  parts 
[of  England],  to  be  with  more  speed  at  the  Court,  left  orders 
with  me,  for  the  dissolving  of  the  land  forces  and  shipping; 
and  sending  back  of  the  English  forces  into  the  Low 
Countries. 

At  this  parting,  there  arose  much  strife  betwixt  the 
mariners  and  the  soldiers,  about  the  dividing  of  the  spoil. 
For  the  mariners,  envying  and  repining  at  the  soldiers,  who, 
as  it  fell  out,  had  gotten  most,  purloined  and  detained  their 
chests  and  packs  of  baggage,  perforce  !  insomuch  that,  to 
satisfy  the  soldiers,  I  went  aboard  my  Lord  Admiral  to 
desire  of  his  Lordship  redress  ;  who  promised  to  take  order 
therein. 

But  some  other  principal  Officers  of  the  Fleet  shewing 
themselves  more  partial,  asked  me,  "  Whether  the  poor 
mariners  should  have  nothing  ?  " 

To  which,  I  answered,  "  There  was  no  reason  they  should 
pill  the  poor  soldiers,  who  had  fought  and  ventured  for  what 
little  they  had  :  and  that  the  mariner's  hope  (having  so  rich 
a  booty  as  the  Indian  Fleet  at  their  mercy)  was  more  to  be 
desired  than  the  trash  the  landsmen  had  got ;  so  as  they  had 
none  to  blame  for  their  poverty,  but  their  Officers  and  their 
bad  fortune." 

This  answer  was  taken  to  the  heart,  and  is  not  forgotten 
to  this  hour  [  ?  1606]  ;  of  which  I  feel  the  smart. 

The  troops  dissolved  [disbanded] ;  I  went  to  Court,  and  there 
attended  the  most  part  of  the  winter. 


I20L0RD    MOUNTJOY    MADE    LiKUT. -GENERAL.     [^"Z' Igol 


The  Islands   Voyage. 

|N  THE  year  of  our  Lord  1597,  being  the  next  year 
after  the  journey  of  Cahs,  another  journey  was 
made  by  the  Earl  of  Essex  to  the  coast  of  Spain 
and  the  Islands  \thc  Azores],  with  a  royal  navy,  as 
well  of  Her  Majesty's  own  shipping  as  of  her  best 
merchants ;  to  which  also  was  joined  a  good  number  of  the 
States'  ships,  in  all  about  140  ;  with  an  army  of  7,000  or 
8,000  landsmen,  as  well  voluntary  as  pressed  :  and  commonly 
called  the  Islands  Voyage. 

To  which  I  was  called,  by  Her  Majesty's  commandment, 
to  attend  his  Lordship :  as  also  to  deal  with  the  States,  that 
besides  the  shipping  which  they  were  to  send  with  Her 
Majesty's  Fleet  by  virtue  of  the  contract,  they  would  suffer 
1,000  of  her  subjects  in  their  pay,  to  be  transported  by  me,  to 
her  said  General  and  Fleet,  for  that  service. 

Which  having  obtained,  I  hastened  into  England,  and 
found  my  Lord  of  Essex  at  Sandwich,  and  his  Fleet  in  readi- 
ness, anchored  in  the  Downs. 

It  was  early  in  the  morning,  and  his  Lordship  was  in  bed, 
when  I  was  brought  to  him.  He  welcomed  me,  with  much 
demonstration  of  favour,  and  with  many  circumstances  of 
words. 

First  he  told  me,  "  My  Lord  Mountjoy  was  to  go  as  his 
Lieutenant-General  (not  of  his  own  choice,  but  thrust  upon 
him  by  the  Queen),  before  me  in  place  ;  yet  that  I  should 
retain  my  former  office  of  Lord  Marshal  :  which  as  it  had 
been  ever  in  English  armies,  next  the  General  in  authority ; 
so  he  would  lay  wholly  the  execution  of  that  office  upon  me. 
And  as  for  the  Lieutenant-General ;  as  he  had  a  title  without 
an  office,  so  the  honour  must  fall  in  effect  upon  them  that 
did  the  service."  With  much  more  speech  to  this  purpose, 
all  tending  to  persuade  me,  that  it  was  not  by  his  working ; 
and  to  take  away  the  discouragement  I  might  conceive  of  it. 

I  answered  that  "  I  had  partly  understood,  before  my 
coming  out  of  the  Low  Countries,  of  my  Lord  Mountjoy's 
going  as  Lieutenant-General ;  so  that  I  had  forethought  and 
resolved  what  to  do.  For  though  I  was  sensible,  as  became 
me,  who  saw  no  cause  in  myself  of  this  reculement  [putting 


Sir  F.  Vere. 

?       1606, 


^•]  Vere  will  not  again  serve  under  Essex,  i  2 1 


back]  and  disgrace  ;  yet  my  affections  having  been  always  sub- 
ject to  the  rules  of  obedience,  since  it  was  my  Prince's  action 
and  that  it  could  not  be  but  that  my  Lord  Mountjoy  was 
placed  there  by  Her  Majesty's  consent,  my  sincerity  would 
not  give  me  leave  to  absent  myself,  and  colour  my  stay  from 
this  action  with  any  feigned  excuse  :  but  counselled  me  to 
come  over,  both  to  obey  my  Lord  Mountjoy,  and  respect 
him  as  his  place  [rank],  which  I  had  always  much  honoured, 
required  ;  much  more  his  Lordship,  who  was  General  to  us 
both.  Though  I  was  not  so  ignorant  of  his  Lordship's  power 
as  to  doubt  that  my  Lord  Mountjoy  or  any  subject  of 
England  could  be  thrust  upon  him,  without  his  desire  and 
procurement. 

"That  therefore,  as  I  had  good  cause  to  judge  that  his 
Lordship  had  withdrawn  much  of  his  favour  from  me,  so  I 
humbly  desired  his  Lordship  that,  as  by  a  retrenchment  of 
the  condition  I  was  to  hold  in  this  Journey,  I  held  it  rather  a 
resignment  to  his  Lordship  again,  of  the  honour  he  had  given 
me  the  last  year  (so  far  as  concerned  my  particular  respect 
to  his  Lordship,  unsought  for  by  me,  than  a  service  to  him) ; 
so,  hereafter,  he  would  be  pleased  not  to  use  me  at  all  in  any 
action,  wherein  he  was  to  go  Chief." 

He  would  seem  to  take  these  speeches  of  mine  as  proceed- 
ing rather  of  a  passionate  discontentment,  than  of  a  resolution 
framed  in  cold  blood ;  and  that  it  would  in  time  be  digested. 
And  so,  without  any  sharpness  on  his  part,  the  matter  rested. 
The  purpose  and  design  of  this  Journey  was  to  destroy  the 
Fleet  that  lay  in  Ferrol  by  the  Groine  [Corunna]  and  upon  the 
rest  of  the  Spanish  coasts;  and  to  that  end  to  land  our  forces, 
if  we  saw  cause  :  as  also  to  intercept  the  [Spanish  West] 
Indian  Fleet. 

Part  of  our  land  forces  were  shipped  at  the  Downs ;  and  we 
did  put  into  Weymouth,  to  receive  those  which  were  to  meet 
us  there. 

In  that  place,  the  Generalcalled  myself  and  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  before  him;  and  for  that  he  thought  there  remained 
some  grudge  of  the  last  year's  falling  out,  would  needs  have 
us  shake  hands  :  which  we  both  did,  the  willinger  because 
there  had  nothing  passed  betwixt  us  that  might  blemish 
reputation. 

From  thence,  we  went  to  Plymouth  ;  and  so  towards  Spain, 


122  The  Fleet  is  scattered  by  a  storm.     [^'?^'T 


Vere. 
606. 


where,  in  the  height  [latitude]  of  46°  or  47°,  we  were  encoun- 
tered with  a  storm ;  against  which  the  whole  navy  strove 
obstinately,  till  the  greater  part  of  the  ships  were  distressed: 
amongst  which,  were  the  General's,  mine.  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh's,  and  Sir  George  Gary's.  My  mainmast  was  rent 
in  the  partners  [sockets]  to  the  very  spindle,  which  was 
eleven  inches  deep  ;  insomuch  as,  to  avoid  the  endangering 
of  the  ship,  the  Captain  and  Master  were  earnest  with  me, 
to  have  cast  it  overboard  :  which  I  would  not  assent  unto, 
but  setting  men  to  work,  brought  it  standing  to  Plymouth  ; 
and  there  strengthened  it,  so  that  it  served  the  rest  of  the 
voyage. 

The  Lord  Thomas  Howard,  Vice-Admiral,  with  some  few 
ships,  got  within  sight  of  the  North  Cape  [1  Finnistere]  : 
where,  having  plied  off  and  on  three  or  four  days,  doubting 
[fearing]  that  the  rest  of  the  Fleet  was  put  back,  because  it 
appeared  not ;  he  returned  also  to  our  coast. 

Our  stay  at  Plymouth  was  about  a  month  :  more  through 
want  of  wind  than  unwillingness  or  unreadiness  of  our  ships, 
which,  with  all  diligence  were  repaired. 

In  the  meantime,  our  victuals  consuming  :  it  was  debated 
in  council,  Whether  the  Journey  could  be  performed  or  not, 
without  a  further  supply  of  victuals  ?  It  was  judged  ex- 
tremely dangerous  ;  and,  on  the  other  side,  as  difficult  to 
supply  the  army  with  victuals  :  which  having  to  come  from 
London  and  the  east  parts  of  the  realm,  and  to  be  brought 
up  at  adventure,  there  being  no  sufficient  store  in  readiness, 
would  hardly  be  ministered  unto  us  so  fast  as  we  should 
consume  them.  And  therefore,  it  was  first  resolved  to 
discharge  all  the  land  forces ;  saving  the  1,000  I  brought  out 
of  the  Low  Countries,  with  the  shipping  they  were  embarked 
in. 

Then  it  was  further  debated  in  council,  How  to  employ  the 
Fleet  ?  the  purpose  of  landing  the  army  at  the  Groine 
being  dissolved. 

A  West  Indian  Voyage  was  propounded ;  whereupon  every 
one  in  particular  being  to  give  his  advice,  it  was  assented  to 
by  them  all.  Only  myself  was  of  opinion,  it  could  not  stand 
with  the  honour,  profit,  and  safety  of  Her  Majesty  and  the 
State :  the  Fleet  being  so  slenderly  provided  of  forces  and 
provisions,  that  nothing  could  be  exploited  [achieved]   there 


^"f- y^g;]   The  Fleet  sets  forth  again.    123 

answerable  to  the  expectation  that  would  be  generally 
conceived.  And  yet,  in  the  meantime,  through  the  want  of 
Her  Majesty's  Royal  Navy  and  other  principal  shipping, 
with  the  choice  Commanders  both  for  sea  and  land,  the 
State  might  be  endangered  by  an  attempt  made  by  the 
Spaniards  upon  our  own  coast  :  whom  we  certainly  knew  to 
have  then,  in  readiness,  a  great  power  of  sea  and  land  forces 
in  the  north  parts  of  Spain. 

Things  thus  handled,  the  Lord  General  posted  to  the 
Court. 

After  his  return,  no  more  speech  was  had  of  the  Indian 
Voyage ;  but  a  resolution  taken  to  attempt  the  firing  of  the 
Fleet  at  Ferrol  and  on  the  rest  of  the  coast  of  Spain,  and  to 
intercept  the  [Spanish  West]  Indian  Fleet,  as  in  our  discre- 
tions we  should  think  fittest,  either  when  we  came  to  the 
coast  of  Spain  or  by  going  to  the  Islands. 

"With  this  resolution,  we  set  forwards,  directing  our  course 
to  the  North  Cape,  with  reasonable  wind  and  weather;  yet  the 
Fleet  scattered  :  as,  in  a  manner,  all  the  squadron  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  and  some  ships  of  the  other  squadrons 
that  followed  him  ;  who,  for  a  misfortune  in  his  mainyard,  kept 
more  to  seaward. 

The  Lord  General,  whilst  he  and  the  rest  of  the  Fleet  lay 
off  and  on  before  the  Cape  (attending  Sir  Walter  Raleigh's 
coming,  who  with  some  special  ships  had  undertaken  this 
exploit  of  firing  the  Fleet),  suddenly  laid  his  ship  by  the  lee  : 
which,  because  it  was  his  order  when  he  would  speak  with 
other  ships,  I  made  to  him,  to  know  his  Lordship's  pleasure. 

He  spake  to  me  from  the  poop,  saying  I  should  attend  and 
have  an  eye  to  his  ship :  in  which  at  that  instant,  there  was 
an  extreme  and  dangerous  leak,  though  he  would  not  have 
me  nor  any  other  of  the  Fleet  know  it. 

Which,  leak  being  stopped,  he  directed  his  course  along 
the  coast  southward  ;  and,  about  ten  leagues  from  the  Groine, 
called  a  council,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  give  over  the 
enterprise  of  Ferrol  (which  as  it  was  difficult  to  have  been 
executed  on  a  sudden,  so  now  that  we  had  been  seen  by  the 
country,  it  was  held  impossible)  :  and  not  to  linger  upon  the 
coast  of  Spain,  but  to  go  directly  to  the  Islands,  the  time  of 
the  year  now  growing  on,  that  the  Indian  Fleet  usually 
returned. 


1 24  Sir  W.  Raleigh's  disobedience  of  orders.  [' 


F.  Vere. 

?       1606. 


And  to  advertise  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  divers  pinnaces 
were  sent  out,  that,  till  such  a  day,  the  wind  and  weather 
serving,  the  General  avouM  stay  for  him,  in  a  certain  height 
[latitude],  and  thence  would  make  directly  for  the  Azores. 
At  this  council,  his  Lordship  made  [wrote]  a  despatch  for 
England. 

I  do  not  well  remember  where  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  and 
the  rest  of  the  Fleet  met  us ;  but,  as  I  take  it,  about  Flores 
and  Corvo,  the  westerliest  islands  of  the  Azores  :  where  we 
arrived  in  seven  or  eight  days  after  we  had  put  from  the 
coast  of  Spain. 

We  stayed  there  some  few  days ;  and  took  in  some  refresh- 
ing of  water  and  victuals,  such  as  they  could  yield  :  which 
being  not  so  well  able  to  supply  us,  as  the  other  islands,  it 
was  resolved  in  council  to  put  back  to  them  ;  and  the  squad- 
rons, for  the  more  commodity  of  the  Fleet,  were  appointed  unto 
several  islands. 

The  General  with  his  squadron  were  to  go  to  Fayal ;  the 
Lord  Thomas  with  his  squadron,  and  I  with  my  ship,  were 
to  go  to  Graciosa  ;  and  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  with  his, 
either  to  Pico  or  St.  George. 

But  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  (whether  of  set  purpose  or  by 
mistake,  I  leave  others  to  judge),  making  with  his  squadron, 
more  haste  than  the  rest  of  the  Fleet,  came  to  Fayal  afore  us, 
landed  his  men,  and  received  some  loss  by  the  Spaniards 
that  kept  the  top  of  the  hill,  which  commanded  both  the 
haven  and  the  town. 

The  General  with  the  rest  of  the  Fleet,  came  to  an  anchor 
before  the  island ;  and  hearing  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh's 
landing  and  loss,  was  highly  displeased,  as  he  had  cause :  it 
being  directly  and  expressly  forbidden,  upon  pain  of  death, 
to  land  forces  without  orders  from  the  General ;  and  there 
wanted  not  [those]  about  my  Lord,  that  the  more  to  incense 
him,  aggravated  the  matter. 

Seeing  the  Spanish  ensign  upon  the  hill,  his  Lordship  pre- 
pared to  land  with  all  haste  ;  and  so,  about  an  hour  before 
sunset,  came  into  the  town. 

A  competent  number  of  men  were  given  to  Sir  Oliver 
Lambert  to  guard  the  passages  ;  and  then  it  was  consulted 
how  to  go  on  with  the  enterprise  of  forcing  them. 

The)'  were  entrenched  on  the  top  of  the  hill,  to  the  number 


^VT^e:]  Tried  &  convicted,  Raleigh  is  pardoned.  125 

of  200 ;  which  hill  was  so   steep,  that   it  seemed   artillery 
could  not  be  drawn  towards  the  said  trench. 

The  night  growing  on,  I  desired  his  Lordship  to  give  me 
leave  to  go  up  to  discover  the  place  :  which  his  Lordship 
assented  to.  So  taking  200  soldiers,  I  sent  forwards ;  the 
young  Earl  of  Rutland,  Sir  Thomas  German,  and  divers 
other  Gentlemen  Adventurers  accompanying  me. 

At  our  coming  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  finding  no  watch  in 
their  trenches,  we  entered  them,  and  possessed  the  hill : 
where  we  found  some  of  our  men  slain  by  the  Spaniards. 
The  hill  was  abandoned  as  we  supposed  in  the  beginning  of 
the  night,  unseen  or  undiscovered  by  us  or  those  that  were 
placed  at  the  foot  of  the  hill. 

We  were  all  very  sorry  they  so  escaped,  as  was  also  the 
Lord  General :  for  there  was  no  following  or  pursuing  them 
in  that  mountainous  island. 

The  Captain  and  Officers  that  landed  with  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  were  presently  committed  :  and  before  our  depar- 
ture thence,  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  was  called  to  answer  for 
himself,  in  a  full  assembly  of  the  Chief  Officers  both  by  sea 
and  land,  in  the  General's  presence.  Where,  every  one 
being  to  deliver  his  opinion  of  the  crime,  it  was  grievously 
aggravated  by  the  most.  For  my  part,  no  man  shewed  less 
spleen  against  him  than  myself. 

The  General's  goodness  would  not  suffer  him  to  take  any 
extreme  course :  but  with  a  wise  and  noble  admonition,  for- 
gave the  offence  ;  and  set  also  at  liberty  the  Captains  that 
had  been  committed. 

After  the  Fleet  had  taken  the  refreshing  that  island  could 
afford,  which  was  in  some  good  measure,  we  put  from  thence: 
and  for  three  days,  were  plying  off  and  on  betwixt  Graciosa  and 
the  island  of  Terceira,  the  ordinary  way  of  the  Indian  Fleet. 

In  the  meantime,  certain  were  sent  ashore  by  the  General, 
at  Graciosa,  to  draw  from  the  inhabitants  some  portion  of 
money  and  provisions,  to  redeem  them  from  spoiling. 

They  brought  word  to  the  General,  in  the  afternoon,  that 
from  the  island,  a  great  ship  was  discovered  on  the  road-way 
[track]  from  the  Indies :  but  they  being  sent  again,  with 
some  others,  to  make  a  full  discovery  ;  at  their  return,  which 
was  sudden,  it  was  found  to  be  but  a  pinnace. 

I  must  confess,  in  this  point  I  may  be  ignorant  of  some 


126  Four  English  &  twenty  Spanish  ships.   [' 


Sir  F.  Vere. 

1606. 


particulars ;  because  things  were  not  done  as  they  were  wont, 
by  council :  or  if  the}'  were,  it  was  but  of  some  few,  to  which 
I  was  not  called.  But,  in  all  likelihood,  there  was  wilful 
mistaking  in  some,  to  hinder  us  of  that  rich  prey  which  GOD 
had  sent,  as  it  were,  into  our  mouths. 

Howsoever  it  was,  that  same  night,  when  it  was  dark,  the 
General  with  the  Fleet  altered  their  course,  and  bare  directly 
with  the  island  of  St.  Michael ;  as  it  was  given  out,  to  water 
[i.e.,  the  bulk  of  the  English  Fleet  deliberately  went  out  of  the  track 
of  the  Indian  Fleet,  twelve  hours  before  its  arrival]. 

A  pinnace  coming  to  me,  in  the  Lord  General's  name, 
told  me  "  it  was  his  pleasure  my  ship  and  the  Drcaduonght,  in 
which  Sir  Nicholas  Parker  was,  should  beat  off  and  on 
betwixt  the  island  of  St.  George  and  Graciosa  :  for  that  the 
Indian  Fleet  was  expected."  The  Rainbow  in  which  was  Sir 
William  Monson,  and  the  Garland,  my  Lord  of  Southamp- 
ton's ship,  were  to  lie,  by  the  like  order,  on  the  north  part 
of  Graciosa.  Willing  us,  if  we  discovered  any  Fleet  to  follow 
them,  and  to  shoot  off,  now  and  then,  a  piece  of  ordnance  ; 
which  should  serve  for  a  signal  to  the  rest  of  the  Fleet. 

This  order,  as  I  take  it,  was  delivered  us  about  ten  of  the 
clock  at  night. 

About  midnight,  or  one  of  the  clock,  those  of  our  ships 
might  hear  shooting,  acording  to  this  direction,  rather  in  the 
manner  of  signal  than  of  a  fight,  toward  that  part  of  the 
island  [Graciosa]  where  the  other  two  ships  were  to  guard. 
This,  as  we  afterwards  understood,  was  from  the  Rainbow, 
which  fell  in  the  midst  of  the  Indian  Fleet ;  whom  in  their 
[Rainbow's]  long-boat,  they  hailed,  and  by  the  Spaniards'  own 
mouths,  knew  whence  they  were  :  who  held  them  in  scorn,  and 
in  a  great  bravery,  told  them  what  they  were  ladened  withal. 

The  wind  was  very  small  [light],  so  as  it  scarce  stirred  our 
ships ;  but  we  directed  our  course  as  directly  as  we  could, 
and  so  continued  all  night.  The  morning  was  very  foggy 
and  misty,  so  that  we  could  not  discover  far :  but  still  we 
might  hear  the  shooting  of  ordnance,  when  we  listened  for  it. 

About  eight  or  nine  of  the  clock  before  noon,  it  began  to 
clear :  and  then  we  might  see  a  Fleet  of  twenty  sails,  as  we 
judged  some  five  or  six  leagues  off;  which  was  much  about 
halfway  betwixt  us  and  Terceira. 

The  wind  began  a  little  to  strengthen,  and  we  to  wet  our 


Sir  F.  Vere 

?      i6o6 


]  Vere,  a  good  watch  dog,  outside  Angra.  127 


sails  to  improve  the  force  of  it ;  and  somewhat  we  got  nearer 
the  Spanish  Fleet  :  more  through  their  stay,  to  gather  them- 
selves together;  than  our  good  footmanship. 

All  this  while,  the  Rainbow  and  Garland  followed  the  Fleet 
so  near,  that  they  might  to  our  judgements,  at  pleasure  have 
engaged  them  to  fight.  But  their  Fleet  being  of  eight  good 
galleons,  the  rest  merchants'  [ships]  of  good  force  :  though 
the  booty  were  of  great  inticement,  it  might  justly  seem 
hard  to  them  to  come  by  it ;  and  so  they  only  waited  on 
them,  attending  greater  strength,  or  to  gather  up  such  as 
straggled  from  the  rest. 

The  Garland  overtook  a  little  frigate  of  the  King's,  laden 
only  with  cochineal ;  which  she  spoiled,  and  I  found  aban- 
doned and  ready  to  sink  :  yet  those  of  my  ship  took  out  of 
her,  certain  small  brazen  pieces. 

The  Indian  Fleet  keeping  together  in  good  order,  sailed 
still  before  us  about  two  leagues ;  and  so  was  got  into  the 
haven  of  Terceira  [Angra,  see  Vol.  III.  p.  444],  into  the  which, 
they  towed  their  ships,  with  the  help  of  those  of  the  island, 
before  we  could  come  up  to  them. 

It  was  evening  when  we  came  thither,  and  the  wind  so 
from  the  land,  as  with  our  ships  there  was  no  entering. 

It  pleased  my  Lord  of  Southampton  and  the  rest  of  the 
Captains  to  come  aboard  me ;  where  it  was  resolved  to  get 
as  near  the  mouth  of  the  haven  as  we  could  with  our  ships, 
and  to  man  our  boats  well,  with  direction  in  as  secret 
manner  as  they  could,  to  attempt  the  cutting  of  the  cables  of 
the  next  [nighest]  ships  :  by  which  means,  the  wind,  as  is 
foresaid,  blowing  from  the  land,  might  drive  them  upon  us. 
This,  though  it  were  a  dangerous  and  desperate  enterprise, 
was  undertaken  :  but  being  discovered,  the  boats  returned 
without  giving  any  further  attempt. 

The  same  night,  w^e  despatched  a  small  pinnace  of  an 
Adventurer,  to  St.  Michael,  to  give  the  Lord  General  advice 
where  he  should  find  the  Indian  Fleet  :  and  us  to  guard 
them  from  coming  out. 

For  we  had  determined  to  attend  his  Lordship's  coming, 
before  the  said  haven :  which  I  accordingly  performed  with 
my  ship,  though  forsaken  of  the  rest  [the  Dreadnought, 
Rainbow,  and  Garland] ,  the  very  same  night ;  I  know  not 
whether  for  want  of  fresh  water,  or  what  other  occasion. 


1 28  For  once,  Englishmen  badly  led,  dare  not!  [ 


F.  Vere. 

1606. 


Three  or  four  days  after,  his  Lordship  came  with  the  Fleet. 
Who  sending  into  the  haven,  two  nimble  pinnaces  to  view 
how  the  Fleet  lay ;  upon  report  that  they  were  drawn  so  far 
into  the  haven,  and  were  so  well  defended  from  the  land 
with  artillery,  that  no  attempt  could  be  made  on  them,  with- 
out extreme  hazard,  and  the  wind  blowing  still  from  the  land 
that  no  device  of  fire  could  work  any  good  effect,  and  all 
provisions  growing  scant  in  the  Fleet,  especially  fresh  water : 
his  Lordship  gave  over  that  enterprise,  and  put  with  the 
whole  Fleet  from  thence  to  St.  Michael. 

The  General  had  resolved  to  land  in  this  island ;  and 
therefore  called  a  Council  to  advise  on  the  manner.  In 
which,  it  was  concluded  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  Fleet 
should  remain  before  St.  Michael  [?  the  town  of  Rtbeira 
Grande]  to  amuse  the  enemy ;  and  that  the  soldiers,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  evening,  should  be  embarked  in  the  least 
vessels,  taking  with  us  the  barges  and  long-boats,  and  so 
in  the  night,  make  towards  Villa  Franca,  which  was  some 
four  or  five  leagues  off.  His  Lordship,  and  the  rest  of  the 
chief  Officers  of  the  land  forces,  embarking  with  him  in  a 
small  ship,  left  the  sea  Officers  before  St.  Michael. 

The  next  day,  about  evening,  we  were  come  near  Villa 
Franca.  I  moved  his  Lordship,  to  give  me  leave,  in  a  boat, 
to  discover  the  shore  and  best  landing-place ;  whilst  his 
Lordship  gave  orders  for  the  embarking  the  men  into  the 
other  boats :  which  his  Lordship  granted,  and  I  performed 
accordingly.  So  as,  in  due  time,  his  Lordship  was  adver- 
tised of  it,  to  his  contentment ;  and  proceeded  to  the  landing 
of  his  forces  upon  the  sandy  shore  before  the  town  :  where 
I  could  discover  none  to  give  impeachment,  but  a  few 
straggling  fellows  which  now  and  then  gave  a  shot. 

His  Lordship,  as  his  fashion  was,  would  be  of  the  first  to 
land;  and  I,  that  had  learned  me  of  his  disposition,  took 
upon  me  the  care  of  sending  the  boats  after  him.  The 
seege  [  ?  surf]  was  such  that  few  of  the  men  landed  with 
their  furniture  [arms,  &c.]  dry.  His  Lordship  himself  took 
great  pains  to  put  his  men  in  order :  and,  for  that  I  per- 
ceived he  took  delight  to  do  all,  in  good  manners  and  respect 
I  gave  the  looking  on. 

In  the  meantime,  some  that  were  sent  towards  the  town 


Sir  F.  Vere. 
?      1606, 


]  Villa  Franca,  on  St.  Michael,  taken.     129 


to  discover,  gave  the  alarm  that  the  enemy  were  at  hand  : 
and  I  told  his  Lordship  it  were  good  to  send  presently  some 
good  troops  to  possess  the  town  of  Villa  Franca,  before  the 
enemy  got  thither. 

His  Lordship  willed  me  to  take  with  me  200  men,  and  to 
do  with  them  what  I  thought  good  myself.  I  took  so  many 
of  those  men  that  were  readiest,  and  bade  them  follow 
me  :  amongst  which,  were  some  Gentlemen  of  good  account, 
as  Sir  John  Scot  and  Sir  William  Evers,  which  accom- 
panied me. 

I  went  directly  to  the  town,  which  I  found  abandoned  : 
and  leaving  some  guard  in  the  Church  which  stood  upon 
the  Market  Place,  I  passed  somewhat  further  towards  St. 
Michael :  but  neither  seeing  nor  hearing  news  of  any  enemy 
thereabouts,  I  returned  to  the  town.  To  which  his  Lordship 
was  come,  with  the  rest  of  his  army,  making  in  all,  about 
2,000  soldiers,  Adventurers,  Officers  and  their  trains  :  all 
which  were  orderly  quartered  in  the  town,  where  we  found 
good  store  of  wheat. 

His  Lordship  having  thus  gotten  landing,  advised  with 
Council,  Whether  it  were  better  to  march  to  St.  Michael, 
spoil  that  town,  and  water  the  Fleet  there  ;  or  to  send  for  the 
rest  of  the  Fleet  ? 

The  difficulties  in  going  to  St.  Michael  were  the  rough- 
ness and  unevenness  of  the  way,  being,  for  the  most  part, 
stony  hills,  in  which  a  few  men,  well  placed,  might  resist 
and  impeach  the  passage  to  many ;  that  the  people  and 
goods  of  the  town  would  be  withdrawn  into  the  Castle, 
which  was  held  by  a  garrison  of  Spaniards,  and  not  to 
be  forced  without  battery  and  much  loss  of  men  and  time ; 
that  till  it  were  gotten,  there  was  no  watering  in  that  part, 
and  our  general  necessity  could  endure  no  delay.  It  was 
therefore  resolved  to  send  for  the  Fleet  to  Villa  Franca. 

In  the  meantime,  news  came  from  the  Fleet,  that  a  West 
Indian  [  ?  East  Indian]  carrack,  and  a  ship  were  come  into 
St.  Michael,  and  rode  near  the  Castle. 

His  Lordship  presently  determined  to  go  thither  himself, 
for  the  better  ordering  of  things.  He  took  my  Lord  of 
MoUNTjOY  with  him  ;  and  by  an  especial  Commission  undei 
his  hand,  committed  to  my  command  the  land  and  sea 
forces  at  Villa  Franca. 


130  Vere  is   in  charge  of  the   rearguard.   [    ?    leoe! 

Before  his  Lordship  could  arrive  at  St.  Michael,  the 
carrack  had  run  herself  on  ground  under  the  Castle  :  and  the 
other  ship  (which  was  not  great),  laden  with  sugar  and  Brazil 
commodities,  had  been  taken  by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh. 

The  third  day,  his  Lordship  returned,  with  the  Fleet,  to 
Villa  Franca,  and  gave  orders  presently  to  fall  a  watering. 
There  was  plenty  of  water ;  but  the  shipping  of  it  into 
boats  was  tedious  and  troublesome :  for,  by  reason  of  the 
greatness  of  the  seege  [  ?  surf] ,  we  were  fain,  by  wading  and 
swimming,  to  thrust  the  barrels  into  the  sea  where  the  boats 
floated.     This  made  the  work  the  longer. 

In  the  meantime  our  victuals  consumed,  and  grew  low; 
though  we  got  some  little  refreshing  from  the  land  :  which 
made  us  content  ourselves  with  the  less  water. 

After  some  four  or  five  days  watering,  his  Lordship  gave 
order  to  embark  the  army;  which  he  began  early  in  the 
morning,  and  continued  all  the  day  :  for  the  seege  going 
high,  the  boats  took  in  their  men  at  a  place  where  but  one 
boat  could  lie  on  at  once ;  which,  together  with  the  distance 
to  the  shipping,  made  the  less  riddance  and  despatch. 

His  Lordship,  for  the  better  expedition,  was  most  of  the 
time  at  the  water's  side  :  sending  still  to  me  for  men  from 
the  town,  as  he  was  ready  to  embark  them. 

About  five  of  the  clock,  in  the  afternoon,  the  sentinels  that 
stood  on  the  top  of  the  steeple,  discerned  troops  of  men  on 
their  way  to  St.  Michael.  I  sent  up  to  the  steeple,  Sir 
William  Constable,  and  some  other  Gentlemen  then  about 
me,  to  see  what  they  could  discern  :  who  all  agreed  that 
they  saw  troops,  and  as  they  guessed  some  ensigns  [colours], 
I  willed  Sir  William  Constable  to  hasten  to  his  Lordship, 
and  tell  him  what  he  had  seen. 

I  had  yet  remaining  with  me  about  500  soldiers.  Of  these 
I  sent  out  60,  whereof  30  Shot  were  to  go  as  covertly  as  they 
could  to  a  chapel,  a  great  musket  shot  from  the  town,  on 
the  way  the  enemy  was  discovered ;  with  orders,  upon  the 
enemy's  approach,  to  give  tlieir  volley;  and  suddenly  and  in 
haste  to  retire  to  the  other  30  that  were  placed  betwixt  them 
and  the  town ;  and  then  all  together,  in  as  much  haste  and 
shew  of  fear  as  they  could,  to  come  to  the  town ;  where  I 
stood  ready  with  the  rest  of  the  men  in  three  troops,  to  receive 
them,  and  to  repulse  and  chase  those  that  should  follow  them. 


Sir  F.  Vere. 
?       1 606 


]  Early  notice  of  smoking  with  a  pite.    131 


This  order  given,  my  Lord  of  Essex,  with  the  Earl  of 
Southampton  and  some  other  Lords  and  Gentlemen,  came 
to  the  Market  Place  :  where  he  found  me  with  the  troops. 

His  Lordship  inquired  of  me,  "  What  I  had  seen  ?" 

I  said,  "  I  had  seen  no  enemy  ;  but  what  others  had  seen, 
his  Lordship  had  heard  by  their  own  report :  and  might,  if  it 
pleased  his  Lordship,  send  to  see  if  the  sentinel  continued  to 
affirm  the  same." 

His  Lordship  made  no  answer,  but  called  for  tobacco, 
seeming  to  give  but  small  credence  to  this  alarm  ;  and  so  on 
horseback,  with  those  Noblemen  and  Gentlemen  on  foot 
beside  him,  took  tobacco,  whilst  I  was  telling  his  Lordship 
of  the  men  I  had  sent  forth,  and  orders  I  had  given. 

Within  some  quarter  of  an  hour,  we  might  hear  a  good 
round  volley  of  shot  betwixt  the  30  men  I  had  sent  to  the 
chapel,  and  the  enemy ;  which  made  his  Lordship  cast  his 
pipe  from  him,  and  listen  to  the  shooting,  which  continued. 

I  told  his  Lordship,  it  were  good  to  advance  with  the  troops 
to  that  side  of  the  town  where  the  skirmish  was,  to  receive 
our  men,  which  his  Lordship  liked  well  ;  and  so  we  went  at 
a  good  round  pace,  expecting  to  encounter  our  men  :  who 
unadvisedly  in  lieu  of  retiring  in  disorder,  maintained  the 
place ;  which  the  enemy  perceiving,  and  supposing  some 
greater  troops  to  be  at  hand  to  second,  held  aloof  with  his 
main  force  (for  the  highway  to  the  town  lay  by  the  chapel, 
and  there  was  no  other  passage  for  a  troop  by  reason  of  the 
strong  fence  and  inclosure  of  the  fields),  but  sent  out  light 
men  to  skirmish. 

Thus  perceiving  that  our  men  held  our  ground,  we  stayed 
our  troops  in  covert  in  the  end  of  two  lanes  leading  directly 
to  the  highway. 

Those  of  the  island,  as  we  were  certainly  informed,  could 
make  [out]  3,000  fighting  men,  well  armed  and  appointed ; 
besides  the  ordinary  garrison  of  the  Spaniards.  Of  that 
number,  we  supposed  them  ;  because  they  had  sufficient  time 
to  gather  their  strength  together,  and  for  that  they  came  to 
seek  us.  And  therefore  as,  on  the  one  side,  we  were  loth  to 
discover  our  small  number  to  them,  unless  they  provoked  us 
by  some  notable  disorder,  or  necessity  in  the  defence  of  our- 
selves :  so  we  thought  it  not  good  to  lessen  our  men  by 
embarking  of  men,  till  the  night  was  come,  that  silence  and 


132  The  Fleet  comes  home  anyhow.  p''/-y 


Vere. 

606. 


darkness  might  cover  our  retreat.  And  for  these  reasons,  I 
opposed  their  heat  that  propounded  to  charge  the  enemy, 
and  their  haste  that  would  needs  have  the  men  shipped 
without  delay. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  evening,  which  ended  the  skirmish, 
keeping  our  sentinels  in  view  of  the  enemy,  his  Lordship 
began  to  embark  some  troops,  and  so  continued,  till  about  the 
last  troop  was  put  into  the  boat :  his  Lordship  seeing  all  em- 
barked before  he  went  aboard,  but  those  forlorn  men  which 
made  the  last  retreat,  which  were  committed  to  Sir  Charles 
Percy  ;  with  whom,  I  embarked,  without  any  impeachment 
of  the  enemy,  or  shew  to  have  discovered  our  departure. 

His  Lordship  made  the  young  Noblemen  and  some  other 
principal  Gentlemen,  Knights ;  as  Sir  William  Evers,  Sir 
Henry  Dockwray,  Sir  William  Brown,  and  a  Dutch 
Gentleman  that  accompanied  that  Voyage  in  my  ship. 

We  were  no  sooner  aboard,  but  that  the  wind  blew  a  stiff 
gale,  so  as  some  were  fain  to  forsake  their  anchors. 


And  with  this  wind,  we  put  for  England;  which  continuing 
vehement,  drave  us  to  the  leeward  of  our  course,  towards  the 
coast  of  Ireland.  I  got  an  extreme  leak  in  my  ship,  which 
kept  both  my  pumps  going  without  intermission  many  days 
before  I  got  to  harbour ;  wherewith  my  company  were  much 
wearied,  and  discouraged  even  to  despair :  which  made  me 
keep  aloof  from  other  ships,  lest  the  hope  of  their  own  safety 
might  make  them  neglect  that  of  the  ship. 

The  Fleet  kept  no  order  at  all,  but  every  ship  made  the 
best  haste  home  they  could  :  which  as  it  might  have  proved 
dangerous  if  the  Spanish  Fleet,  which  was  then  bound  for  our 
coast,  had  not  been  scattered  by  the  same  weather;  so  it  was 
in  some  sort  profitable  to  us.  For  some  of  our  smaller 
shipping,  which  were  driven  most  leeward  towards  the  coast 
of  Ireland,  met  with  two  or  three  Spanish  ships,  full  of 
soldiers,  which  they  took  :  by  which,  we  not  only  understood, 
at  our  coming  to  Plymouth,  their  purpose  to  have  landed  at 
Falmouth,  with  10,000  men ;  but  saw  the  instructions  and 
orders  of  the  sea  fights,  if  they  had  met  with  us,  which  were 
so  full  of  perfection,  that  I  have  ever  since  redoubted 
[anxiously  estimated]  their  sufficiency  in  sea  cases. 


Sir  F.  Vere.' 
?       1606, 


:;]  Experienced  soldiers  sent  to  Ireland.    133 


The  Fleet  arriving  thus  weather-beaten  at  Plymouth,  his 
Lordship  posted  to  the  Court ;  leaving  my  Lord  Thomas,  now 
Earl  of  Suffolk  [created  July  21,  1603],  my  Lord  Mountjoy, 
and  the  rest  of  the  Officers  there.  And,  shortly,  came  pro- 
vision of  money,  with  Commission  to  the  said  Lords,  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  and  myself,  to  see  the  same  issued  and 
distributed  by  common  advice,  for  the  repairing,  victualling, 
and  sending  about  the  Fleet  to  Chatham  ;  and  the  entertain- 
ing of  the  1,000  men  I  had  brought  out  of  the  Low  Countries, 
which  were  then  disposed  along  the  coast  of  Cornwall,  and, 
after,  sent  to  Ireland. 

Which  business  despatched,  I  passed  by  post  to  London  ; 
and  near  Mary-bone  [Marylehone]  park,  I  met  with  Sir 
William  Russell  in  his  coach  :  who  being  my  honourable 
friend  (then  newly  returned  from  Ireland,  where  he  had  been 
Deputy),  I  [ajlighted  to  salute  him,  with  much  duty  and 
affection ;  who  stepping  out  of  his  coach,  received  me  with 
the  like  favour.  With  whom,  whilst  I  stood  bareheaded, 
being  in  a  sweat,  I  got  cold  :  which  held  me  so  extremely, 
that  for  three  weeks  after,  I  could  not  stir  out  of  my  lodging. 

I  understood  my  Lord  of  Essex  was  at  his  house  at  Wan- 
stead,  in  great  discontentment ;  to  whose  Lordship  I  gave 
presently  knowledge  of  my  arrival,  as  also  that  I  would  for- 
bear to  attend  his  Lordship  till  I  had  been  at  Court  :  which 
then  I  hoped  would  have  been  sooner  than  it  fell  out  my  sick- 
ness would  permit. 

For  I  supposed,  at  my  coming  to  Court,  Her  Majesty,  after 
her  most  gracious  manner,  would  talk  and  question  with 
me  concerning  the  late  Journey :  and  though  it  pleased  her 
always  to  give  credit  to  the  reports  I  made  (which  I  never 
blemished  with  falsehood,  for  any  respect  whatsoever  !)  yet  I 
thought  this  forbearance  to  see  my  Lord,  would  make  my 
speech  work  more  effectually. 

So  soon  then,  as  I  was  able  to  go  abroad,  I  went  to  the 
Court,  which  was  then  at  Whitehall ;  and  (because  I  would 
use  nobody's  help  to  give  me  access  to  Her  Majesty,  as  also 
that  I  desired  to  be  heard  more  publicly)  I  resolved  to  shew 
myself  to  Her  Majesty,  when  she  came  into  the  garden  : 
where  so  soon  as  she  set  her  gracious  eye  upon  me,  she  called 
me  to  her,  and  questioned  with  me  concerning  the  Journey ; 
seeming  greatly  incensed  against  my  Lord  of  Essex,  laying 


134  Vere's  noble  vindication  of  Essex.  pf'Sj'.' 

the  whole  blame  of  the  evil  success  of  the  journey  on  his 
Lordship,  both  for  the  not  burning  of  the  Fleet  at  Ferrol, 
and  missing  the  [West]  Indian  Fleet.  Wherein  with  the 
truth,  I  boldly  justified  his  Lordship,  with  such  earnestness, 
that  my  voice  growing  shrill,  the  standers  by,  which  were 
many,  might  hear;  for  Her  Majesty  then  walked  :  laying  the 
blame  freely  on  them  that  deserved  it. 

And  some,  there  present  [probably  Sir  W.  Raleigh],  being 
called  to  confront  me,  were  forced  to  confess  the  contrary  of 
that  they  had  delivered  to  Her  Majesty ;  insomuch  that  I 
answered  all  objections  against  the  Earl :  wherewith  Her 
Majesty,  well  quieted  and  satisfied,  sat  her  down  in  the  end 
of  the  walk,  and  calling  me  to  her,  fell  into  more  particular 
discourse  of  his  Lordship's  humours  and  ambition ;  all 
which  she  pleased  then  to  construe  so  graciously,  that  before 
she  left  me,  she  fell  into  much  commendation  of  him.  Who, 
very  shortly  after,  came  to  the  Court. 

This  office  I  performed  to  his  Lordship,  to  the  grieving  and 
bitter  incensing  of  the  contrary  party  against  me  ;  when  not- 
withstanding I  had  discovered,  as  is  aforesaid,  in  my  recule- 
ment,  his  Lordship's  coldness  of  affection  for  me ;  and  had 
plainly  told  my  Lord  himself,  my  own  resolution  (in  which 
I  still  persisted)  not  to  follow  his  Lordship  any  more  in  the 
wars  :  yet,  to  make  as  full  return  as  I  could,  for  the  good 
favour  the  world  supposed  his  Lordship  bare  me  ;  fearing  more 
to  incur  the  opinion  of  ingratitude,  than  the  malice  of  any 
enemies,  how  great  soever,  which  the  delivery  of  truth  could 
procure  me. 


135 


B 

j^jDft^ew 

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mA 

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aJ 

w^^^^ 

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!^^ 

e«. 

^ 

The   Government  of  Brielle, 

Stayed  the  winter  following  in  England. 

In  which  time,  my  Lord  Sheffield  making 
resignation  of  his  Government  of  the  Brielle 
into  Her  Majesty's  hands ;  I  was  advised  and 
encouraged  by  my  good  friends,  to  make  means 
to  Her  Majesty  for  that  charge  :  which  it  was 
long  before  I  could  hearken  unto,  having  no 
friends  to  rely  on. 
For  as  I  had  good  cause  to  doubt  [fear]  my  Lord  of  Essex 
would  not  further  me  in  that  suit,  so  I  was  loth  to  have  any- 
thing by  his  means,  in  the  terms  I  then  stood  in  with  his 
Lordship;  much  less  by  any  other  person's,  that  were  known 
to  be  his  opposers. 

Being  still  urged  to  undertake  the  suit,  I  began  at  length 
to  take  some  better  liking  of  it,  and  to  guess  there  was 
some  further  meaning  in  it.  And  therefore,  I  answered 
that  "  if  I  were  assured  that  Master  Secretary  [Sir  Robert 
Cecil]  would  not  cross  me,  I  would  undertake  the  matter." 

Whereof,  having  some  hope  given  me,  I  took  occasion, 
one  day,  in  the  Chamber  of  Presence,  to  tell  his  Lordship  as 
much  :  who  answered  me  that  "  as  he  would  be  no  mover 
or  recommender  of  suit  for  me  or  any  other ;  so  he  would  not 
cross  me." 

I  desired  his  Lordship  of  no  further  favour  than  might  be 
looked  for  from  a  man  in  his  place,  for  public  respects. 

And  hereupon,  I  resolved  to  have  Her  Majesty  moved ; 
which  Sir  Fulke  Greville  performed  effectually. 

Her  Majesty,  as  her  manner  was,  fell  to  objecting,  that  "  I 
served  the  States,  and  that  those  two  charges  could  not  well 
stand  together," 


136  How  Appointments  WERE  to  be  gained.  [ 


sir  F.  Vere. 
1606. 


My  Lord  of  Essex  was,  before  this,  gone  from  Court, 
discontented  because  of  the  difficulty  he  found  in  obtaining 
the  Earl  Marshalship  of  England.  I  went  therefore  to 
Wanstead  to  his  Lordship,  in  good  manners  to  acquaint 
him  with  what  I  had  done :  who  rather  discouraged  me  than 
otherwise  in  the  pursuit. 

Notwithstanding,  I  waited  and  followed  my  business  hard, 
and  one  evening,  in  the  garden,  moved  Her  Majesty  myself; 
who  alleging,  as  before  she  had  done  to  Sir  Fulke 
Greville,  that  "  it  could  not  stand  with  her  service,  that 
both  those  places  should  go  together ;  "  I  told  her  Majesty 
that,  "  I  was  willing,  if  there  were  no  remedy,  rather  to  for- 
sake the  States'  service,  than  to  miss  the  place  I  was  a 
suitor  to  Her  Majesty  for,  in  hers."  And  so,  for  that  time, 
Her  Majesty  left  me  without  any  discouragement. 

The  Earl  of  Sussex  was  my  only  competitor;  and  for  him 
my  Lord  North  professed  to  stand  earnestly ;  who  as  soon 
as  I  was  risen  from  my  knees,  told  me,  that  "  such  places 
as  I  was  now  a  suitor  for,  were  wonted  to  be  granted  only 
to  Noblemen." 

I  answered,  "  There  were  none  ennobled  but  by  the  favour 
of  the  Prince ;  and  the  same  way  I  took." 

About  this  time,  Her  Majesty  being  in  hand  with  the  States, 
to  make  a  transaction  from  the  Old  Treaty  to  the  New,  in 
which  the  States  were  to  take  upon  them  the  payment  to  Her 
Majesty  yearly,  of  so  much  money  as  would  pay  the  ordinary 
garrison  of  the  Cautionary  Towns,  it  fell  into  deliberation, 
"What  numbers  were  competent  for  the  guard  of  the  said 
towns  ? 

Wherein,  before  my  Lords  would  resolve,  they  were  pleased 
to  call  before  them  my  Lord  Sidney  and  myself,  to  hear  our 
opinions,  addressing  their  speech  concerning  the  Brielle  to 
me  :  whereunto  I  made  such  answers  as  I  thought  fit ;  not 
partially,  as  one  that  pretended  to  interest  in  that  Government 
[Governorship] ;  but  as  I  thought  meet  for  Her  Majesty's 
service. 

And  hereupon,  Master  Secretary  took  occasion  merrily  to 
say  to  my  Lords,  that  they  might  see  what  a  difference  there 
was,  betwixt  the  care  of  Sir  Francis  Verb,  a  neutral  man, 
and  that  of  my  Lord  Sidney,  who  spake  for  his  own  Govern- 


^''j^Ieoe:]  Elizabeth's  very  high  regard  for  Vere.  137 

ment ;  "  but,"  saith  his  Lordship,  "  he  will  repent  it,  when 
he  is  Governor  !  " 

And  then  he  told  their  Lordships  I  was  a  suitor  for  the  place ; 
and  that  I  should  have  for  it  his  best  furtherance.  My  Lords 
gave  a  very  favourable  applause  to  Master  Secretary's  reso- 
lution ;  and  severally  blamed  me,  that  I  had  not  acquainted 
them  with  my  suit,  and  taken  the  furtherance  they  willingly 
would  have  given  me. 

It  is  true,  I  never  made  anybody  acquainted  with  my  suit, 
but  SirFuLKE  Greville  and  Master  Secretary.  From  thence- 
forward, I  addressed  myself  more  freely  to  Master  Secretary  ; 
and  conceived  by  his  fashion  [manner],  an  assurance  of  good 
issue  :  though  I  had  not  a  final  despatch  in  two  months 
after. 

In  the  meantime,  my  Lord  Sidney  and  my  Lord  Grey 
were  labouring  to  succeed  me  in  the  States'  service.  My 
Lord  of  Essex  had  promised  his  assistance  to  my  Lord 
Sidney  :  insomuch  as  when  I  told  him,  at  his  coming  to 
the  Court,  in  what  forwardness  I  was  for  the  Brielle,  and 
danger  to  lose  my  other  charge,  and  who  were  competitors  to 
succeed  me  ;  he  plainly  said  that  '*  he  had  given  my  Lord 
Sidney  his  promise,  to  procure  him  a  regiment  in  the  States' 
service." 

I  answered  that  "the  command  of  the  nation  [all  English 
troops  in  the  Dutch  service]  belonged  to  me  by  commission"; 
that  "  there  was  as  little  reason  for  my  Lord  [Sidney]  to  be 
under  my  authority,  as  for  me  to  yield  my  authority  to  him  "  ; 
that  "in  respect  of  his  Government  [Governorship],  he  was 
uncapable  of  that  charge  as  myself." 

By  this  again,  I  found  his  Lordship's  care  to  hold  me 
back :  notwithstanding  my  Lord  Sidney  had  soon  made  an 
end  of  his  suit.  But  my  Lord  Grey  stuck  longer  to  it,  and 
was  earnester ;  insomuch  as  there  passed  speeches  in  heat 
betwixt  him  and  me. 

And  yet  in  the  end,  such  was  the  favour  of  the  Prince  ! 
that  I  enjoyed  both  the  one  and  the  other  charge. 

In  the  same  year,  1597,  about  the  latter  end  of  September, 
I  passed  into  the  Low  Countries ;  took  and  gave  the 
oaths  that  are  usual  betwixt  those  of  Holland,  the  Governor 
and  townsmen  of  the  Brielle;  and  so  was  established  in  that 
Government. 


13^  4,6oo  Spaniards  ENCAMPED  AT  TURNHouT.  p""  ^- y^ 


The  Action  at  TurnhotU. 

I  FIat  winter,  1597,  the  enemy  laying  at  Turnhout, 
an  open  village,  with  4,000  foot  and  600  horse. 
One  day,  amongst  other  speeches,  I  said  to  Mon- 
sieur Barneveldt,  that  "  they  did  but  tempt  us 
to  beat  them  !  "  which  it  seemeth  he  marked  ; 
for,  shortly  after,  the  States  resolved  to  make  an  attempt 
upon  them  ;  and  gave  orders  to  the  Count  Maurice  to  that 
end,  to  gather  his  forces  together.  Which,  at  one  instant, 
shipped  from  their  several  garrisons,  arrived  with  great 
secrecy,  at  Gertruydenburg,  in  all,  to  the  number  of  6,000 
foot  and  1,000  horse  ;  whereof  some  200  [English]  came  from 
Flushing,  with  Sir  Robert  Sidney.  Which  troop,  because 
he  desired  it  should  march  with  the  rest  of  the  English;  in 
the  love  and  respect  I  professed  and  truly  bear  to  him,  I 
made  offer  to  him  to  command  one  of  the  two  troops,  the 
English  forces  were  then  divided  into  :  which  he  refused  not. 

That  evening  was  spent  in  consulting  and  ordering  of 
things. 

In  the  morning,  by  break  of  day,  the  troops  began  to 
march ;  and  continued  till  two  hours  within  night,  and  there 
rested,  within  a  league  of  Turnhout.  There  we  understood 
by  our  espial,  that  the  enemy  lay  still  without  any  manner 
of  intrenchment ;  having  as  yet  no  intelligence  of  us. 

A  good  part  of  that  night  was  also  spent  in  debating  of 
matters.  In  the  end,  it  was  resolved,  if  the  enemy  abode 
our  coming  in  the  village ;  with  our  cannon  to  batter  them 
and  so  to  dislodge  them,  or  with  our  troops  to  force  the  place 
upon  them. 

The  Vanguard  was  given  to  the  English  troops,  with 
Count  Maurice's  Guard,  and  some  other  selected  Companies 
of  the  Dutch  which  the  Count  kept  ordinarily  in  the  Van- 
guard. 

The  night  was  very  cold,  insomuch  as  the  Count  Maurice 
himself,  going  up  and  down  the  quarters,  with  straw  and 
such  other  blazing  stuff,  made  tires  in  some  places,  with  his 
own  hands,  by  the  Corps  du  guard  [pickets].  Sir  Robert 
Sidney  and  I  got  us  into  a  barn  thronged  with  soldiers,  to 
rest  ;  because  there  was  no  sleeping  by  the  Count  Maurice, 


^V'T'oe.]  VeRE  begins  the  FIGHT  WITH  SKIRMISHERS.    I  39 

who  was  disposed  to  watch  :  whence  I  was  also  called,  to 
attend  him. 

In  the  morning,  we  set  forward ;  and  by  break  of  day  we 
came  within  a  falcon  shot  [320  yards  :  see  Vol.  IV.  p.  251] 
of  Turnhout,  where  the  troops  were  put  in  battle.  Whence 
sending  some  light  horse  towards  the  town,  to  discover ; 
word  was  brought  that  the  enemy  had  caused  his  baggage  to 
march  all  night,  and  that  now  the  Rereward  were  going  out 
of  the  town. 

Whereupon  the  Count  Maurice  caused  our  Vanguard  to 
advance  to  the  town  :  with  which  he  marched. 

By  that  time  we  were  come  to  the  town,  the  enemy  was 
clear  gone  out  of  it,  and  some  musket  shot  off,  on  the  way 
to  Herenthals  [which  was  twelve  miles  off]  beyond  a  narrow 
bridge,  over  which  one  man  could  only  go  in  front..  They 
made  a  stand  with  some  of  their  men;  and  galled  our  scouts, 
which  followed  on  the  track. 

The  Count  Maurice  made  a  halt,  halfway  betwixt  the 
bridge  and  the  town  :  where  I  offered  to  beat  the  enemy 
from  this  passage,  if  he  would  give  me  some  men  ;  alleging 
that  this  was  only  a  shew  of  the  enemy  to  amuse  us,  whilst 
he  withdrew  the  body  of  his  forces,  and  therefore  this  re- 
quired a  speedy  execution.  Hereupon,  he  appointed  me  200 
musketeers  of  his  own  Guard  and  the  other  Dutch  companies, 
with  officers  to  receive  my  commands  saying  that  "  he  would 
second  me,  according  as  occasion  should  serve." 

With  which,  I  went  directly  towards  this  bridge.  Near 
to  which,  I  found  Count  Hollock  [Hohenlo]  ,  who,  that 
Journey,  commanded  the  horse.  He  told  me  of  an  easier 
passage  over  that  water  and  offered  me  guides  ;  but  the 
distance  agreed  not  with  the  necessity  of  the  haste,  and 
therefore  I  excused  myself  of  altering  my  way  :  which  he 
took  in  very  ill  part,  insomuch  as,  not  long  after,  he  wrote 
unto  me  a  letter  of  expostulation,  as  if  I  had  failed  in  the 
acknowledgement  of  his  authority,  which  he  pretended 
[asserted],  by  an  ancient  Commission,  to  be  Lieutenant- 
General  of  Holland,  and  consequently  of  all  the  forces ; 
which  I  answered  in  good  and  fitting  terms,  to  his  content- 
ment. 

And  so  placing  my  men  in  the  best  places  of  advantage, 
to  command  the  bridge,  I  made  them  play  at  the  enemy  ; 


140  200  Dutch  chasing  4,600  Spaniards.  p'/'T 


Vere. 
606. 


who  soon  forsook  the  bridge,  being  so  narrow  as  aforesaid, 
and  of  a  good  length. 

I  durst  not  adventure,  at  the  first,  to  pass  my  men  over  it, 
the  rather  for  that  the  country  on  the  other  side,  was  very 
thick  of  wood  :  but,  after  a  little  pause,  I  thrust  over  some 
few  foot  ;  and,  by  a  ford  adjoining,  though  very  deep  and 
difficult,  I  sent  some  few  horse,  to  discover  what  the  enemy 
did. 

And  causing  mine  own  horse  to  be  led  through  the  said 
ford,  I  went  myself  over  the  bridge ;  from  which,  some  half 
a  harquebuss  shot,  I  found  a  small  fort  of  pretty  defence, 
abandoned  :  into  which,  I  put  my  footmen  which  were  first 
passed,  and  sent  for  the  rest  to  come  with  all  diligence. 

In  the  meantime,  taking  my  horse,  I  rode  with  some  few 
Officers  and  others,  after  the  enemy  ;  whom  we  soon  espied, 
some  while  marching,  other  while  standing  as  if  they  had 
met  with  some  impediment  before  them  ;  which  we  thought 
was  caused  by  the  number  of  their  carriages. 

The  way  they  marched  was  through  a  lane  of  good  breadth, 
hemmed  in  with  thick  underwoods  on  both  sides  of  it,  fit  as 
I  thought,  to  cover  the  smallness  of  the  number  of  my  men. 
Whereupon,  as  also  on  the  opinion  the  enemy  might  justly 
conceive,  that  the  rest  of  our  troops  followed  at  hand,  I  took 
the  boldness  and  assurance  to  follow  them  with  those  200 
musketeers :  which  I  put  into  the  skirts  of  the  wood,  so  as 
betwixt  them  and  the  highway  in  which  the  enemy  marched, 
there  was  a  well  grown  hedge. 

Myself,  with  about  some  15  or  16  horsemen,  of  my  own 
followers  and  servants,  keeping  the  highway,  advanced  towards 
the  enemy  :  giving,  in  the  meantime,  the  Count  Maurice 
advice  what  I  saw !  what  I  did !  and  what  an  assured  victory 
he  had  in  his  hands,  if  he  would  advance  the  troops  ! 

I  was  not  gone  two  musket  shots  from  this  fort,  but  some 
choice  men  of  the  enemy,  whom  they  appointed  to  make  the 
retreat  [to  act  as  a  rearguard]  discharged  on  us  ;  and  our  men 
again  answered  them,  and  pressing  upon  them,  put  them 
nearer  to  their  hindermost  body  of  Pikes  :  under  the  favour 
of  which,  they  and  such  as,  from  time  to  time,  were  sent  to 
refresh  them,  maintained  the  skirmish  with  us. 

When  they  marched,  I  followed ;  when  they  stood,  I 
stayed :  and,  standing  or  marching,  I  kept  within  reach,  for 


^^^TeoeG  A  THREE-MILE   FIGHT  ACROSS   THE  HEATH.     14I 

the  most  part,  of  their  body  of  Pikes ;  so  as  I  slew  and  galled 
many  of  them. 

And  in  this  manner,  I  held  them  play,  at  the  least  four 
hours,  till  I  came  to  an  open  heath,  which  was  from  the 
bridge,  about  some  five  or  six  English  miles ;  sending,  in 
the  meantime,  messenger  upon  messenger  to  the  Count 
Maurice  and  the  Count  Hollock,  for  more  troops.  And  it 
pleased  Sir  Robert  Sidney  himself,  who  also  came  up  to 
me,  and  looked  on  the  enemy ;  when  he  saw  the  fair 
occasion,  to  ride  back  to  procure  more  forces. 

But  all  this  while,  none  came,  not  so  much  as  any  princi- 
pal Officer  of  the  army,  to  see  what  I  did. 

On  the  left  side  of  this  heath,  which  is  little  less  than 
three  miles  over,  were  woods  and  enclosed  fields  coasting  the 
way  the  enemy  were  to  take,  in  distance  [off]  some  musket 
shot  and  a  half.  Along  these  I  caused  my  musketeers  to 
advance  ;  and,  as  they  could  from  the  skirts  of  the  heath  to 
play  upon  the  enemy :  which  was  more  to  shew  them  and 
our  men  that  were  behind,  by  hearing  the  shot,  that  we  had 
not  forsaken  the  enemy,  than  for  any  great  hurt  we  could 
do  them. 

Myself,  with  some  thirty  or  forty  horse  that  were  come  up 
to  me  to  see  the  sport,  following  them  aloof  off. 

The  enemy,  seeing  no  gross  troop  to  follow  them,  began 
to  take  heart ;  and  put  themselves  into  order  in  four  bat- 
talions :  their  horsemen  on  their  wings  advancing  their  way 
easily. 

When  we  had,  in  this  manner,  passed  half  the  heath,  our 
[1,000]  horocmen,  in  16  troops  (for  they  were  so  many),  began 
to  appear  behind  us  at  the  entry  of  the  heath  :  not  the  way 
we  had  passed,  but  more  to  the  right  hand,  coasting  the 
skirts  of  the  heath,  at  a  good  round  pace. 

This  sight  made  the  enemy  to  mend  his  pace,  and  gave  us 
more  courage  to  follow  them ;  so  as  now,  we  omitted  no 
endeavour  which  might  hinder  their  way,  falling  again  into 
skirmish  with  them.  For  they  fearing  more  those  that  they 
saw  far  off,  than  us  that  followed  them  at  their  heels,  being 
a  contemptible  number  to  them  that  might  see  us  and  tell 
[count]  us,  mended  still  their  pace. 

I  therefore  sent  messengers  to  those  horsemen,  for  of  our 
footmen  there  was  no  help  to  be  expected,  to  tell  them,  that 


142       A    VICTORY    WON    WITHOUT    A    FIGHT.     [' 


Sir  F.  Vere. 
1606. 


if  they  came  not  with  all  speed  possible,  the  enem}^  would 
get  into  the  strait  and  fast  country,  in  which  there  could  be 
no  good  done  on  them. 

They  were  not  above  two  musket  shots  from  the  mouth  of 
the  strait  [ravme  or  pass],  when  the  Count  Maurice,  with  six 
companies  of  horse,  came  near  unto  us,  that  followed  the 
enemy  in  the  tail.  The  other  horsemen,  because  they 
fetched  a  greater  compass,  and  came  more  upon  the  front 
and  right  flank  of  the  enemy,  were  further  off.  I  sent  to  the 
Count  to  desire  him  to  give  me  those  horsemen  [i.e.,  the  six 
companies] . 

And,  in  the  meantime,  to  give  the  enemy  some  stay,  I 
made  round  proffer  [appearance  or  shew]  to  charge  the  Rere- 
ward  :  under  the  countenance  of  that  second  [sttpport],  with 
those  horse  and  foot  I  had.  Which  took  good  effect.  For 
they,  knowing  no  other  but  that  all  the  troops  were  also  ready 
to  charge,  made  a  stand ;  and  seeing  our  horsemen  on  the 
right  wing  to  grow  somewhat  near,  put  themselves  into  a 
stronger  order. 

My  messenger  returning  from  the  Count  Maurice,  told 
me,  he  would  speak  with  me. 

To  whom  I  made  haste,  and  as  the  time  required,  in  few 
words  having  delivered  my  mind ;  he  gave  me  three  [of  his 
six]  companies  of  horse  to  use  as  I  should  see  cause.  With 
which,  I  went  on  the  spur  :  for  the  enemy  were  now  march- 
ing again,  and  were  come  even  into  the  entry  of  the  strait. 

The  other  horsemen  with  the  Count  Hollock  seeing  me 
go  to  charge,  did  the  like  also.  So  that,  much  about  one 
instant,  he  charged  on  the  right  corner  of  their  front  and  on 
their  right  flank ;  and  I  with  my  troops,  on  the  rereward  and 
left  flank  :  so  roundly,  that  their  Shot,  after  the  first  volley, 
shifted  for  themselves ;  and  so  charged  their  Pikes,  which 
being  ranged  in  four  Battles,  stood  one  in  the  tail  of  another, 
not  well  ordered  (as,  in  that  case,  they  should  have  been)  to 
succour  the  Shot,  and  abide  the  charge  of  the  horsemen. 
And  so  we  charged  their  Pikes,  notbreaking  through  them,  at 
the  first  push,  as  it  was  anciently  used  by  the  men-of-arms 
with  their  barbed  horses :  but  as  the  long  pistols,  delivered 
at  hand,  had  made  the  ranks  thin,  so  thereupon,  the  rest 
of  the  horse  got  within  them.  So  as  indeed,  it  was  a  victory 
obtained  without  a  fight. 


^"f'  leoe".]  Nearly  3,000  Spaniards  killed  or  taken.  143 

For  till  they  were  utterly  broken  and  scattered,  which 
was  after  a  short  time,  few  or  none  died  by  handistrokes. 

The  footmen  defeated;  our  horsemen  disordered,  as  they 
had  been  in  the  charge  and  execution,  followed  the  chase 
of  their  horsemen  and  baggage :  which  took  the  way  of 
Herenthals. 

I  foresaw  that  the  enemy's  horse,  that  had  withdrawn 
themselves,  in  good  order  and  untouched  of  us,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  fight,  would  soon  put  to  rout  those  disordered 
men  :  and  therefore  made  all  the  haste  that  I  could,  to  the 
mouth  of  the  strait,  there  to  stay  them. 

Where  finding  the  Count  Hollock,  I  told  him  he  should 
do  well  to  suffer  no  more  to  pass. 

So  riding  forward  on  to  the  other  end  of  the  strait,  where 
it  opened  on  a  champaign,  I  overtook  Sir  Nicholas  Parker, 
who  commanded  the  three  companies  of  English  horse  under 
me  ;  who  had  some  thirty  soldiers  with  the  three  cornets 
[statidards]. 

With  these,  I  stayed  on  a  green  plot  just  in  the  mouth  of 
the  strait,  having  on  either  hand  a  road  washy  way :  with 
purpose  to  gather  unto  me,  those  that  came  after  me  ;  and 
relieve  our  men,  if  the  enemy  chased  them. 

I  had  no  sooner  placed  the  troop  :  but  I  might  see  our  men 
coming  back  as  fast  and  as  disordered  as  they  went  out  ; 
passing  the  strait  on  either  hand  of  me,  not  to  be  stayed  for 
any  intreaty. 

The  most  of  our  men  passed,  and  the  enemy  approaching  ; 
Sir  Nicholas  Parker  asked  me,  "  What  I  meant  to  do  ?  " 

I  told  him,  "  Attend  the  enemy,  with  our  troop  there  !  " 

"  Then,"  saith  he,  "  you  must  be  gone  with  the  rest !  " 

And  so,  almost  with  the  latest,  the  enemy  being  upon  us, 
I  followed  his  counsel  ;  and  so  all  of  us,  great  and  small, 
were  chased  through  the  strait  again  ;  where  our  troops 
gathering  head,  and  our  foot  appearing,  we  held  good  ;  and 
the  enemy,  without  any  further  attempt,  made  his  retreat. 

There  were  taken  between  40  and  50  ensigns,  and  slain 
and  taken  of  the  enemy,  nearly  3,000 :  and  their  general 
Seigneur  de  Ballancy,  and  Count  de  Warras  died  on  the 
place. 

This  exploit  happily  achieved,  Count  Maurice  with  the 
army,  returned  that  evening,  to  Turnhout  (where  the  Castle 


144    iS'Ooo  Dutch  troops  invade  Flanders.  P'""  , 


Sir  F.  Vere. 
1606. 


held  by  some  of  the  enemy,  yielded),  and  the  next  day, 
marched  to  Gertruydenburg :  and  I,  to  accompany  Sir 
Robert  Sidney  (who  took  the  next  [nearest]  way  to  his 
Government  [Governorship]),  went  with  him  to  Williamstadt. 
Where  I  did,  on  my  part,  truly  and  sincerely,  touching  the 
other  circumstances  of  the  service  ;  and  was  very  friendly, 
when  I  made  mention  of  him. 

I  gave  him  my  letters  to  read,  and  then  to  one  of  his 
Captains  to  deliver  in  England :  but  my  letters  were  held 
back ;  and  his,  that  were  far  more  partially  written,  delivered. 
Which  art  of  doubleness  changed  the  love  I  had  so  long  borne 
him,  into  a  deep  dislike  that  could  not  be  soon  digested. 


T/ie  battle  of  Nieuport. 

N  THE  year  of  our  Lord  1600,  the  enemy's  forces 
being  weak  and  in  mutinies,  and  his  affairs  in 
disorder ;  the  States  resolved  to  make  an  offensive 
war  in  Flanders,  as  the  fittest  place  to  annoy  the 
enemy  most  and  to  secure  their  own  State,  if  they 
could  recover  the  coast  towns  :  which  was  the  scope  of  the 
enterprise. 

As  this  action  was  of  great  importance,  so  were  the  meet- 
ings and  consultations  about  it  many :  to  which,  though 
unworthy,  I  myself  was  called.  Where,  amongst  other 
things,  the  facility  of  the  execution  coming  in  question  ;  it 
was,  by  most,  affirmed  that  the  enemy  was  not  able  nor  durst 
adventure  to  meet  us  in  the  field  :  which  I  not  only  opposed 
in  opinion ;  but  more  particularly,  made  it  appear  that  with- 
in fourteen  days  of  our  landing  in  Flanders,  they  might  and 
would  be  with  us,  to  offer  fight,  as  afterwards,  it  fell  precisely 
out. 

The  army  embarked  with  purpose  to  have  landed  at 
Ostend ;  but  finding  the  wind  contrary  when  we  came  to 
Zealand,  upon  a  new  consultation,  it  was  resolved  to  disem- 
bark upon  the  coast  of  Flanders,  lying  on  the  river  Schelde  : 
and  accordingly,  by  a  small  fort  called  the  Philippines,  we 
ran  our  vessels,  which  were  flat  bottomed  after  the  manner 
of  the  country,  aground  at  a  high  water ;   which,  the  ebb 


^''f^'Tliei]  T  H  EY  AR  R  I  VE    NEAR   TO    NiEUPORT.    I45 

coming,  lay  on  dry  ground  ;  and  so  with  much  ease  and 
readiness,  we  landed  both  horse  and  foot. 

Our  army  consisted  of  about  12,000  foot  and  3,000  horse; 
and  was  divided  into  three  parts,  committed  to  several  Com- 
manders, viz.,  the  Count  Earnest  of  Nassau,  the  Count 
SoLMES,  and  myself. 

My  troops  consisted  of  1,600  Englishmen,  2,500  Prisons 
[Frisians],  and  ten  cornets  [sqicadrons]  of  horse:  with  which 
troops,  I  took  my  turn  of  Vanguard,  Battle,  and  Rereward, 
as  it  fell  out. 

We  marched  through  the  country  to  Ecloo  and  Bruges, 
and  so  to  Oldenburg,  a  fort  of  the  enemy  not  far  from 
Ostend,  which  the  enemy  had  abandoned,  as  also  some  others 
of  less  strength  ;  by  which  means,  the  passage  to  Ostend 
was  open  and  free. 

The  army  encamped  and  rested  there  [at  Oldenburg]  two  or 
three  days,  to  refresh  us  with  victuals  :  especially  drink, 
whereof  the  army  had  suffered  great  want,  the  water  of  the 
country  we  had  passed  [through],  being,  for  the  most  part, 
very  troubled  [mtiddy]  and  moorish  [boggy]. 

It  was  again  consulted,  Where  the  army  should  be  first 
employed,  whether  in  taking  the  forts  the  enemy  held  in  the 
low  and  broken  grounds  about  Ostend,  or  in  the  siege  of 
Nieuport  ? 

The  latter  being  resolved  on,  the  States,  who  had  all  this 
while  marched  and  abode  with  the  army,  departed  to  Ostend, 
as  the  fittest  place  to  reside  in  :  and  the  Count  Solmes,  with 
his  part  of  the  army,  was  sent  the  direct  way  to  Ostend,  to 
take  the  fort  Albertus,  and  open  the  passage  betwixt  that 
town  and  Nieuport. 

The  Count  Maurice,  with  the  rest  of  the  army,  leaving 
the  fort  of  Oldenburg  and  the  others  which  the  enemy  had 
forsaken,  well  guarded  (as  was  behooveful,  because  without 
forcing  them,  the  enemy  could  not  come  to  us  but  by  fetching 
a  great  compass),  marched  by  Hemskerk  towards  a  fort  called 
the  Damme,  upon  the  river  [Yperlee]  that  goeth  to  Nieuport : 
but  finding  the  country  weak  and  moorish,  and  not  able  to 
bear  the  weight  of  our  carriages  and  artillery,  returned  to  a 
small  village  not  far  from  Hemskerk,  and  lodged  there. 

Thence,  we  crossed  through  the  meadows  to  the  seaside, 
filling  many  ditches,  and  laying  bridges  to  pass  the  v/aters, 

K  '  2 


146  The  Spanish  army  follows  after  them,  p"" 


F.  Vere, 
?      1606. 


whereof  that  country  is  full.  And  so,  with  much  ado,  we 
got  to  the  downs  by  the  seaside  :  and  encamped,  about  some 
cannon  shot  from  the  fort  Albertus ;  which  was  rendered 
before  to  the  Count  Solmes. 

In  the  morning,  early,  we  marched  upon  the  sea  sands 
towards  Nieuport ;  and,  at  the  ebb,  waded  the  river  on  that 
side  that  maketh  the  haven  of  that  town  :  and  so  encamped. 

We  spent  two  or  three  days  in  quartering  and  entrenching 
ourselves  in  places  of  best  advantage,  for  our  own  safety  and 
the  besieging  of  the  town ;  laying  a  stone  bridge  over  the 
narrowest  of  the  haven  for  our  carriages  and  troops  to  pass 
to  and  fro,  at  all  times,  if  occasion  required. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Count  was  advertised  from  those  of 
Ostend,  and  those  of  Oldenburg,  that  the  enemy,  with  good 
troops  of  horse  and  foot,  were  come  and  lodged  near  the  fort 
[Oldenburg],  Whereupon,  consulting,  the  opinions  were 
divers,  the  most  agreeing  that  it  was  only  a  bravado  made  of 
RiVAS  ;  who,  we  had  heard  before,  had  gathered  between  3,000 
or  4,000  together,  near  the  Sluis,  to  divert  us  from  our  enter- 
prise :  and  that  upon  our  remove  towards  him,  he  would  make 
his  retreat  to  the  Sluis  again. 

But  this  falling  out  jump  with  the  calculation  I  had  before 
made,  I  insisted  that  it  was  the  gross  [bulk]  of  their  army ; 
that  it  was  needful  for  us,  without  delay,  to  march  thither 
with  our  army  also,  lest  that  fort  and  the  rest  fell  into 
the  enemy's  hands :  who  might  then  come  and  lodge  at  our 
backs,  and  cut  off  the  passage  to  Ostend,  to  the  extreme 
annoyance  of  the  army :  that  in  using  diligence  to  prevent 
the  enemy's  taking  these  forts,  we  might  at  once  block  up 
and  besiege  those  of  the  enemy  held  on  the  low  and  drowned 
lands  ;  which  enterprise  had  been  in  question  and  debated 
as  of  equal  importance  with  that  of  Nieuport. 

Notwithstanding  that  my  reasons  seemed  well  grounded ; 
the  Count  Maurice  was  (as  he  is  naturally)  slow  in  resolving, 
so  as,  for  that  time,  no  other  thing  was  done. 

The  same  night  came  messenger  upon  messenger,  that  first, 
the  enemy  had  cannon ;  then,  that  they  of  the  fort  were 
summoned  in  the  Archduke's  name  ;  after,  that  it  was  yielded 
upon  conditions.  And  thrice  that  night  was  I  called  from  my 
rest,  upon  these  several  alarms,  which  confirmed  me  in  my 
former  opinion,  upon  which  I  insisted,  with  this  change  ;  that 


^''?^' Ifioe.]  T H E  Dutch  army  turns  back.   147 

whereas  my  first  purpose  was  to  stop  the  enemy's  passage 
under  the  favour  of  those  forts  :  now,  that  occasion  lost,  we 
were  to  march  to  the  hither  mouth  of  the  passage  we  ourselves 
had  made  through  the  low  grounds,  and  to  occupy  the  same, 
which  was  the  shortest  and  readiest  way  the  enemy  had  to 
the  downs  and  seaside. 

The  Count  Maurice  liked  it  well,  and  resolved  to  send 
forthwith  the  Count  Earnest,  with  2,500  footmen  and  500 
horsemen,  with  some  artillery  also  and  provisions,  to 
entrench  upon  the  same  passage;  saying  :  "  He  would  follow 
and  second  them,  with  the  rest  of  the  army,  in  due  season." 
Which  course  I  could  not  approve  nor  allow  of,  shewing  my 
reasons,  how  this  dividing  of  forces  might  endanger  the 
whole;  for  I  knew  the  enemy  would,  in  all  likelihood,  use  all 
possible  diligence  to  get  through  this  passage,  and  might 
well  do  it  with  his  Vanguard  and  a  part  of  his  forces,  before 
the  arrival  of  these  men  ;  which,  being  so  few,  would  not  be 
able  to  make  resistance  :  whereas  our  whole  army  marching, 
if  the  enemy  had  been  fully  passed  the  low  grounds,  we  had 
our  forces  united  to  give  them  battle  according  to  the 
resolution  taken,  if  he  sought  us  or  came  in  our  way.  If 
part  of  his  army  were  only  passed,  which  was  the  likeliest ; 
the  shortness  of  time,  the  hindrance  of  the  night,  and  the 
narrowness  of  the  way  considered  :  then  we  had  undoubted 
victory.     If  we  were  there  before  him,  the  passage  was  ours. 

About  midnight,  the  Count  [Earnest]  had  his  despatch 
and  order  to  take  of  those  troops  that  were  with  the  Count 
SoLMES,  as  readiest  for  that  service.  The  rest  of  the  army 
was  commanded  to  march  down  to  the  haven's  side  by  the 
break  of  day,  to  pass  with  the  first  ebb. 

It  was  my  turn  then  to  have  the  Vanguard,  which  made 
me  careful  not  to  be  wanting  in  my  duty  :  so  as  in  due  time, 
my  troops  were  at  the  place  appointed. 

And  because  the  water  was  not  yet  passable,  I  went  myself 
to  the  Count  Maurice  to  know  his  further  pleasure  ;  whom 
I  found  by  the  bridge,  with  most  of  the  chief  Officers  of 
the  army :  whither  not  long  after,  news  was  brought  unto 
him,  that  the  enemy  was  passed  the  downs  and  marching 
towards  us  ;  which  struck  him  into  a  dump. 

I  told  him  that  all  possible  speed  must  be  used  to  pass  the 
forces  before  the  enemy  were  possessed  of  the  other  side  of 


148  Description  of  the  ground  of  the  battle.  [J;] 


Vert. 

606. 


the  haven  :  that  therefore,  I  would  go  to  my  troops,  to  take 
the  first  opportunity  of  the  tide  ;  desiring  him  to  give  me  his 
further  orders  what  I  was  to  do,  when  I  had  passed  the 
haven. 

He  willed  me,  to  do  all  things,  as  I  saw  cause  myself.  Call- 
ing to  him  the  Count  Lodowick  of  Nassau,  who  then 
commanded  the  horse  as  General,  he  bade  him  go  along 
with  me,  and  follow  my  directions. 

So  I  left  the  Count  Maurice,  and  went  to  my  troops  ;  and 
so  soon  as  the  tide  served,  I  passed  my  men  as  they  stood  in 
their  battalions. 

The  soldiers  would  have  stripped  themselves  to  have  kept 
their  clothes  dry ;  as  I  had  willed  them  when  I  crossed  the 
haven  first  :  but  then  I  thought  it  not  expedient,  the  enemy 
being  so  near;  and  therefore  willed  them  "  to  keep  on  their 
clothes,  and  not  to  care  for  the  wetting  of  them  :  for  they 
should  either  need  none,  or  have  better  and  dryer  clothes  to 
sleep  in  that  night." 

When  the  troops  of  the  Vanguard  were  passed,  I  left  the 
footmen  standing,  ranged  in  their  order,  betwixt  the  downs 
or  sand  hills  and  the  sea;  and  with  the  horse,  advanced 
towards  the  enemy  whom  we  might  discover  afar  off  coming 
towards  us  by  the  seaside.  Not  to  engage  a  skirmish  or 
fight,  but  to  choose  a  fit  place  to  attend  them  in,  which  was 
now  the  only  advantage  we  could  by  industry  get  of  the 
enemy :  for  by  the  situation  of  the  country,  that  skill  and 
dexterity  we  presumed  to  excel  our  enemy  in  (which  was  the 
apt  and  agile  motions  of  our  battalions)  was  utterly  taken 
from  us. 

For  the  space  betwixt  the  sea  and  the  sand  hills  or 
downs,  was  commanded  by  the  said  hills,  which  are  of 
many  heads  reared  and  commanding  one  another,  containing 
so  much  breadth  in  most  places  that  our  troops  could  not 
occupy  the  whole  ;  and  were  everywhere  so  confusedly  packed 
together,  so  brokenly  and  steeply,  that  the  troops  could 
neither  well  discern  what  was  done  a  stone's  cast  before 
them,  nor  advance  forward  in  any  order,  to  second  [support]  if 
need  were.  And  on  the  other  side  of  the  downs  towards  the 
firm  land,  if  the  whole  breadth  were  not  possessed,  the  enemy 
might  pass  to  the  haven  of  Nieuport,  where  our  bridge  and 
most  of  our  shipping  yet  lay  on  the  dry  ground,  and  spoil 


^''t^' Teoe.]  VeRE    extemporises    A    KIND    OF    PlEVNA.     1 49 

and  burn  them  in  our  view.  All  which  inconveniences,  I 
was  to  prevent. 

Finding  therefore,  a  place  where  the  hills  and  downs 
stood,  in  a  manner  divided  with  a  hollow  bottom,  the  bottom 
narrower  and  the  hills  higher  to  the  seaside  and  North  than 
towards  the  inland  and  South,  which  ran  clean  thwart  from 
the  sea  sands  to  the  inland ;  the  downs  also  there  being 
of  no  great  breadth,  so  that  we  might  conveniently  occupy 
them  with  our  front,  and  command  as  well  the  seashore  as 
the  way  that  lay  betwixt  the  low  inland  and  the  foot  of  the 
downs  :  in  that  place,  on  the  hither  side  of  that  bottom,  I 
resolved  to  attend  the  enemy.  And  therefore,  having  caused 
my  troops  to  advance,  I  drew  from  the  whole  Vanguard 
about  1,000  men :  viz.,  250  Englishmen  ;  the  Count  Maurice's 
Guard,  and  'such  other  companies  as  usually  marched  with 
it,  250  ;  and  of  the  Prisons,  500,  which  were  all  musketeers  : 
the  other  two  troops  consisting  of  Shot  and  Pikes. 

The  English  and  50  of  the  Count's  Guard  [i.e.,  300  in  all], 
I  placed  on  the  top  of  the  hill  that  lay  more  advanced  than 
the  rest ;  which  being  steep  and  sandy,  was  not  easily  to  be 
mounted,  and  in  the  top,  so  hollow  that  the  men  lay  covered 
from  the  hills  on  the  other  side,  and  might  fight  from  it  as 
from  a  parapet. 

Just  behind  this  hill,  about  100  paces,  was  another  far 
more  high,  on  the  top  of  which  also,  I  placed  the  other  200 
of  the  Troops  of  the  Guard ;  on  which  also,  with  a  little 
labour  of  the  soldier,  they  lay  at  good  covert. 

These  two  hills  were  joined  together  with  a  ridge  some- 
what lower  than  the  former  hill ;  which,  endwise,  lay  East 
and  West ;  and,  broadwise,  looked  towards  the  South  or 
inland,  and  commanded  all  the  ground  passable.  On  the 
outside,  it  was  very  steep,  loose,  sandy,  and  ill  to  be  mounted  ; 
within,  it  was  hollow.  In  which,  I  placed  the  500  Prison 
musketeers,  giving  charge  to  the  Officers  to  bestow  their  shot 
only  to  the  southward,  when  time  should  serve ;  which  was 
directly  on  our  right  side  and  flank,  as  we  then  stood  turned 
towards  the  enemy. 

Betwixt  those  two  hills,  on  the  left  hand  or  flank  looking 
towards  the  sea,  I  placed  in  covert  in  places  for  the  purpose 
(so  near  the  sea  sand,  that  they  might  with  ease  and  good 
order  in  an  instant  break  into  it),  two  of  the  four  troops  of  the 


150  The  Dutch  officers  want  to  advance,  p'/-^ 


Vere. 
606. 


English,  making  about  700  men,  ranged  with  their  faces  to 
the  northward,  looking  directly  from  our  left  flank.  If  the 
enemy  adventured  to  pass  by  us  to  the  other  troops,  I  meant 
to  leave  them  [the  700]  in  his  eye. 

Upon  the  sands,  more  easterly  than  the  inmost  of  the  two 
hills,  I  ranged  in  a  front,  with  a  space  betwixt  them,  the  other 
two  troops  [=^6^0  men]  of  the  English  :  and  a  pretty  distance 
behind  them,  more  to  the  seaward,  the  [2,000]  Prisons  in  four 
battalions ;  two  in  front,  with  a  space  to  receive  betwixt  them 
one  of  the  other  two  battalions  that  stood  behind  them,  the  files 
and  spaces  betwixt  the  troops  being  as  close  as  might  be  con- 
veniently, to  leave  the  more  space  for  the  ranging  the  other 
troops ;  with  a  competent  distance  betwixt  each  troop,  so  as 
one  troop  shadowed  not  another,  but  all  might  be  in  the 
enemy's  eye  at  one  instant. 

And  thus  the  Vanguard  occupied  about  one-third  part  of 
the  downs  (leaving  the  rest  to  be  manned  as  the  occasion 
should  serve,  by  the  other  troops),  and,  on  the  left  hand, 
uttermost  to  the  sea :  and  more  advanced,  I  placed  the  horse- 
men [i.e.,  the  ten  squadrons]. 

I  had  scarce  done  this  work,  when  the  Count  Maurice,  with 
the  chief  Commanders  of  the  army,  came  to  the  head  of  my 
troops;  where,  on  horseback,  and  in  the  hearing  of  all  standers 
by  (which  were  many),  he  put  in  deliberation,  Whether  he 
should  advance  with  his  army  towards  the  enemy,  or  abide 
their  coming  ? 

Those  that  spake,  as  in  such  cases  most  men  will  not  seem 
fearful,  counselled  to  march  forward  :  for  that  they  thought  it 
would  daunt  the  enemy,  and  make  the  victory  the  more  easy  : 
whereas  in  attending  him,  he  would  gather  courage  out  of  the 
opinion  of  our  fear,  or  take  the  opportunity  of  our  stay  to  fortify 
upon  the  passage  to  Ostend,  to  cut  off  our  victuals  and  retreat. 

I  alleged  that  their  army  (that  had  been  gathered  in  haste, 
and  brought  into  a  country  where  they  intended  no  such  war) 
could  neither  have  provision  of  victuals  with  them  for  any 
time,  nor  any  magazines  in  those  parts  to  furnish  them,  nor 
other  store  in  that  wasted  country,  and  in  that  latter  end  of 
the  year  to  be  expected  :  so  as  to  fear,  there  was  none,  that 
they  should  seat  themselves  there  to  starve  us  that  had  store 
of  victuals  in  our  shipping,  and  the  sea  open  to  supply  us, 
with  all  sailing  winds.     And  for  the  vain  courage,  they  should 


Sir  F.  Vere.' 
?      1606 


:]  Count  Maurice  awaits  the  enemy.    151 


get  by  our  supposed  fear,  after  so  long  a  march  with  climbing 
up  and  down  those  steep  sandy  hills,  in  the  extremity  of  heat, 
wearied  and  spent  before  they  could  come  to  us,  and  then 
finding  us  fresh  and  lusty,  and  ready  to  receive  them  in  our 
strength  of  advantage,  it  would  turn  to  their  greater  confusion 
and  terror. 

They  persisted,  and  as  it  were,  with  one  voice  opposed  :  so 
as,  in  the  end,  I  was  moved  to  say  that  "  all  the  world  could 
not  make  me  change  my  counsel." 

The  Count  Maurice  was  pleased  to  like  of  it,  resolving 
not  to  pass  any  further  towards  the  enemy  ;  and  for  the 
ordering  of  things,  reposed  so  much  trust  in  me  as  that 
he  believed  they  were  well,  without  viewing  the  places  or 
examining  the  reasons  of  my  doings  :  but  returned,  to  give 
order  to  the  rest  of  the  army,  which,  as  the  water  ebbed,  he 
enlarged  to  the  seaward,  next  the  which  the  horsemen  were 
placed  ;  and  six  pieces  of  ordnance  were  advanced  into  the 
head  [front]  of  the  Vanguard. 

In  this  order,  we  stayed ;  and  the  enemy,  though  still  in 
the  eye,  moved  not  forward  for  the  space  of  two  hours,  and 
then,  rather  turning  from  us  than  advancing,  they  crossed 
the  downs  and  rested  other  two  hours  at  the  foot  of  them, 
towards  the  land  :  which  confirmed  their  opinions  that  held 
he  would  lodge. 

But  we  found  reasons  out  of  all  their  proceedings  to  keep 
us  from  wavering.  For  it  was  probable  to  us,  that  the  enemy 
overwearied  and  tired  with  that  night  and  day's  travel ;  and 
seeing  us  passed  the  haven  of  Nieuport,  wherein  to  have 
hindered  and  prevented  us  was  the  greatest  cause  of  this 
haste,  whilst  he  saw  us  stirring  and  ordering  ourselves,  might 
hope  that  we  (that  were  fresh,  now  passed,  and  engaged  to 
fight)  would  advance,  the  rather  to  have  the  help  of  our 
troops  with  the  Count  Earnest,  if  perchance  he  were  retired 
to  Ostend,  which,  the  nearer  the  light  were  to  that  place, 
might  be  of  most  use  to  us ;  or  else  if  we  had  heard  of  their 
defeat,  we  would  be  drawn  on  with  revenge.  But  when  they 
saw  that  we  held  our  place,  not  moving  forward,  being  out  of 
that  hope ;  and  not  provided  to  make  any  long  stay,  for  the 
reasons  before  mentioned  :  they  might  resolve  to  refresh  them- 
selves, and  then  to  advance  towards  us ;  for  which,  that  side 
was  more  convenient  than  the  bare  sea  sands. 


152     Spanish  FOOT  OF  UNCONQUERED  VETERANS.  [^,y 


Vere. 

606. 


Withal  we  considered,  that  their  chief  trust  resting  in  their 
footmen  (which  were  old  trained  soldiers,  and  to  that  day, 
unfoiled  in  the  field);  they  would  rather  attend  the  growing  of 
the  tide,  which  was  then  at  the  lowest,  that  the  scope  of  the 
sands  might  be  less  spacious  and  serviceable  for  horsemen. 

About  half  flood,  they  crossed  again  the  downs  to  the  sea 
sands,  and  marched  forward,  sending  some  light-horsemen 
far  before  the  troops.  One  of  which,  as  we  supposed,  suffered 
himself  to  be  taken ;  who  being  brought  to  the  Count 
Maurice,  told  him  aloud  that  the  Count  Earnest  was 
defeated ;  and  that  he  should  presently  have  battle,  aug- 
menting the  number,  bravery,  and  resolution  of  their  men. 

The  loss  of  our  men  we  had  understood  before,  and  there- 
fore were  careful  to  have  but  few  present  at  the  hearing 
of  the  prisoner ;  whose  mouth  being  stopped  by  the  Count 
Maurice's  order,  the  rest  that  heard  it  bewrayed  it,  either  in 
word  or  countenance,  to  the  soldiers. 

The  enemy  growing  nearer  and  nearer,  and  their  horsemen 
coming,  in  the  head  of  their  troops,  in  a  competent  distance 
to  have  been  drawn  to  a  fight ;  I  would  very  willingly  have 
advanced  the  horsemen  of  the  Vanguard  near  to  them,  and 
with  some  choice  and  well-mounted  men,  have  beaten  in 
their  carabin[eer]s  and  skirmishers  to  their  gross  [main  body], 
with  purpose,  if  they  had  been  charged  again,  to  have  retired 
in  haste  with  the  said  Vanguard  of  honse  betwixt  the  sea  and 
the  Vanguard  of  foot :  and  having  drawn  them  from  their 
foot,  under  the  mercy  of  our  ordnance,  and  engaged  to  the 
rest  of  our  horse,  to  have  charged  and  followed  them  reso- 
lutely. 

This  advice  could  not  savour  to  that  3'oung  nobleman  [Count 
LoDOWiCK  of  Nassau],  that  was  not  well  pleased  with  the 
power  that  Count  Maurice  had  given  me  over  his  charge ; 
and  therefore  was  not  by  him  put  in  execution  :  who  chose 
rather,  as  the  enemy  advanced  leisurely,  so  he,  in  like  sort, 
to  recule  [retire]  towards  the  foot. 

This  counsel  of  mine  taking  no  better  effect,  and  their  horse- 
men being  now  come  within  reach  of  our  cannon  ;  I  made  the 
motion  to  have  them  discharged,  which  was  well  liked,  and 
so  well  plied  that  we  made  them  scatter  their  troops,  and  in 
disorder  fly  for  safety  into  the  downs  :  which  had  doubtless 
given  U3  the  victory  without  more  ado,  if  our  horsemen  had 


^V'Teol:]  Both  armies  pass  into  the  downs.     153 

been  ready  and  willing  to  have  taken  the  benefit  of  that 
occasion. 

Their  footmen,  out  of  our  reach,  kept  on  their  way  alongst 
the  sands;  and  the  sooner  to  requite  us,  advanced  their 
ordnance  a  good  distance  before  them,  and  shot  roundly  at 
us  and  did  some  hurt. 

The  water  now  grew  very  high,  so  as  both  we  and  they 
were  forced  to  streighten  [narrow]  our  front.  And  the 
enemy — whether  of  purpose,  as  aforesaid,  to  fight  with  more 
advantage  (as  he  took  it),  with  his  foot  in  the  downs ;  or  to 
avoid  the  shot  of  our  ordnance  (for  he  could  not  be  so  care- 
less as  to  be  surprised  with  the  tide,  and  so  be  driven  to  this 
sudden  change) — put  all  his  forces,  as  well  horse  as  foot,  into 
the  downs ;  which  horse  crossed  to  the  green  way  betwixt 
the  lowlands  and  the  downs. 

All  our  horsemen  stood  with  our  Rereward.  Hereupon 
our  Vanguard  altering  order,  our  Battle  and  Rereward 
passed  into  the  downs,  and  (in  the  same  distances,  backward 
and  sidewards,  as  they  had  been  on  the  sands  on  my  left 
hand  before)  ranged  themselves.  So  as  the  front  of  the 
three  bodies  of  foot  filled  the  breadth  of  the  downs :  all  the 
horsemen  being  placed  on  the  green  way  betwixt  the  lowland 
and  the  foot  of  the  downs ;  not  in  any  large  front,  but 
[echeloned]  one  in  the  tail  of  another,  as  the  narrowness  of 
the  passage  enforced. 

I  found  a  fit  place  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  from  whence  the 
green  way  on  the  inside  of  the  downs  might  be  commanded 
with  ordnance;  on  which,  by  the  Count  Maurice  his  order, 
two  demi-cannon  were  presently  mounted. 

The  enemy  growing  very  near,  I  told  the  Count  "  It  was 
time  for  me  to  go  to  my  charge;"  asking  him,  "  Whether  he 
would  command  me  any  more  service." 

He  said,  "  No  !  but  to  do  as  I  saw  cause."  Willing  us 
the  Chiefs  that  stood  about  him,  to  advise  him  in  what  part 
of  the  army  he  should  be  personally  ?  Whereunto,  we  all 
answered,  that  for  many  reasons,  he  was  to  keep  in  the 
rearward  of  all :  which  he  yielded  unto. 

So  I  went  to  the  Vanguard,  and  after  I  had  viewed  the 
readiness  and  order  of  the  several  troops,  the  enemy  now 
appearing  at  hand ;  I  (the  better  to  discover  their  proceed- 
ings, and  for  the  readier  direction  upon  all  occasions,  as  also 


154    Advance  of  the  Spanish  skirmishers.  [^''J 


F.  Vere. 

1606. 


with  my  presence  to  encourage  our  men  in  the  abiding  of  the 
first  brunt),  took  my  place  in  the  top  of  the  foremost  hill 
before  mentioned.  Where  I  resolved  to  abide  the  issue  of 
that  day's  service,  as  well  because  the  advantages  of  the 
ground  we  had  chosen  were  [favourable]  to  stand  upon  the 
defence ;  as  also  for  that,  in  that  uneven  ground,  to  stir  from 
place  to  place  (as  is  usual  and  necessary  in  the  execution 
and  performance  of  the  office  of  a  Captain,  where  the  country 
is  open  and  plain),  I  should  not  only  have  lost  the  view  of 
the  enemy  (upon  whose  motions,  in  such  cases,  our  counsels 
of  execution  depend),  but  of  my  troops,  and  they  of  me  ; 
which  must  needs  have  caused  many  unreasonable  and 
confused  commandments. 

The  enemy's  Forlorn  Hope  of  harquebussiers,  having  got 
to  the  tops  of  the  hills  and  places  of  most  advantage,  on  the 
other  side  of  this  bottom  before  mentioned,  began  from 
thence  to  shoot  at  us,  whilst  their  Vanguard  approached  : 
which  now  growing  near  at  hand,  500  Spanish  Pikes  and 
Shot  mingled,  without  ensigns  or  precise  order,  gave  upon 
the  place  where  myself  was,  and  very  obstinately,  for  the 
space  of  a  great  half-hour,  laboured  to  enter  and  force  it ; 
favoured  [covered]  with  more  store  of  Shot  from  the  tops  of 
their  hills,  the  gross  of  their  Vanguard  standing  in  some 
covert  from  the  Shot  with  me,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
bottom. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Vanguard  of  their  horse  advanced 
along  the  green  way  (so  often  mentioned)  betwixt  the  low 
inland  and  the  downs,  towards  our  horse  that  stood  more 
backward  against  the  flank  of  our  Battle.  Our  two  pieces  of 
ordnance  were  discharged  from  the  top  of  the  hill  to  good 
effect  and  well  plied ;  and  when  they  came  nearer,  and 
thwart  our  right  flank,  the  500  Prison  musketeers  (who,  as 
I  have  before  said,  were  destined  to  bestow  their  shot  that 
way)  did  their  part,  and  so  galled  them,  that,  upon  the  first 
proffer  of  a  charge  which  our  horsemen  made,  they  were  put 
into  a  disordered  retreat,  even  to  their  troops  of  foot  :  our 
horsemen  following  them  in  the  tail ;  who  were  fain,  there,  to 
give  them  over.  At  the  same  instant,  I  gave  orders  that  a 
100  men  should  be  sent  from  the  foremost  troop  of  foot  I 
had  laid,  as  aforesaid,  in  the  downs,  to  have  given  upon  the  left 
[?  right]  flank  of  the  enemy,  if  he  attempted  to  pass  by  us  upon 


Sir  F. 


ye'g]  Terrible  conflict  against  great  odds.    155 


the  sands  ;  and  as  covertly  as  they  could  to  approach  and 
give  upon  the  right  flank  of  those  that  were  in  fight  with  me. 

When  they  were  come  up,  and  at  hands  with  the  enemy  ; 
I  sent  from  the  hill  where  I  was,  by  a  hollow  descent,  some 
60  men  to  charge  them  in  front ;  which  amazed  the  enemy, 
and  put  them  to  run,  our  men  chasing  and  killing  them  till 
they  had  passed  the  bottom,  and  came  to  the  gross  of  their 
Vanguard  :  from  which  were  disbanded  anew,  the  like  num- 
ber [500J  as  before,  who  followed  our  men,  and  seized  on 
some  heights  that  were  in  the  bottom  somewhat  near  us, 
covering  their  Pikes  under  the  shadow  of  the  hills,  and  play- 
ing with  the  Shot,  from  the  tops,  upon  our  disbanded  and 
skirmishing  men. 

I  sent  to  drive  them  from  thence,  being  loth  they  should 
gain  ground  upon  us,  one  of  the  same  troops,  from  whence  I 
had  drawn  the  100  men  before  mentioned,  with  orders  only  to 
make  that  place  good. 

This  was  a  bloody  morsel  that  we  strove  for.  For  whilst 
our  men  and  theirs  were  not  covered  with  the  hanging  of  the 
hills ;  as  they  advanced  or  were  chased,  they  lay  open  to  the 
shot,  not  only  of  those  that  were  possessed  of  those  little  hills, 
but  also  of  the  others  higher  which  poured  in  greater  tem- 
pests upon  them:  so  as  the  soldiers  that  I  sent  hasted,  as  for 
their  safety, to  get  the  .  ,  .  side  of  the  hill;  and  the  enemy,  for 
like  respect,  abode  their  coming  with  resolution.  So  as,  in 
an  instant  (as  the  hill  was  round  and  mountable),  the  men 
came  to  handiblows,  upon  the  whole  semicircle  of  it,  with 
much  slaughter  on  both  sides  ;  till  in  the  end,  the  enemy 
was  forced  to  retire. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Battle  of  the  enemy's  foot  were 
come  up  to  the  gross  of  the  Vanguard  :  which  as  it  had 
taken  the  right  hand  of  the  downs  so  did  the  Battle,  with 
some  distance  between  them,  though  even  in  front.  Having 
been  well  welcomed  with  our  Shot  from  the  tops  of  the  hills  ; 
the  Battle  stayed  in  as  good  covert  as  the  place  would  afford, 
sending  fresh  men  to  beat  ours  from  those  grounds  of  advan- 
tage in  the  bottom  ;  so  as,  ours  beginning  to  give  back,  I 
sent  a  new  supply  to  make  good  the  place  in  this  bottom  ; 
sometimes  getting,  and  sometimes  losing  ground. 

The  fight  was  still  maintained  with  new  supplies  on  both 
sides.      Wherein    I    persevered,  though  with    loss  of    men 


156  The  fight  maintained  for  a  time.  [^VI 


Veie. 
606. 


because  the  advantage  the  ground  gave  me  to  beat  as  well 
upon  their  gross  as  on  their  loose  fighting  men,  made  the 
loss  far  greater  on  their  side  :  my  design  being  to  engage 
their  whole  force  upon  my  handful  of  men,  which  I  employed 
sparingly  and  by  piece-meal ;  and  so  to  spend  and  waste  the 
enemy,  that  they  should  not  be  able  to  abide  the  sight  of  our 
other  troops,  when  they  advanced. 

The  horsemen  of  their  Battle  and  ours  encountered,  but 
somewhat  more  advanced  towards  the  enemy  (our  men 
having  gotten  courage  wdth  the  first  success),  so  as  our  fore- 
mentioned  Prison  musketeers  could  not  so  well  favour  [cover] 
them.  Our  horsemen  being  put  to  retreat;  the  enemy  in  the 
pursuit,  being  saluted  by  them  [the  Frisons],  were  stopped  and 
drew  back. 

Their  Rereward,  having  now  come  up,  even  with  their  two 
bodies  (for  so  I  term  them,  because  their  Ensigns  [colotirs] 
remain  together  ;  though  most  of  the  men  were  drawn  from 
them  and  in  fight,  and  the  Ensigns  barely  attended),  ad- 
vanced on  the  left  hand  of  the  Battle  :  and  spreading  the 
breadth  of  the  downs,  they  were  to  my  troops  rather  on  the 
corner  of  the  right  flank  than  afront ;  and  our  Battle  and 
Rereward  upon  which  they  directly  fronted,  were  a  musket 
shot  behind  my  troops,  towards  which  it  seemed  they 
intended  to  advance. 

First,  we  gave  as  much  [fire]  to  them  as  we  could  spare, 
from  our  hills  :  but  when  they  began  to  open  [cojiie  within 
sight  of]  upon  my  Prison  musketeers  (which,  as  before  is 
said,  could  only  bestow  their  shot  on  our  right  flank ;  and 
till  that  time,  had  done  no  service  but  against  their  horse), 
they  were  exceedingly  galled,  so  as  they  stayed  suddenly  :  and 
amazed,  or  ashamed  to  go  back  seeing  none  to  chase  them,  in 
a  bottom  of  some  small  covert,  bestowed  themselves;  sending 
out  some  skirmishers  along  the  southermost  parts  of  the 
downs,  against  which  some  loose  men  were  sent  from  our 
bodies.  But  our  musketeers  that  shot,  standing  and  without 
fear,  from  their  rests,  galled  them  most. 

The  horsemen  of  the  Rereward  shewed  themselves  on  both 
sides.  Some  little  bickering  there  was,  and  so  they  retired 
out  of  the  footmen's  reach. 

This  was  a  strange  and  unusual  sight.  Por,  whereas  most 
commonly  in  battles  the  success  of  the  foot  dependeth  upon 


^V'TeosG  Sir  F.  Vere  receives  four  wounds.     157 

that  of  the  horse  ;  here,  it  was  clean  contrary  :  for  so  long 
as  the  foot  held  good,  the  horse  could  not  be  beaten  out  of 
the  field;  though,  as  it  fell  out,  they  might  be  chased  to 
them. 

All  this  while,  the  fight  continued,  without  intermission, 
hotter  and  hotter,  betwixt  the  two  other  troops  [the  Archduke's 
Vanguard  and  Battle]  of  the  enemy  and  me  :  both  of  us  send- 
ing fresh  supplies,  as  occasion  required,  to  sustain  the  fight. 
Insomuch  as  the  whole  of  the  English  troops  [1,600 — 250  = 
i>350  men]  were  engaged  to  a  hand  fight  in  the  foresaid 
bottom,  saving  those  few  [250]  that  were  placed  on  the  hills  : 
and  on  the  enemy's  part  also,  few  were  idle. 

And  now,  I  saw  was  the  time  to  give  the  enemy  a  deadly 
blow  :  his  grosses  [main  bodies]  being  disbanded,  as  well  in 
occupying  places  of  height  and  advantage  to  annoy  us,  as  by 
those  that  were  sent  to  dispute  the  places  in  question.  For 
their  only  strength  now  consisted  in  their  loose  men  :  which 
any  few  horse  charging  on  a  sudden  in  that  bottom,  would 
have  put  to  flight  ;  and  they  being  followed  pesle-mesle  [pell 
mell]  with  our  foot,  would  never  have  had  means  to  have 
rallied  and  gathered  themselves  together  again.  On  the  other 
side,  I  knew  that  without  further  succours,  their  numbers 
would  weary  and  eat  us  up  in  the  end. 

I  therefore  at  once  sent  to  the  [2,000]  Frison  footmen  of  the 
Vanguard  to  advance  ;  and  to  the  Count  Maurice,  to  tell  him 
how  things  stood,  and  to  desire  him  to  send  me  part  of  the 
horse  of  the  Battle.  And  because  I  saw  the  enemy  press 
and  gain  upon  our  men  more  and  more,  I  sent  again  mes- 
senger upon  messenger. 

In  the  meantime,  to  give  our  men  the  more  courage,  I 
went  into  the  bottom  amongst  them,  where  riding  up  and 
down,  I  was  in  their  eyes  both  doing  the  office  of  a  Captain 
and  soldier  :  and  with  much  ado,  we  entertained  the  fight, 
though  the  enemy  encroached  and  got  upon  us. 

At  my  first  coming  [i.e.,  unto  the  bottom]^  I  got  one  shot 
through  my  leg,  and  a  quarter  of  an  hour  after,  another 
through  the  same  thigh  ;  which  I  then,  neither  complained 
nor  bragged  of,  nor  so  much  as  thought  of  a  chirurgeon 
[surgeon] :  for  I  knew,  if  I  left  the  place,  my  men  would 
instantly  quail.  I  therefore  chose,  not  having  been  used  to 
have  my  troops  foiled,  to  try  the  uttermost,  rather  than  to 


158  The  English  foot  driven  back  ;  but  rally.  [  f  y; 


ere. 

606. 


shew  them  the  way  to  flee  :  hoping  still  for  the  coming  of 
the  Prisons  and  the  horse  I  sent  for. 

But  their  haste  was  so  small,  that  my  men  [i.e.,  those  in  the 
bottom],  overlaid  with  numbers,  forsook  the  place,  notwith- 
standing my  best  efforts  to  stay  them ;  hasting  along  the 
sands,  towards  our  cannon ;  the  enemy  following  them  hard. 

I  was  forced,  seeing  them  all  going,  to  go  for  company, 
with  the  last ;  uneasily  and  unwillingly,  GOD  knows  !  and 
in  the  way,  my  horse  fell  dead  under  me  and  upon  me,  that 
I  could  not  stir. 

I  had  neither  Officer,  Gentleman,  nor  servant  about  me,  to 
give  me  help.  Sir  Robert  Drury  by  chance  came  ;  and  a 
Gentleman,  being  a  servant  of  his,  called  Higham  [see  p.  136], 
drew  me  from  under  the  horse,  and  set  me  up  behind  his 
master ;  which  help  came  very  seasonably,  for  the  enemy 
being  near  at  hand  when  I  fell,  by  this  means,  I  was  saved 
out  of  their  clutches. 

Thus  I  rode  to  the  ordnance,  where  I  found  my  brother 
Horace  [afterwards  Lord  Verb]  and  the  most  of  the 
Officers  that  were  living,  with  some  300  [?  English]  foot. 

I  made  them  stand  from  before  the  ordnance,  and  willed 
the  canoneers  to  discharge  upon  the  enemy  that  now 
swarmed  upon  the  sands. 

At  the  same  instant,  my  own  company  of  horse  and 
Captain  Ball's  coming  thither ;  I  willed  them  to  go  to  the 
charge ;  and  my  brother  with  the  foot  to  advance  and  second 
them  home. 

This  small  number  of  horse  and  foot  made  an  exceeding 
great  change  on  a  sudden.  For  the  enemy  in  hope  of 
victory,  followed  hard  ;  and  being  upon  the  sands,  where 
horse  might  serve  upon  them,  were  soon  routed  and  most 
of  them  cut  in  pieces  ;  the  rest  saving  themselves  by  flight 
as  they  could,  in  the  downs.  Our  men,  both  horse  and 
foot,  followed  them. 

Their  Battles,  where  their  Ensigns  remained,  began  to  stir 
and  rouse  themselves  ;  rather  for  defence  than  to  revenge 
themselves  :  for  they  advanced  not. 

Our  men,  from  the  top  of  the  hills,  who  had  kept  their 
places  from  the  beginning,  having  by  this  means,  a  fair  mark, 
plied  them  with  shot.  Our  English  soldiers,  on  all  hands, 
with  new  courage  resorted  to  the  fight ;  and  finding  these 


^''?^'T6o6:]  800  OUT  OF  1,600  English  killed  or  hurt.  159 

Battles  very  small  and  thin  (by  reason  of  the  men  they  had 
sent  to  supply  the  fight ;  especially  of  Shot,  which  in  these 
uneven  places  were  of  most  service),  pelted  them  with  our 
shot,  and  pressed  upon  them  to  make  them  recule. 

The  Count  Maurice,  seeing  things  on  these  terms,  caused 
the  Battle  to  advance,  and  his  horsemen  to  make  a  proffer 
upon  the  enemies.  Upon  which  sight,  without  attending 
any  strokes,  the  enemy  routed,  and  was  chased  out  of  the 
field. 


In  this  Last  Charge,  I  followed  not.  [See  Sir  John  Ogle's 
account  of  it  at  pp.  136-139.]  For  seeing  the  success  upon  the 
sands,  and  knowing  that  my  directions  in  the  prosecution  of 
the  victory  would  be  executed  ;  I  could  easily  judge  that  the 
work  of  that  day  was  at  an  end.  And  therefore  I  began  to 
care  and  provide  for  myself:  who,  all  this  while  had  been 
undressed,  the  blood  leaking  from  me  at  four  holes :  which, 
together  with  a  dangerous  disease  that  had  long  held  me, 
had  made  me  extremely  weak  and  faint. 

The  enemy  lost  above  120  Ensigns  [colours].  Most  of  his 
foot  were  slain  :  but  not  many  of  his  horse  lost. 

On  our  side,  in  a  manner,  the  whole  loss  fell  upon  the 
English  ;  of  whom,  nearly  800  were  hurt  or  slain.  Eight 
[English]  Captains  were  slain ;  of  the  rest,  all  but  two  were 
hurt,  and  most  of  my  inferior  officers  were  hurt  or  slain. 

In  the  rest  of  the  army,  there  was  no  loss  at  all,  to  speak 
of;  especially  among  the  foot. 

I  dare  not  take  the  whole  honour  of  the  victory  to  the 
poor  English  troop  of  1,600  men  ;  but  leave  it  to  be  judged 
by  those  that  may  give  their  censure,  with  less  suspicion  of 
partiality. 

I  will  only  affirm  that  they  left  nothing  for  the  rest  of  the 
army  to  do,  but  to  follow  the  chase :  and  that  it  hath  not 
been  heard  of,  that,  by  so  small  a  number,  in  a  ground  so 
indifferent,  whereof  the  only  advantage  was  the  choice  and 
use  of  the  same,  without  help  of  spade  or  other  instrument 
or  engine  of  fortifying,  so  great  and  so  victorious  an  army  as 
the  Archduke's,  had  been  so  long  wrestled  withal,  and  so  far 
spent. 

Yet  this  victory  had  been  as  assured  with   less  loss,  and 


i6o  The  battle  might  have  been  easier  won.  [^YTeoe 

touch  of  reproach  (if  to  give  ground  to  a  stronger  may  be 
subject  to  a  disgraceful  imputation),  had  the  succours  of 
horse  or  the  foot  I  called  for,  come  sooner  to  us  :  wherein  I 
will  charge  and  accuse  none,  but  the  messengers  of  their 
slackness. 


i6i 


An  account  of  the  Last  Charge  at 
Nieuport  battle^ 

by  Sir  J  o  H  N    Ogle,  Lieutenant-Colonel 

to  Sir   Francis  Vere. 


He  English,  in'Jio,  as  that  great  Captain  Sir 
Francis  Vere  well  noteth,  had  borne  the 
bnrthen  of  the  day  {overlaid  with  numbers 
and  ivearied  with  fight,  their  succour  not 
coming  to  them  in.  time),  were  forced  to  retire 
themselves  in  such  order  as  they  could,  from 
the  downs  to  the  strand  :  where  meeting,  but  too 
late,  with  the  [2,000]  Prisons ;  they,  likegcod 
fellows,  to  keep  us  company  [!]  turned  all  fairly  back  again  w.th 
us,  and  so  we  both  marched  away  together  in  one  confused  troop. 

Some  loose  horsemen  of  the  enemy  came  up  close  to  us,  and 
killed  of  our  men,  thrusting  divers  of  them,  with  their  rapiers, 
under  their  armour,  in  at  their  backs. 

Their  foot  followed  leisurely,  and  were  aloof,  as  not  knowing 
how  suddenly  we  might  turn  and  make  head  again  ;  for  our  men 
kept  both  their  arms,  and  in  troop  :  which  Sir  FRANCIS  Vere, 
upon  occasion  given  by  some  speeches  of  mine,  noted  to  me  for  a 
good  sign. 

Neither  was  our  retreat  or  the  enemy's  pursuit  of  any  extra- 
ordinary swift  pace;  as  may  be  easily  gathered  by  the  consider- 
ation both  of  their  and  our  motions.  For  we  had  the  leisure, 
though  I  confess  not  without  danger,  to  pluck  our  Captain  from 
under  his  horse,   and  mount  him  again   behind  another,  as  he 


i62    Sir  John  Ogle  rallies  the   English.  [^V"?f]o! 

himself  hath  told  in  his  own  Relation  [p.  132] ;  wherein  I  cannot  but 
wonder  that  it  pleased  him  not  to  make  any  mention  of  me  as  well 
as  HiGHAM ;  since  his  blood,  which  remained  on  my  clofJies  so 
long  after  as  I  thought  fit  to  wear  them,  witnessed  clearly  that  I 
could  not  be  far  from  him  when  that  office  that  came  so  "  season- 
ably "  and  in  so  good  a  time,  as  he  saith,  was  performed  unto 
him. 

In  this  retreat  of  ours,  there  wanted  no  persuasions,  as  well  by 
Sir  Francis  Verb  himself  as  some  others,  to  move  our  men 
to  stand  and  turn  :  for  we  saw  a  kind  of  faintness  and  irresolu- 
tion, even  in  those  that  pursued  us  nearest.  And  it  is  certain  {if 
we  may  call  anything  certain  whose  effects  we  have  not  yet  seen) 
that  if  then  we  had  turned  and  stood,  we  had  prevented  that 
Storm  of  Fortune,  wherein  we  were  after  threatened ;  at  least,  we 
had  saved  many  of  our  men's  lives.  But  such  apprehensions  of 
fear  and  amazement  had  laid  hold  of  their  spirits,  as  no  persuasion 
could,  for  that  time,  get  any  place  with  them. 

Sir  Francis  Verb  with  his  troop  formerly  mentioned  [p.  132] 
took  his  way  towards  the  cannon,  along  the  sands  :  where  he,  by 
his  chirurgeon  ;  they,  by  their  fellows,  might  hope  of  succour. 

I  being  faint  and  weary  through  heat  and  much  stirring,  took 
some  few  with  me,  and  crossed  into  the  downs;  there  awhile  to  rest 
me,  till  I  should  see  how  the  succeeding  events  woidd  teach  to 
dispose  of  myself,  either  by  direction  or  adventure. 

I  was  no  sooner  come  thither  [in  the  downs],  but  I  met  with 
Captain  [Charles]  Fairfax  [brother  of  Edward  Fairfax 
the  Poet],  and  yoimg  Master  Gilbert  {who  soon  after  was  slain 
near  unto  us).  There  we  considted  what  we  shoidd  do.  But  the 
time  and  place  affording  no  long  deliberation,  taught  us  to  resolve 
that  the  best  expedient  for  our  safety  was  to  endeavour  the  speedy 
increase  of  the  little  number  which  we  had  with  us.  I  think 
they  were  30  men.  Having  brought  which  to  a  reasonable 
competency;  our  further  purpose  was  to  give  a  charge  when  we 
shoidd  find  it  most  expedient,  that  so,  with  our  honours,  we  might 
put  an  end  to  those  uncertainties,  the  fortune  of  the  day  had,  to 
our  judgements,  then  thrown  upon  us. 

It  was  not  long  ere  that  our  little  body  was  multiplied  to  better  than 
100  men.  For  the  loose  and  scattered  began,  of  themselves,  with- 
out labour,  to  rally  unto  us.  So  much  prevails  Union  even  in  a 
little  body  :  for  whilst  to  it  the  broken  and  disbanded  ones  do 
willingly  offer  themselves  for  safety  and  protection ;  they  them- 


^"?"^'  °f!o.]  The  Last  C  ii  a  r  g  e  a  t  N  i  e  u  p  o  r  t.    i  63 

selves,  by  adding  of  strength  to  that  body,  not  only  increase  the 
number  thereof,  but  do  give  and  take  the  greater  security  to  them- 
selves and  others. 

We  were,  all  this  while,  within  less  than  a  musket  shot  of  a 
gross  [brigade]  of  the  enemy,  which  stood  in  a  hollow  or  bottom 
within  the  downs  :  the  hills  about  it,  giving  good  shelter  against 
the  drops  of  our  shot ;  for  the  showers  [volleys]  of  them,  as  also 
of  the  enemy's,  were  spent  and  fallen  before.  But  neither  were 
the  hills  so  high,  nor  so  steep,  that  they  could  forbid  entry  and 
commodious  passage  of  charging,  either  to  our  horse  or  foot. 

The  gross  had  not  many  wanting  of  2,000  men  in  it;  and 
spying,  as  it  should  seem,  our  little  handful  {which  at  the  first  they 
mi gJit  per  adventure  neglect  or  contemn  in  regard  it  was  so  small 
a  number)  now  begin  to  gather  some  bulk  and  strength,  thought  it 
not  unfit  to  prevent  a  further  growth  :  and  to  this  end,  sent  out 
150  men  with  colours  [i.e.,  footmen],  closely  and  covertly  as  they 
could,  along  the  skirt  of  the  downs,  next  the  inland  and  southward, 
with  purpose  to  charge  on  the  flank  or  back  of  us ;  which  they 
might  very  conveniently  do,  as  we  then  stood. 

These  men  advanced  very  nigh  us,  ere  we  descried  them  :  when, 
la,  just  tcpon  the  time  of  their  discovery  and  of  our  men  being 
ready  to  fall  upon  them,  comes  Sir  HORACE  Verb  on  horseback 
from  the  strand  (it  shoidd  seem  from  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy, 
whom  the  horse  had  scattered,  mentioned  by  his  brother  Sir 
Francis  Verb  [p.  132]),  with  a  troop  of  some  200  [foot]  men, 
marching  along  the  downs  towards  us. 

In  this  troop,  there  were  with  him.  Captain  SuTTON ;  his  [Sir 
Horace's]  own  Lieutenant  Colonel,  Lowell,  that  commanded 
Sir  Francis  Verb's  foot  company ;  and  some  Lieutenants. 
Morgan  also  came  to  us,  about  the  same  time  that  Fairfax  and 
I  [with  the  100  foot]  joined  unto  him.  And  these  were  the 
Officers  that  were  afoot  in  the  Last  Charge. 

The  disbanded  troops  [the  above  150  men]  of  the  enemy, 
seeing  us  strengthened  with  such  supplies,  thought  it  their  fittest 
course  to  hasten  them  [back]  the  same  way  they  came  forth  tow<irds 
us. 

Captain  Fairfax  and  I  would  have  charged  :  but  Sir  Horace 
Verb  willed  us  to  join  our  troops  [evidently  both  were  foot- 
men] with  his;  and  said  we  should  go  together  and  give  one 
good  charge  for  all,  upon  that  great  troop  which  we  saw  stood  firm 
before  us. 


164  The  Cavalry  join   in  the   Charge,  p/^foi: 

We  had  now  with  us,  our  troops  being  joined,  about  some  five 
Ensigns  [=  about  350  footmen],  amongst  which,  was  mine 
oivn;  which,  after,  was  lost  in  the  Charge,  hut  recovered  again  by 
my  Officer. 

The  vigilant  and  judicious  eye  of  His  Excellency  Prince 
Maurice  was,  it  should  seem,  upon  our  actions  and  motions  all 
this  while.  For,  as  I  have  been  informed,  he  seeing  us  make 
head,  said  to  those  that  stood  about  him,  Voyez  !  voyez  les 
Anglais  !  qui  tournent  a  la  charge  !  and  thereupon  gave  present 
order  to  Dubois,  then  Commissary  General  for  the  Cavalry,  to 
advance  some  of  the  horse,  to  be  ready  to  attend  and  fortify  the 
events  that  might  liappen  upon  this  growing  Charge.  This  I  have 
not  of  knowledge  ;  but  from  such  hands  as  it  were  ill  beseeming 
me,  or  any  man,  to  question  the  credit  of  one  of  that  rank,  quality, 
and  reputation. 

Our  troop  now,  and  the  disbanded  troop  of  the  enemy  nmrched 
both  towards  this  gross,  almost  with  equal  pace,  saving  that  their 
haste  was  a  little  greater  according  to  the  proportion  of  their 
danger  if  they  had  fallen  into  our  clutches,  being  then  too  strong 
for  them,  ere  they  recovered  the  shelter  of  their  own  gross. 

Yet  such  haste,  they  could  not  make,  but  that  we  were  with 
them  before  they  had  wholly  cast  themselves  into  their  friends' 
arms:  who  opening  to  receive  them,  facilitated  not  a  little  the  passage 
of  our  Charge,  as  we  then  fell  in  pesle  mesle  together  amongst 
them. 

Much  about  this  time,  came  in  the  horse,  viz.,  the  troops  of  [Sir 
Francis]  Verb,  [Sir  Edward]  Cecil,  and  [Captain]  Ball, 
[see  p.  132] ;  who  rushing  in  with  violence  amongst  them,  so  con- 
founded and  amazed  them,  that  they  were  presently  broken  and 
disjointed  :  which  being  done,  the  slaughter  was  as  great  to  them 
on  their  side,  as  the  execution  was  easy  to  us  on  ours. 

This  rupture  also  of  theirs  was  not  a  little  furthered  by  the 
Archduke's  own  troop  of  Harquebussiers  ;  which  having  advanced 
somewhat  before  this  gross  on  the  skirt  which  lay  between  the  in- 
land and  the  higher  downs,  was  so  encountered  by  Cecil  and  his 
troop  (who  had  as  then  received  orders,  by  Dubois,  from  his 
Excellency,  to  charge)  that  they  were  forced,  with  confusion  to 
seek  succour  amongst  their  foot :  Cecil  following  them  in  close  at 
their  backs. 

Verb  and  Ball,  as  I  take  it,  charged  at  the  front,  by  us ; 
having  crossed  into   the  downs  from  the  sands  and  north  side 


Sir  J.  Ogle.-l 
?      1610.J 


This    Charge    wins   the    day.      i 65 


towards  the  sea.  It  should  seem  that  having  broken  and  scattered 
the  enemy,  who,  as  Sir  FRANCIS  Vere  himself  relateth,  were  by 
them  driven  into  the  downs  [p.  132] ;  and  seeing  Sir  Horace  Vere 
also  to  have  taken  his  way  thither :  they  thought  it  perhaps  con- 
venient to  hover  thereabouts,  and  to  hold  an  eye  upon  our  and  the 
enemy's  actions ;  the  rather  because  they  might  discern  Sir 
Horace  Vere  now  making  a  new  head.  And  so  seeing  us 
charge,  charged  also  with  ns :  which  was  not  disagreeable  to  the 
first  directions  given  and  mentioned  by  Sir  Francis  Vere. 

And  this,  by  all  probable  conjecture,  must  also  be  the  cause  why 
Sir  Francis  Vere,  in  his  discourse,  maketh  no  mcnticn  of  Sir 
Edward  Cecil.  For  he  not  having  his  direction  from  him  to 
charge,  but  from  his  Excellency,  as  himself  [Cecil]  hath  told 
me;  Sir  Francis  Vere  {being  ignorant  thereof;  and  himself 
likewise  not  at  the  Charge  in  person,  wJiereby  he  might  take  notice 
of  any  man's  presence)  would  not,  as  appears,  expose  himself  to 
interpretations,  by  making  any  further  relation  touching  particulars, 
than  what  might  receive  credit  either  from  his  own  eyes  or 
commandments. 

This  Charge,  through  the  hand  and  favour  of  GOD,  gave  us 
the  day.  What  followed  is  before  already  set  down  by  that  great 
and  worthy  Captain,  Sir  FRANCIS  Vere. 


i66 


The   Siege  of  Oste?td, 

N  THE  year  of  our  Lord  1601,  the  States, 
resolving  to  send  their  army,  or  a  good  part 
thereof,  into  Flanders,  to  take  those  forts  the 
enemy  held  about  Ostend,  and  by  that  means 
to  open  the  passage  into  that  country,  for  the 
greater  annoyance  thereof,  made  choice  of 
myself,  though  far  unfit  and  unworthy  of  so 
great  a  charge,  to  command  the  said  forces 
as  General.  Of  which  intent,  I  had  first  but  only  an  inkling 
given  me ;  and  was  by  some  principal  persons  of  the  State 
encouraged  to  accept  the  same,  and  to  take  upon  me  a 
journey  into  England  to  inform  Her  Majesty  of  that  purpose; 
and,  with  all  the  necessary  circumstances,  to  frame  her  liking 
to  the  enterprise,  and  to  induce  her  to  the  yielding  of  the 
succour  of  3,000  of  her  subjects,  to  be  levied,  transported, 
and  paid,  at  their  own  charge,  and  to  be  in  the  Low  Countries 
by  the  loth  of  May.  With  these  special  instructions  for  the 
manner  of  the  enterprise  : 

That  for  the  better  diversion  of  the  enemy's  forces  from  the 
quarter  of  Flanders,  the  Count  Maurice  should,  with  the 
first  season  of  the  year,  march  towards  Berg  upon  Rhine 
[Rheinberg] ;  and  to  make  shew  as  if  he  would,  but  not  to 
engage  his  forces  in  the  siege  of  that  town  no  otherwise  but 
that  a  good  part  thereof,  especially  the  English,  might  be 
sent  towards  Ostend,  upon  the  first  summons.  Which  to- 
gether with  2,000  soldiers  to  be  levied  out  of  the  garrisons  of 
Holland  and  Zealand,  and  the  3,000  they  made  account  of 
out  of  England,  should,  on  a  sudden,  be  transported  into 
Flanders  for  the  said  enterprise. 


Sir  F.  Vere 
?      1606, 


:;]     The  Archduke  besieges  Ostend.       167 


With  this  errand,  I  passed  into  England,  delivered  the 
whole  plot  to  Her  Majesty,  who  liked  and  allowed  thereof, 
and  with  some  difficulty,  as  her  manner  was,  granted  the 
men  to  be  levied  and  transported  in  ten  days'  warning.  For 
so  the  States  desired,  lest  the  overtimely  stirring  of  them 
before  their  other  troops  were  landed  in  Flanders,  might  give 
the  enemy  an  alarm,  to  the  difficulting  of  the  enterprise. 
Willing  me,  the  grant  obtained,  to  hasten  over  [back]. 

Before  my  coming  into  the  Low  Countries,  the  Count 
Maurice  was  marched  towards  Berg ;  and  the  enemy,  that 
had  long  threatened  to  besiege  Ostend,  with  a  good  part  of 
his  forces,  was  set  down  before  that  town  :  so  that  it  was 
now  question  rather  of  defending,  than  of  gaining  more  footing 
in  that  quarter. 

The  States  therefore  dealt  with  me,  to  take  upon  me  the 
charge  of  the  place,  for  which  they  gave  me  Commission,  not 
as  Governor,  but  as  "  General  of  the  Army  employed  in  and 
about  Ostend,"  with  very  ample  powers,  as  aforesaid  :  whereof 
I  accepted. 

And  they  forthwith  gave  orders  to  the  Count  Maurice,  to 
send  into  Holland  the  20  English  companies  he  then  had  in 
the  army.     With  which  troops,  I  was  to  go  into  Ostend. 

At  the  first,  he  made  some  difficulty  to  send  any,  having 
engaged  himself  in  the  siege  of  Berg,  his  works  for  the  defence 
of  the  Quarter  [forces  covering  the  siege]  not  being  finished,  and 
the  enemy  gathering  head  in  Brabant,  to  succour  and  relieve 
that  town  :  in  the  end,  with  importunity,  he  sent  eight 
companies;  with  which,  my  brother  [5zV  if  Oi?^C£;  Ffii^E]  came. 

With  these,  being  by  the  States  put  in  good  hope  the  rest 
should  follow,  and  that  I  should  be  liberally  supplied  with 
forces,  ammunition,  and  all  necessaries  for  such  a  service :  I 
went  into  the  town,  and  landed,  as  I  take  it,  the  nth  of 
July,  1601,  on  the  sands  against  the  middle  of  the  Old  Town. 

The  enemy  commanded  the  haven,  so  as  there  was  no 
entering  by  it ;  and  the  use  of  the  [river]  Geule  was  not  then 
known :  and  this  place  I  landed  at,  was  to  be  subject  to 
their  ordnance ;  and  the  seege  [rolling]  of  the  sea  such  that 
no  shipping  could  lie  there  unbroken. 

At  my  landing.  Monsieur  Vandernood,  the  Governor,  gave 
me  the  keys. 

In  the  town,  I  found  about  30  companies  of  Netherlanders, 


1 68       Description  of  its  Fortifications.     [_^''. 


F.  Vere. 
'      1606. 


which  made  1,600  or  1,700  men,  newly  divided  into  two 
regiments  ;  whereof  Monsieur  Vandernood  had  the  one,  and 
Monsieur  de  Utenburgh  had  the  other :  and  my  eight 
companies  might  make  800  men. 

The  enemy  had  30  pieces  of  cannon  placed  on  the  west 
side,  the  most  within  a  harquebuss  shot  off  the  town;  and  six 
on  the  east  side  :  with  which,  they  shot  much  into  the  town, 
and  did  great  harm  to  the  buildings  and  men.  Their  army 
was  judged  at  12,000  men.  The  three  parts  [thereof]  on  the 
west  side,  quartered  near  Albertus,  a  great-cannon  shot  from 
the  town  ;  were  commanded  by  the  Archduke  himself.  The 
other  part  were  quartered  upon  the  top  of  the  downs,  on  the 
east  side,  next  the  Geule. 

Those  of  the  town,  before  my  entrance  had  made  a  sally 
on  the  west  approaches  :  from  which  they  were  repulsed  with 
the  loss  of  300  men  slain  and  hurt. 

The  town,  to  the  land[ward]  was  well  flanked  and  high 
rampiered,  but  with  a  sandy  and  mouldered  [crumbling] 
earth. 

The  Old  Town,  supposed  free  from  battery,  was  rather 
strong  against  sudden  attempts  by  palisadoes  and  such  helps, 
than  by  rampire  and  flanks  [curtain  mid  side  bastions]  to  abide 
the  fury  of  the  ordnance  and  force  of  approach  :  which  not- 
withstanding was  held  to  be  the  strongest  part  of  the  town, 
as  well  for  the  reasons  abovesaid,  as  for  that  it  was  hemmed 
in  on  the  one  side  with  the  Geule  not  passable,  and  on  the 
other  with  the  haven  which  was  passable  only  some  four 
hours  in  a  tide. 

The  rest  of  the  town,  besides  the  ditch  which  was  broad 
and  deep,  was  environed  with  a  royal  counterscarp,  with 
ravelins  [half-moons]  of  good  capacity  and  defence  against  the 
cannon,  covering  all  the  Bulwarks  of  all  the  town  but  that 
which  they  called  the  Peckell  or  East  Bulwark  [bastion], 
which  needed  not  that  help,  as  lying  directly  upon  the  Geule, 
and  not  to  be  assailed  by  any  approach. 

Upon  the  south,  south-east,  and  south-west  of  the  town, 
there  is  a  plot  of  ground  in  the  manner  of  an  island,  environed 
on  the  east  side  with  the  Geule,  to  the  southward  with  a 
channel  that  runneth  into  the  Geule,  from  the  said  Geule 
directly  westward  into  the  river  that  (in  former  times,  passed 
through  the  Old  Haven ;  and)  now  had  his  course  in  the  furthest 


F.  Vere 
?    i6. 


:]  The  importance  of  the  Poulder  Bulwark.  169 


place  from  the  town  not  in  distance  above  a  harquebussshot : 
to  the  westward,  by  the  old  channel  of  the  said  river,  by 
which  it  passed  into  the  Haven  ;  which  was  now  separated 
from  the  ditch  of  the  Counterscarp  by  a  low  dam  near  the 
Poulder  Bulwark.  This  plot  of  ground,  covering  the  town, 
from  the  said  Bulwark  to  the  Spanish  Bulwark  which  lieth 
upon  the  Geule,  had,  upon  the  south-west  angle  (which  is 
where  the  channel  from  the  Geule  mingleth  with  that  of  the 
river  to  the  haven),  a  little  redoubt,  open  behind,  and  of  no 
force  to  resist  the  cannon. 

To  the  southward  of  this  Poulder  Bulwark,  the  country  is 
broken  by  many  creeks  not  passable  nor  habitable  for  an 
army,  but  by  forced  means;  and  in  spring  tides,  for  the  most 
part  overflown. 

On  the  west  side,  the  ground,  for  a  harquebuss  shot  from 
the  river  (that  runneth  due  west  from  the  said  Poulder),  lay 
low,  and  subject  to  the  like  overflowing  at  the  spring  tides  : 
but  all  the  waters  were  more  passable,  having  fewer  and 
shallower  creeks.  From  this  bottom,  the  ground  towards 
the  downs  goeth  higher. 

Betwixt  these  West  Downs  (which  near  the  town,  are 
more  low  and  level  than  the  East  ones)  and  the  Porcepic 
[Porcupine]  (which  is  a  Ravelin  in  the  Counterscarp  that 
closeth  the  New  Town  on  that  side,  by  which  the  Old  Haven 
passeth  into  the  town),  there  lieth  a  down  on  which  the  haven 
beateth  on  the  one  side,  and  the  water  of  the  ditch  of  the 
counterscarp  on  the  other  :  being  the  only  place,  about  that 
town,  by  which  an  approach  might  be  made  on  firm  ground 
to  the  wall  of  the  town,  and  which  therefore  was  held  the 
most  weak  and  dangerous  place. 

But  the  cutting  of  the  aforesaid  dam,  and  letting  the  sea- 
water  into  the  ditch  of  the  counterscarp  was  held  a  sure  and 
sufficient  means  to  prevent  the  enemy  on  that  side.  So  as 
indeed  nothing  was  so  much  to  be  doubted  [feared]  as  the 
enemy's  passing  into  this  piece  of  ground  before  mentioned, 
called  the  Poulder :  by  which  means,  he  might,  notwith- 
standing our  best  endeavour,  in  short  time,  drain  the  ditches 
of  the  counterscarp  and  the  town  ditch  ;  and  so,  make  his 
way  to  the  rampier. 

My  first  care  therefore  was  to  fortify  and  secure  the  said 
Poulder  against  the  enemy;  and  to  make  a  safe  place  for  our 


170  Vere  makes  two  new  havens  for  Ostend.  [ 


Sir  F.  Vere. 
1606. 


shipping  to  unlade  such  provisions  and  commodities  as,  from 
time  to  time,  should  be  brought  unto  us.  Which  I  readily 
and  easily  performed  by  opening  a  passage  in  the  counterscarp 
near  the  West  Poulder  of  the  Spanish  Ravelin  ;  by  which 
means,  the  water  from  the  Geule  flowed  into  the  town  ditch: 
in  which,  with  their  masts  stricken  down,  I  have  often  seen 
above  one  hundred  vessels  lie  safe  from  the  annoyance  of  the 
enemy's  great  shot.  Which  haven  though  the  entry  grew 
more  dangerous  by  the  enemy's  approaches,  which,  in  process 
of  time,  they,  with  much  cost,  labour,  and  art,  advanced,  for 
it  lay  within  the  high-water  mark  (on  which  they  raised  new 
batteries),  was  used,  during  the  siege,  as  the  better  inlet. 

Albeit  after,  to  avoid  the  great  harm  the  enemy  did  to  our 
shipping  at  their  going  out,  I  made  another  cut,  betwixt  the 
East  Ravelin  and  the  mount  called  the  Moses  Table,  look- 
ing northward  and  directly  into  the  sea  :  which  served  the 
turn,  and  saved  many  ships. 

When  my  twelve  companies  [of  English]  which  I  expected 
from  Berg,  were  arrived ;  I  began,  one  night,  to  entrench  a 
piece  of  ground  higher  and  firmer  than  the  rest  about  it, 
lying  nearer  to  the  low  dam  before  mentioned,  which  separated 
the  river  that  by  the  old  channel  had  passed  into  the  haven, 
from  the  ditch  of  the  counterscarp :  which  piece  of  ground, 
stretched  out  in  the  form  of  a  geometrical  oblique  or  oblong, 
towards  the  West  had  a  watered  ditch,  such  as  in  those  parts 
they  use  for  enclosures  [hedges]  :  and  the  whole  plot,  of 
continent  sufficient  to  receive  800  or  goo  men. 

This  field,  I  entrenched ;  taking  the  water  ditch  to 
advantage,  without  giving  it  any  other  form  usual  in  fortifi- 
cations ;  so  as,  for  the  form  and  seat,  it  was  called  the  West 
Square  :  because  the  westernmost  face  of  it  was  well  flanked 
from  the  West  Bulwark  and  the  West  Ravelin,  and  the  face 
south-west  from  the  angle  of  the  Poulder  where  the  channel 
of  the  Geule  and  the  channel  of  the  old  haven  met ;  but 
chiefly  to  hold  as  much  room  as  I  could. 

For  I  expecting  large  numbers  of  men,  doubted  [feared] 
more  I  should  want  means  in  that  town,  hemmed  in  with  so 
many  waters  and  ditches,  to  sally  and  use  them  abroad,  as 
occasion  should  require ;  than  bodies  to  guard  that  which  I 
entrenched. 

The  morning   after  I    had   begun  this  work,  the   enemy 


Sir  F.  Vere, 
1606. 


:]    More  Englishmen  come  into  Ostend.     171 


turned  divers  pieces  from  the  top  of  the  downs  upon  it ; 
which  notwithstanding  my  best  industry,  did  much  hurt 
amongst  my  men,  till  the  work  was  raised  and  thickened. 

This  plot  put  in  reasonable  defence,  and  part  of  the  sup- 
plies [the  3,000  men]  granted  by  Her  Majesty  now  arrived  ;  I 
began  to  cast  up  a  redoubt  upon  the  like  piece  of  ground  for 
firmness  (but  not  fully  half  so  big  as  the  former)  lying  about 
half  a  harquebuss  shot  south-west  from  the  angle  of  the 
Poulder,  close  to  the  river  that  passeth  from  the  said  angle 
westward,  which  served  well  to  covert  [protect]  the  Poulder 
on  that  side,  and  to  flank  the  west  face  and  south  flank  of 
the  West  Square. 

The  Poulder  thus  assured  from  sudden  attempts,  I  began 
to  raise  in  the  said  Poulder  a  rampier  to  resist  the  cannon 
on  the  inside  of  the  old  channel,  from  the  ditch  of  the  Poulder 
Ravelin  of  the  counterscarp  to  the  angle  aforesaid  of  the 
Poulder,  which  broadwaj's  lay  due  West,  and  endways  North 
and  South.  And  the  redoubt  upon  the  said  angle,  I  raised  of  a 
good  height,  and  cannon  proof,  in  the  form  of  a  cavallier  [earth- 
work] to  command  over  the  said  rampier  of  the  Poulder. 

All  this  while,  the  enemy  lay  still,  without  making  any 
approaches  or  intrenchments,  or  attempting  to  hinder  my 
works ;  otherwise  than  by  his  cannon  shot,  of  which  he  was 
no  niggard. 

Having,  as  I  supposed,  in  this  manner,  well  provided  for 
the  safe  defence  of  that  quarter ;  I  was  desirous  to  draw 
some  of  the  enemy  from  the  sandhills,  to  dwell  by  us  in  that 
low  watery  ground  to  the  south-west  and  south  of  the  river 
that  runneth  from  the  West  to  the  Poulder  :  which  I  knew 
would  cause  great  expense,  great  labour,  and  much  loss  and 
consumption  of  men  ;  on  which,  besides  the  plots  of  ground 
I  had  taken,  no  trench,  no  approach,  nor  lodging  could  be 
had  but  such  as  was  forced. 

Only  about  a  harquebuss  shot  westward  from  my  redoubt 
on  that  side  and  upon  the  same  river,  there  was  a  pretty 
round  height  of  ground,  on  which,  sometimes,  they  of  the 
town  of  Ostend  had  held  a  redoubt  to  the  south-west  and 
south,  environed  with  a  plashy  moor,  into  which,  by  the  creeks 
the  water  flowed  so  as,  the  greatest  part  of  the  tide,  it  was 
not  passable. 

From  this  plot  of  ground,  I  could  discover  the  back  of  their 


1 72  Vere  tempts  the  Spaniards  into  marshes.  P'%^"T6^: 

approaches  on  the  downs ;  and  from  it,  with  cannon,  could 
annoy  them  as  well  there,  as  in  their  shipping  and  boats  by 
which  their  army  was  supplied  from  Bruges  and  other  ports 
of  the  country. 

If  they  suffered  me  to  take  this  height  and  fortify  it,  I  had 
gotten  two  special  advantages  ;  the  annoying  of  them  and 
the  securing  of  my  works  on  that  side  :  which,  after,  I  might 
have  maintained  with  fewer  men.  If  I  were  impeached  by 
their  sudden  planting  of  ordnance  and  batteries  ;  I  knew 
they  would  possess  the  ground,  and  piece-meal  engage  them 
more  and  more  in  those  drowned  lands :  which  was  the  other 
of  my  drifts. 

This  piece  of  ground,  to  move  and  provoke  them  the  more, 
upon  St.  James's  Day  [July  25,  1601],  being  the  saint  the 
Spaniards  as  their  Patron  do  most  superstitiously  reverence, 
in  the  forenoon,  I  first  sent  as  it  were  to  view  and  discover : 
and  anon  after,  I  sent  for  men,  and  set  them  on  work ;  and 
drew  down  in  a  readiness,  under  the  favour  [cover]  of  my 
outermost  redoubt,  200  soldiers  to  make  head,  if  the  enemy 
came  down  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  to  hinder  my  work- 
men with  his  shot. 

The  enemy  no  sooner  perceived  my  men  to  work,  but  he 
turned  certain  pieces  of  ordnance  upon  them  from  the  downs, 
and  shot  at  us,  as  did  also  those  of  the  Fort  of  Grootendorst : 
but  being  far  off,  the  shot  small,  and  the  men  (observing  the 
shot),  bowing  their  bodies  in  the  hollowness  of  the  old  trench, 
it  did  little  harm. 

Their  footmen  in  a  great  rage,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  of  them- 
selves kindled  with  zeal,  without  direction  or  orders  from  their 
chiefs,  came  down  towards  the  river  side  amain ;  not  armed 
men  in  battle  and  troop,  but  shot  scatteringly  as  every  one 
could  first  and  readiliest  take  his  furniture.  Others  with 
faggots  in  their  hands,  whereof  they  had  store  in  their  ap- 
proaches, began  here  and  there,  in  confused  manner,  to  raise 
a  trench  from  the  downs  to  the  river,  for  other  trench  and 
covert  they  had  none  :  so  as  they  were  a  fair  mark  for  our 
artillery  from  the  town,  and  our  musketeers  from  the  West 
Square  and  the  South-west  Redoubt ;  which  spared  no 
powder.  Besides,  the  200  musketeers  I  had  placed  with 
me,  under  the  favour  of  small  banks  on  the  edge  of  the 
river,  held  them  back  when  they  came  nearer  hand.     So  as, 


Sir  F 
? 


y^;^:]      The  Spaniards  fall  into  the  trap.        173 


after  much  shooting  and  hurt  done,  the  most  of  the  day 
being  spent,  they  gave  over  molesting  us. 

And  that  night,  I  put  the  place  into  so  good  defence 
against  the  attempts  of  handistrokes,  that  I  left  a  guard  in 
it,  and  workmen  to  add  more  strength  to  it. 

In  the  morning,  betimes,  the  enemy  began  to  batter  it  with 
two  cannon,  which  the  same  night  they  had  planted  on  the 
other  side  of  the  plash  directly  west,  and  about  the  fourth 
part  of  the  way  to  their  Fort  called  Grootendorst ;  from 
whence,  also,  they  shot  with  a  couple  of  demi-culverin :  and 
thus  they  continued  the  whole  day,  insomuch  as  our  new 
work  to  them-ward  was  laid  flat;  and  our  men  forced,  for 
safeguard,  to  make  hollow  trenches  in  the  said  redoubt. 

About  an  hour  before  sunset,  troops  were  seen  to  march  from 
Albertus  towards  Grootendorst :  which  I  gathered  was  to 
make  an  attempt  upon  the  said  redoubt  in  the  beginning  of  the 
evening,  before  the  breach  could  be  repaired  ;  for  which 
purpose,  the  water  being  ebbed,  the  time  served  very  fitly. 

I  saw  by  their  earnest  proceeding,  that  there  was  no  striv- 
ing to  keep  and  maintain  that  plot ;  and  therefore  resolved 
to  give  way,  but  so  as  I  would  seem  to  be  forced  from  the 
place. 

And  therefore  as  I  did  set  men  on  work  in  the  beginning 
of  the  evening,  to  repair  that  breach  ;  to  confirm  the  enemy, 
if  he  had  foreborn  his  attempt  that  night,  in  the  opinion 
that  I  would  maintain  the  place :  so  I  gave  orders  to  the 
Officer  I  left  in  it,  with  some  80  men  to  hold  good  watch  on 
the  side  of  the  plash,  if  the  enemy  attempted  to  pass,  to 
shew  himself  on  the  brink  of  the  said  plash  with  his  Shot,  and 
discharge  upon  them,  leaving  his  Pikes  by  the  fort :  with 
orders,  if  they  advanced,  to  make  his  retreat  to  the  South-west 
Redoubt,  and  there  to  hold  good. 

Which  directions  were  not  well  observed.  For  the  Officer 
forthwith,  when  he  had  sight  of  the  enemy's  approach,  which 
was  about  two  hours  within  night,  leaving  his  Pikes  in  the  re- 
doubt, he  with  the  Shot  made  for  the  plash  side,  and  discharged 
at  the  enemy  :  who  being  strong  in  numbers  and  resolved, 
continued  their  way  ;  the  officer  still  retiring  hard  to  the  re- 
doubt and  skirmishing  with  him,  as  if  his  purpose  had  been 
rather  to  have  drawn  the  enemy  into  some  danger,  than  to  save 
himself  and  his  troops  by  a  timely  retreat.    Which  is  an  error 


1 74  Sudden  break  off  of  the  Commentaries.  [ 


Sir  F.  Vere. 
1606. 


that  many  in  like  cases  fall  into,  to  their  utter  destruction ; 
when  fear  to  have  their  valour  called  in  question  maketh 
them,  against  all  reason,  fight  against  a  stronger  enemy,  and 
engage  themselves  where  they  have  neither  purpose  nor  hope 
to  obtain  the  victory. 

Those  of  the  redoubt  stayed  the  return  of  their  men  ;  whom 
the  enemy  pursued  so  hard  after  he  had  gotten  footing  in 
the  firm  ground,  that  they  both  at  an  instant,  came  to  the 
redoubt ;  and  by  the  way  of  the  breach,  which  yet  lay  open, 
entered  and  overthrew  soon  our  men  ;  who  so  taken  at  un- 
awares, thought  it  safer  to  fight  than  to  run  away.  Others 
they  overtook  before  they  could  get  over  the  palisadoes  on 
the  other  side  of  the  redoubt.  So  as  most  of  our  Pike  men 
were  lost,  but  few  or  none  of  the  Shot ;  who,  holpen  with 
the  darkness  of  the  night,  and  their  good  diligence,  escaped. 

Upon  the  alarm,  having  given  orders  for  some  troops  to 
follow,  I  hasted  to  the  South-west  Redoubt :  near  which,  I 
met  with  these  scattered  men  ;  which  I  stayed,  and  took  with 
me  into  the  said  Redoubt.  To  which,  the  enemy  even  now 
approached,  following  their  fortune,  and  hoping  of  like 
success  :  and  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  towards  the  north- 
ward, from  under  the  favour  of  the  bank  to  which,  of  purpose, 
they  had  also  drawn  musketeers,  to  flank  and  beat  in  the  back 
our  men  as  they  should  shew  themselves  to  resist  the  at- 
tempt of  their  men  on  the  other  side  of  the  water.  Of  the 
supplies  that  came  from  the  town,  I  reinforced  the  guard  of 
the  said  Redoubt  :  by  which  means,  as  also  the  difficulty  they 
found  in  passing  their  gross  over  the  creeks,  with  some  loss 
to  us,  yet  much  more  to  them,  they  retired  to  the  redoubt 
they  had  gotten. 

[The  end  of  the  Commentaries 

of 

Sir    Francis    Vere.] 


/^ 


Rev.  William  Dillingham,  D.D. 

Continuation  of  the  Siege  of  Ostend^ 
from  2  5  fuly^  1601,  as  far  as  7  Mar,  1602. 

Ere  endeth,  or  rather  here  breaks  off,  Sir 
Francis  Verb's  Comtnentary.  For  he  con- 
tinued in  his  Government  of  Ostend  for  many 
months  after  [////  'jth  March,  1602]  :  but,  whether 
it  was  because  he  thought  it  needless  to  give  the 
world  any  further  account  of  it,  who  were  all,  by 
this  time,  become,  as  it  were,  Spectators  and  Eye- 
witnesses of  what  he  did;  or  whether  he  thought 
that  it  being  so  well  known  to  many,  some  other  would  carry  on  the 
Relation,  if  the  world  should  think  it  needful ;  or  whatever  else  the 
reason  was  :  I  do  not  find  that  his  pen  ever  went  any  further. 

Yet  because  there  were  many  things  performed  by  him  worthy  of 
observation,  and  because  the  reader  may  perhaps  have  a  curiosity  to 
see  the  end  of  the  story;  I  shall  here  presume  to  subjoin  a  brief 
account  of  the  chief  passages  in  the  sequel  of  that  action,  according 
to  what  I  have  met  with  recorded  by  others,  to  my  hand,  that  so 
we  may  bring  off  Sir  Francis  Vere  with  honour  from  so  great  an 
engagement,  and  deliver  him  safe  from  the  exceeding  hazard  of  that 
employment :  and  this  the  rather,  because  I  think  this  was  the  last 
action  of  consequence  wherein  he  embarked. 


General  Vere  had  no  sooner  taken  a  sure  footing  to  himself,  and 
fitted  the  scene  whereon  the  bloody  Tragedy  was  afterwards  to  be 
acted,  but  he  gave  a  pledge  of  his  resolution  to  abide  by  it :  refusing 
to  quit  his  lodgings,  notwithstanding  that  the  enemy's  cannon  had 


176  VeRE  wounded  BV  a  cannon  splinter.  [^^''-  W.^DiUingham. 

pierced  them  through  with  many  a  shot,  and  quite  battered  a  little 
tower  belonging  to  them. 

But  though  his  enemy's  cannon  could  not  enforce  him  to  abandon 
so  much  as  his  own  lodgings;  j^et  did  his  own,  by  a  shrewd  mishap, 
constrain  him  to  \vithdraw  himself  for  a  time  out  of  the  town.  For 
on  the  14th  of  August  [1601],  being  wounded  in  the  head  with 
the  blow  of  a  cannon  that  split  in  the  discharging,  he  removed  into 
Zealand  to  be  cured  of  his  hurt.  The  enemy  having  gotten  intelligence 
hereof,  made  no  small  expressions  of  joy  and  triumph ;  discharging 
many  a  peal  of  cannon. 

Whereby  if  they  hoped  to  fill  the  hearts  of  the  besieged  v/ith  terror 
and  consternation,  and  to  beat  them  from  their  former  resolution ; 
they  were  much  mistaken.  For  the  brave  English  soldiers  observing 
what  storms  of  great  shot  came  rolling  into  the  town,  the  besiegers 
having  already  discharged  little  less  than  35,000  cannon  shot  against 
it ;  and  perceiving  by  the  story,  that  all  the  houses  were  likely,  ere 
long,  to  be  beaten  about  their  ears,  and  so  were  likelier  to  endanger 
them  by  their  fall,  than  any  way  to  secure  and  protect  them  from  the 
fury  of  the  enemy's  artillery :  they  advised  themselves  to  take  this 
course. 

There  was  a  green  plot  of  ground  in  the  town,  commonly  used  for  a 
market-place,  which  was  something  higher  than  the  rest  of  the  streets. 
Here  did  they  earth  themselves,  by  digging  it  hollow,  and  fitting 
themselves  with  cabins  and  lodgings  within  the  ground.  The  like 
did  they,  by  another  void  piece  of  ground  upon  the  south-w^est. 

Whereby,  as  they  thought  themselves  secure  from  the  enemy's 
battery,  being  confident  they  would  not  shoot  mattocks  and  pickaxes ; 
so  did  they  sufficiently  testify  their  own  resolution,  rather  to  inter 
themselves  in  the  graves  which  they  had  digged,  than  to  quit  their 
possession  of  the  place  unto  the  enemy. 

Hereupon,  the  besiegers  shifted  sails,  and  suiting  their  counsels  to 
the  disposition  of  the  English  soldiers  (who  are  sooner  won  by  fair 
means  than  foul),  shot  arrows  with  letters  into  the  English  Quarters, 
promising  ten  stivers  [=!.$•.  2d.  (  =  5^".  noia)']  a  day  to  such  as  would 
serve  the  Archduke  against  the  town. 

But  these  offers  were  slighted  by  the  English,  who  hated  falseness 
as  much  as  they  contemned  danger :  and  this  device  was  looked 
upon  by  those  of  the  town,  as  the  product  of  languishing  counsels ; 
which  having  already  spent  all  their  powder,  came  a  begging  for  the 
conclusion. 

And  if  the  Archduke  had  then  given  over  the  siege,  I  question 
not  but  the  world  would  generally  have  excused  him.  For  what 
should  he  do  ? 

He  had  made   his   approaches   as   near   unto  Sand    Hill  as  was 


Rev.  W.^DilHngham.J   J^e^^H  OF  THE  LORD  OF  ChATILLON.     I  77 

possible  for  the  Haven ;  which  was  the  most  probable  place  of  doing 
any  good  upon  the  town.  And  therefore  he  had,  ever  since  the 
beginning  of  the  siege,  bent  the  most  of  his  great  shot  upon  it,  if  it 
were  possible  to  have  made  a  breach  :  but  all  had  hitherto  produced 
no  other  effect  than  the  fortifying  of  the  Sand  Hill  Bulwark,  instead 
of  beating  it  down.  For  by  this  time,  it  was  so  thickly  studded 
with  bullets,  that  the  ordnance  could  scarcely  shoot  without  a 
tautology  and  hitting  its  former  bullets ;  which,  Hke  an  iron  wall, 
made  the  later  fly  in  pieces  up  in  the  air.  Yea,  the  bullets  in  it 
were  so  many,  that  they  left  not  room  to  drive  in  palisadoes,  though 
pointed  with  iron  :  and  some  there  were,  that  would  have  undertaken 
to  make  the  Bulwark  [a]new,  if  they  might  have  had  the  bullets  for 
their  pains. 

Besides,  whenever  they  meant  to  assault  it,  they  must  resolve  to 
force  seven  Palisadoes  made  of  great  piles,  within  the  haven,  before 
they  could  come  to  the  foot  of  the  Bulwark :  and  if  they  were  not 
intercepted  by  the  springing  of  a  mine  or  two,  yet  was  the  Bulwark 
itself  unmountable  by  armed  men.  And  it  might  easily  have  been 
conceived  they  had  gotten  intelligence  that  there  were  thirteen 
cannon  in  the  Counterscarp  and  other  convenient  places,  charged 
with  chained  shot  and  rusty  iron  to  scour  the  Sand  Hill,  if  need 
should  require. 

Besides  all  this,  all  was  to  be  done  at  a  running  pull.  For  when 
the  coming  in  of  the  tide  should  sound  a  retreat,  off  they  must  ! 
or  be  utterly  lost.  And  they  easily  saw  that  the  musketeers  in  the 
Half-moon  of  the  Counterscarp  were  likely  to  give  them  such  a  wel- 
come as  would  make  many  of  them  forget  to  return  to  the  camp. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  great  difficulties,  no  advice  of  old  Captains 
could  prevail  against  the  obstinacy  of  the  States  of  Flanders  :  who,  to 
keep  life  in  the  siege,  spared  not  to  undertake  the  payment  of  a 
million  of  crowns  [=_;j{^ 300,000  (=^1,300,000  now)]  to  the  Arch- 
duke, rather  than  he  should  draw  off  from  the  town. 

So  that  he  took  up  a  resolution  not  to  stir,  and,  as  his  fugitives 
[deserters]  reported,  once  he  swore  that  "  he  would  not  rise  from  the 
table  at  which  he  sat,  before  they  of  the  town  were  made  to  serve 
him."  But  then  they,  on  the  other  side,  laid  a  wager  that  they  "  would 
give  it  him  so  hot,  that  it  should  burn  his  fingers." 

Not  long  after,  the  Lord  of  Chatillon  met  with  an  unhappy  mis- 
chance. For  being  upon  the  high  Bulwark  of  Sand  Hill,  with  Colonel 
Utenbruch  and  other  Gentlemen  and  men  of  Command ;  he  had  his 
head  struck  off,  above  the  teeth,  with  a  cannon  shot ;  and  his  brains 
dashed  upon  the  Colonel's  left  cheek.  Which  possibly  might  receive 
its  direction  from  the  self-same  hand,  that  did,  more  than  once  during 
this  siege,  shoot  a  bullet  into  the  mouth  of  a  charged  cannon;  which, 

M  2 


178  Vere  returns  to  his  Command.  [Rev. w. miingham. 

because  it  would  not  be  too  long  indebted  for  such  a  courtesy,  taking 
fire  with  the  blow,  returned  the  bullet  instantly  back  again,  attended 
with  another  of  its  own. 

As  good  a  marksman  was  he,  if  he  did  it  of  design,  who,  when  a 
soldier  of  the  town,  having  bought  a  loaf  of  bread,  was  holding  it  up 
in  a  boasting  way,  with  a  shot  took  away  the  uppermost  half  [of  it], 
leaving  the  other  in  the  soldier's  hand :  who,  finding  that  he  had 
received  no  hurt,  said,  "It  was  a  fair  conditioned  bullet  !  for  it  had 
left  him  the  better  half  behind."  However,  I  believe  he  would  rather 
have  been  contented  with  the  lesser  half,  than  run  the  hazard  of 
dividing  again. 

On  the  19th  of  September  [1601],  General  Vere,  being  cured  of 
his  hurt,  returned  from  Zealand  into  the  town :  where  he  found  2,000 
English  and  20  Ensigns  \_  — companies^  of  French,  Walloons,  Scotch, 
and  Fiisons,  that  had  arrived  in  his  absence. 

Soon  after  his  arrival,  he  took  care  for  the  thickening  and  strength- 
ening of  divers  of  the  works,  and  the  uniting  of  those  outworks  on 
the  south  and  west,  the  better  thereby  to  secure  their  relief,  and  pre- 
serve them  from  the  injury  of  the  waters  in  the  winter  season. 

"Which  the  enemy  perceiving,  and  that  the  town  grew  daily  stronger 
and  stronger,  resolved  to  attempt  it  by  treachery,  taking  the  old 
verse — 

dolus  an  virtus  qjiis  in  hoste  requirat  ? 

To  that  purpose,  an  Englishman  named  N.  Conisbv,  as  the  French 
Diary  [i.e.,  of  the  Siege ;  ?  that  by  Henri  HcESdENS,  intituled  Hisioire 
du  Siege  dOstende  en  Flandres,  printed  by  Elzevir,  at  Leyden  in 
16 15]  relates,  who  had  served  them  long  in  the  quality  of  a  Captain 
of  foot  in  their  array,  returned  through  France  into  England  :  where 
he  prevailed  so  much,  by  means  of  his  friends,  that  he  obtained 
letters  of  recommendation  to  Sir  Francis  Vere.  Unto  whom,  pre- 
senting himself,  he  desired  to  be  admitted  one  of  his  Company  : 
which  the  General  could  not  refuse,  he  being  a  Gentleman  and  so 
effectually  recommended. 

This  traitor  having  thus  screwed  himself  unto  Ostend,  quickly 
began  his  practice.  For  he  received  letters  and  other  things  weekly 
from  the  enemy,  and  gave  them  intelligence  of  all  that  passed  within 
the  town,  and  of  the  best  means  to  annoy  it ;  managing  his  practices 
and  projects  according  to  the  instructions  which  he  received  from 
them. 

For  the  better  conveyance  of  his  letters  to  the  enemy,  he  carried 
them  into  a  broken  boat,  which  in  the  beginning  of  the  siege  had 
been  sunk  by  the  enemy,  and  lay  upon  the  dry  ground  betwixt  the 
town  and  the  camp,  under  the  colour  [pretence'\  of  gratifying  nature  ; 


Rev.  W.  Dillinc 


^^s";!]  The  plot  of  Captain  N.  Conisby.    179 


and  there  disposed  them  in  a  place  appointed  :  whence  the  enemy 
fetched  them  by  night,  with  the  help  of  a  little  boat;  and,  upon 
certain  days,  brought  him  answers,  and  sometimes  money  for  his 
reward,  which  he  failed  not  to  fetch  at  the  place  appointed. 

When  he  was  discovered,  he  had  drawn  four  men  into  his  con- 
spiracy :  among  others  a  Sergeant,  who  was  the  means  of  revealing 
it. 

This  Sergeant  coming  out  of  prison,  where  his  Captain  had  caused 
him  to  be  laid  some  days  in  irons,  being  all  malcontent,  chanced  to 
meet  with  Conisby  :  who  told  him  he  was  glad  to  see  him  out  of  prison  ; 
withal  asking  him  the  reason  of  his  so  great  and  grievous  punishment. 

To  whom,  the  Sergeant  railing  upon  his  Captain,  sware  earnestly, 
that  he  would  be  revenged  for  the  wrong  he  had  received,  though  it 
cost  him  his  life. 

Conisby,  supposing  he  had  found  a  man  fit  for  his  purpose,  told 
him  he  might  easily  find  the  means  to  be  revenged,  without  losing 
his  life,  and  with  his  own  profit  and  advancement ;  and  that  if  he 
would  follow  his  counsel,  he  should  want  no  money. 

The  Sergeant  began  to  listen  to  his  words,  and  seemed  inclinable 
enough  to  so  advantageous  a  design,  and  ready  to  follow  his  advice. 
Whereupon  Conisby,  having  first  made  him  swear  secrecy,  discovered 
himself:  and  presently  asked  him  if  he  had  the  resolution  to  set  fire 
on  one  of  the  Magazines ;  for  which  purpose,  he  himself  had  pre- 
pared a  certain  invention  of  powder,  lead,  and  match. 

This,  the  Sergeant  undertook  to  perform ;  which  he  said,  "  could 
not  be  difficult  for  him  to  do,  being  often  sent  to  fetch  powder  for  the 
soldiers." 

Conisby  assured  him  that  he  had  practised  [with]  more  associates; 
and  that  when  he  should  have  made  the  number  up  to  twenty,  he 
would  then  put  the  design  in  execution  :  which  was,  that  one  of 
the  Magazines  being  set  on  fire,  he  would  so  work  it,  as  to  have  the 
guard  of  a  Sluice  in  a  Bulwark  near  the  enemy,  who  should  then  give 
on,  and  be  admitted  into  the  town. 

The  Sergeant  seemed  to  hug  the  device,  demanding  only  of 
Conisby  some  assurance,  under  his  hand,  that  he  should  have  his  re- 
compence  when  the  work  should  be  performed.  Which  having  once 
obtained,  away  he  goes  to  the  General,  and  discovers  the  practice  to 
him. 

Whereupon  Conisby  being  apprehended  and  put  to  the  rack,  con- 
fessed all,  and  that  he  came  to  Ostend  with  that  purpose  and  intent : 
as  also  what  instructions  and  promises  he  had  received ;  and  what 
[acjcomplices  he  had  made,  who  were  likewise  apprehended  and  put 
in  prison. 

This  plot  failing,  the  enemy's  only  hope  of  taking  the  town  was  by 


1 80   Instances  of  Pride  and  Courage,   p"^^-  w.^Diningham 

stopping  up  the  haven,  and  so  hindering  the  coming  in  of  suppHes. 

To  this  purpose,  the  Old  Haven  on  the  west  of  the  town,  having  been 
made  dangerous  and  useless,  and  the  defendents  constrained  to  make 
a  new  one  out  of  the  Geule  on  the  east  side  :  the  enemy  had  now  so 
straitened  this  also,  by  their  float  [ra/it]  of  great  planks  bearing  ord- 
narxe,  on  the  Geule ;  that  they  of  the  town  were  fain  to  make  a 
second  new  haven  against  the  midst  of  the  Old  Town,  by  which 
means  the  enemy's  designs  were  eluded,  and  the  ships  of  supplies 
admitted  into  the  town  at  pleasure. 

This  dangerous  thrust  being  so  handsomely  put  by,  the  enemy  had 
no  other  play  left  but  to  storm  :  which  he  resolved  upon,  and 
prepared  himself  accordingly. 

But  in  the  meanwhile,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  take  notice  of  a  passage 
which  happened  in  the  town.  A  French  Gentleman,  disobeying  his 
Sergeant,  and  thereupon  causing  a  great  tumult,  was  committed  to 
prison  ;  and,  eight  days  after,  condemned  by  a  Council  of  War,  to  be 
shot  to  death  :  but  because  he  was  descended  of  a  good  house,  all 
the  French  Captains  interposed  their  earnest  entreaties  to  General 
Vere,  and  begged  his  life ;  which  was  granted,  upon  condition  that 
he  should  ask  the  Sergeant  forgiveness.  This,  when  he  could  not,  by 
any  means  or  persuasion  be  brought  unto  ;  he  had  eight  days'  respite 
granted  him  to  resolve  himself :  which  being  past,  and  he  continuing 
still  as  obstinate  as  ever,  he  was  brought  forth  unto  the  place  of  exe- 
cution, and  tied  to  a  stake.  But  when  once  he  saw  the  harque* 
bussiers  ready  to  discharge;  he  began  to  be  apprehensive  of  the 
horror  of  death,  and  promised  to  perform  the  sentence,  and  ask  the 
Sergeant's  forgiveness  :  which  he  forthwith  did,  and  thereupon  was 
released.  So  much  easier  it  is  for  pride  and  rashness  to  commit  a 
fault,  than  heartily  to  acknowledge  it. 

A  truer  courage  was  that  of  another  in  the  town  during  the  siege. 
An  EngUsh  Gentleman  of  about  23  years  of  age,  in  a  sally  forth,  had  one 
of  his  arms  shot  off  by  a  cannon  :  which  taking  up,  he  brought  back 
with  him  into  the  town,  unto  the  chirurgeon ;  and  coming  to  his  [fAe 
st/rgeon's]  lodging,  shewed  it,  saying,  "  Behold  the  arm,  which  but  at 
dinner  helped  its  fellow  1 "  This  he  did  and  endured,  without  the 
least  fainting,  or  so  much  as  reposing  upon  his  bed. 


Not  long  after,  on  the  4th  of  December  [1601],  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, the  besiegers  gave  a  fierce  and  sharp  assault  on  the  English 
trenches  :  which  take  in  the  words  of  one  present  at  it  \_evidently  Sir 
Francis  Verb's  Page,  Henry  Hexham,  see  pp.  171,  174]. 


H.  Hexhan 


? 


^^"^1     The  ASSAULT  OF  4TH  December,  1 60 1.     181 


Ir  Francis  Verb  having  been  abroad  the  most 
part  of  that  night,  was  laid  down  to  take  his  rest: 
but  hearing  the  alarm  that  the  English  trenches 
were  assaulted,  and  knowing  of  how  great  import 
that  work  was  for  the  defence  of  the  town,  pulling 
on  his  stockings,  with  his  sword  in  his  hand  ;  he  ran  in  all 
haste,  unbraced,  with  some  soldiers  and  Captain  Couldwell 
and  myself  [Henry  Hexham],  into  the  works  :  where  he 
found  his  own  Company  at  push  of  pike,  upon  a  turnpike 
[barrier]  with  the  enemy ;  who  crying  in  French,  Entrez ! 
entrez !  advancez !  advanccz  I  strove  to  enter  that  way ;  and 
sought  to  overturn  the  turnpike  with  their  pikes. 

Some  of  his  Gentlemen  were  slashing  off  the  heads  of  their 
pikes  :  among  the  rest,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Proud  (who  was 
afterwards  slain  at  Maestricht),  which  he  took  notice  of,  and 
shortly  after  made  him  a  Lieutenant. 

The  enemy  being  repulsed  and  beaten  off;  Sir  Francis 
Vere  (to  the  end  our  men  might  give  fire  the  better  upon 
them,  from  the  town  and  Bulwarks  that  flanked  these  works, 
both  with  our  ordnance  and  small  shot)  commanded  the 
soldiers  to  take  some  straw  from  the  huts  within  the  works, 
and  making  wisps  of  it,  to  set  it  on  fire,  upon  the  parapet  of 
the  work,  and  upon  the  heads  of  their  pikes  :  by  which  light 
the  enemy  were  discovered,  so  that  our  men  gave  fire  bravely 
upon  them  from  the  town  and  works  ;  and  shot  into  their  bat- 
talions which  had  fallen  on,  and  their  men  that  were  carrying 
off  their  dead.  So  that  upon  this  attempt,  the  enemy  lost  a 
matter  of  500  men,  which  lay  under  our  works  and  between 
their  trenches. 

The  enemy  being  retreated  into  his  works,  Sir  Francis 
Vere  called  me  to  him,  and  said,  "  Boy,  come  now,  pull  up 
my  stockings,  and  tie  my  points  !  "  and  so  returned  home 
again  to  his  rest. 


The  next  Remarkable  in  the  series  of  this  famous  siege  was  that 
memorable  Treaty  which  General  Vere  entertained  with  the  Arch- 
duke :  of  which  I  know  none  better  able  to  give  an  account  than  Sir 
John  Ogle,  who  had  much  at  stake  in  the  business,  and  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  several  passages  thereof;  of  which  he  hath  left 
behind  him  the  following  account. 


*V1 


Sir    Francis    V e  r  e'  s   Parley  at  Ostcnd : 

written  by  Sir   John    Ogle, 

there  present. 

Fter  the  battle  of  Nieuport,  the  Archduke 
Charles,  desirous  to  clear  Flanders,  in  the 
year  following  [1601],  sat  down  with  his 
army  before  Ostend :  unto  which,  the  Lords 
the  States  sent  Sir  Francis  Verb,  their 
General  to  defend  it. 

He  having  good  numbers  of  men,  thought 
it  most  serviceable  for  the  States,  to  employ 
them  so,  as  he  might  keep  the  enemy  at  arm's  end,  and  a  fair 
distance  from  the  town.  To  this  purpose,  he  possessed  himself 
of  several  advantageous  pieces  of  ground,  fortifying  upon 
them  so  well  as  the  time  would  give  him  leave.  But  they 
were  morsels  as  well  for  the  enemy's  tooth  as  his,  and  there- 
fore cost  both  bickering  and  blood  on  both  sides,  till  at  the 
last,  what  with  numbers,  artillery,  and  better  commodity 
of  access,  he  was  forced  to  quit  the  most  of  them ;  and 
that,  ere  he  brought  them  to  any  perfection  of  strength 
whereby  to  make  any  resistance. 

Such  as  were  nearest  the  town,  and  under  the  succour  of 
his  own  power,  as  the  three  Quarriers  or  Squares,  with  some 
few  others,  he  kept  and  maintained  as  long  as  he  stayed 
there.  Yet  when,  by  protract  of  time  and  casualties  of  war, 
he  found  his  numbers  wasted,  and  himself  (the  enemy  creep- 
ing upon  him)  so  straitened  as  he  was  thrust  merely  upon  the 
defence  ;  he  saw  he  was  not  in  his  proper  element.  Nor 
indeed,  was  he  :  for  the  truth  is,  his  virtues,  being  great, 
strong,  and  active,  required  more  elbow  room  ;  having  their 
best  lustre  where  they  had  the  largest  foil  to  set  them  off. 


^''f^'^llo.]  Replies  TO  Objections  as  to  the  Treaty.  183 

The  works  of  Battle,  Invasion,  and  the  like  were  the  proper 
objects  of  his  spirit.  The  limits  of  Ostend  were  much  too 
narrow  for  him  :  yet  did  he,  there,  many  thin,s^s  worth  the 
observation  and  reputation  of  so  great  a  Captain  as  he  was. 
Amongst  the  rest,  that  of  his  Parley  [negotiations  with  the 
Archduke  Albert]  was  of  most  eminent  note;  and  as  most 
noted,  so  most  and  worst  censured,  and  that  as  well  by 
Sword-  as  Gown-men.  Yea,  his  judgement  (which  even  by 
his  enemies  hath  often  been  confessed  to  be  one  of  the  most 
able  that  ever  our  nation  delivered  to  the  world,  in  matters 
of  his  profession)  was  in  the  action  taxed  [censiired],  and  that 
in  print,  too,  for  his  manner  of  carriage  in  this  business. 

Now  because  I  was,  in  some  sort,  the  only  instrument  he 
used  in  the  managing  thereof,  and  best  acquainted  with  all 
passages  :  I  have  (for  the  love  I  owe  to  Truth,  and  his 
memory)  thought  good  to  set  down  in  writing,  what  I  have 
hitherto  delivered  to  the  Lords  the  States  General  in  their 
council  chamber  ;  as  also,  some  time  after  that,  to  the  Prince 
Maurice  of  Nassau,  and  the  Earl  William  his  cousin,  con- 
cerning this  matter. 

Yet  ere  I  come  to  the  Relation,  it  shall  not  be  amiss  to 
wipe  away  two  main  aspersions  which  I  have  often  met 
withal,  by  way  of  objection  ;  and  are  as  well  in  every  man's 
mouth,  as  in  Emanuel  de  Meteren's  book. 

The  first,  and  that  is  the  word,  it  lucked  well !  judging  the 
fact  by  the  event ;  but  reservedly  condemning  the  purpose, 
for  had  not  the  shipping  come,  say  they,  as  it  did,  what  would 
have  become  of  the  town  ?     He  would  have  given  it  up  ! 

Colonel  Utenhoven,  a  man  of  note  and  yet  living,  one  of 
their  own  nation,  a  Governor  of  a  town,  knows  better :  and 
the  following  treatise  shall  also  make  it  appear  otherwise  ; 
and  that  he  had  not  the  least  thought  of  rendering  the  town, 
though  succour  had  not  come  to  him  at  all.  This  point  there- 
fore shall  here  need  no  further  enlargement. 

The  second  is  that  he  might  have  carried  the  matter  otherwise, 
and  have  drawn  less  jealousy  upon  himself,  by  acquainting  the 
Captains  with  it  sooner ;  considering  it  was  done  without  the 
privity  of  the  Lords  the  States  :  nor  was  it  fitting,  to  bring  an 
enemy  through  such  secret  passages. 

This,  at  the  first  view,  seems  to  say  somewhat,  as  borrow- 


1 84  Vere  was  General,  not  simply  Governor,  p'/-  °J^_ 

ing  strength  from  the  common  proceedings  in  other  ordinary 
Governors  ;  who,  upon  the  point  as  well  of  Parley  as  Article, 
ere  they  enter  into  either  with  an  enemy,  consult  first,  as  it 
is  fit,  with  the  Captains  of  the  garrison  ;  and  this,  it  seems, 
was  likewise  expected  here.  But  upon  what  reasons  ?  Was 
he  such  a  Governor  ?  He  was  a  General !  He  had  Governors 
under  him  !  Did  he  intend,  as  commonly  do  others,  to  de- 
liver the  town  ?  He  meant  nothing  less  !  as  is  partly  before, 
and  shall  be  hereafter  largely  proved.  What  account  did  the 
States  ever  require  of  him  ?  What  disgrace  was  there  given 
him,  more  than  a  free  acknowledgement  of  his  singular 
carriage  and  judgement  in  the  managing  of  a  business  of 
so  great  importance ! 

True  it  is,  there  was  at  first  a  kind  of  staggering,  among 
the  best ;  which  the  mist  of  some  partial  information  from 
some  malevolent  person  in  Ostend  had  brought  them  to :  but 
this  was  soon  cleared  (first,  by  his  own  letters  in  brief,  and 
after  by  me  more  at  large),  if  not  to  the  most  of  them ;  yet  I 
dare  say  to  the  most  discreet  and  judicious  amongst  them. 

But  let  us  now  see  whether  it  had  been  either  necessary 
or  convenient  that  the  secret  of  this  stratagem  should  have 
been  revealed  sooner,  either  to  the  Lords  the  States,  or  Cap- 
tains of  the  garrison  ? 

To  me  it  seems,  that  it  had  been,  to  the  States,  prepos- 
terous !  to  the  Captains,  dangerous  !  nay  more,  repugnant  to 
sense  and  common  reason  !  and  that  for  these  reasons 
following. 

The  project  itself  was  but  an  embryo ;  and  had  been  a 
mere  abortive,  had  he  delivered  himseliF  of  it,  before  the 
attempt  of  the  enemy  :  for  from  thence,  it  must  receive 
both  form  and  being.  Now  that,  was  uncertain  and  un- 
known to  him,  especially  the  time.  He  could  therefore 
have  no  certain  befitting  subject  to  write  to  the  Lords  the 
States  of  this  matter  till  the  deed  were  done,  and  the  pro- 
ject put  in  practice:  which  so  soon  as  it  was,  he  presently 
despatched  a  messenger,  giving  them  a  due  account  of 
the  cause  of  his  proceedings  ;  and  that,  to  their  content- 
ment. 

It  was  a  stratagem,  whose  power  and  virtue  consisted 
wholly  in  secrecy.  It  was  also  a  thread  whereon  hung 
no  less  than  the  States'  town,  his  own  honour,  and  the 


^V'?6io:]  Secrecy  was  absolutely  essential.  1S5 

lives  of  all  them  that  were  with  him  ;  and  therein  reason 
did  not  admit  of  thelast  communication.  For  the  best  pledge 
yon  can  have  of  a  man's  secrecy,  is  not  to  open  your  thoughts 
unto  him. 

Lastly,  if  he  would  have  forgot  himself  so  much  as  to 
have  committed  a  secret  to  the  trust  of  many  ;  could  he 
yet  promise  himself  that  he  should  not  meet  with  oppo- 
sition ?  Would  they,  instantly,  have  been,  all,  of  his 
mind  ?  Would  no  man  suspect  the  handling  ?  Why 
did  they  then  after  ?  and  that,  when  it  was  consummated 
and  finished  ? 

I  have  heard  Colonel  Utenhoven  say,  that  "  if  the 
General  should  have  made  the  proposition,  he  had  broken 
the  enterprise  !  "  and  he  knew  best  the  Captains'  inclina- 
tions :  for  he  was  the  mouth  betwixt  the  General  and 
them,  to  clear  those  jealousies  he  saw  them  apprehend 
in  him.  It  was  therefore  the  safest  and  best  way  that 
could  be  taken,  to  set  this  business  abroach,  rather  with- 
out their  knowledge  than  flatly  against  it;  and  to  hazard 
the  interpretation  of  the  action  rather  than  the  action 
itself. 

Besides,  whoever  yet  knew  the  General  Verb  so 
simple  or  so  weak,  as  to  avoid  military  forms  where  they 
were  necessary  or  expedient  ?  Wanted  he  judgement  ? 
His  enemies  will  not  say  it  !  Had  he  not  will  ?  He  had 
too  many  of  them  too  Great,  to  lay  himself  open  to  their 
malice  !  He  was  a  better  manager  of  his  reputation 
than  to  give  them  so  palpable,  so  gross  an  advantage 
to  build  their  scandal  on. 

It  was  the  Public  Service  and  his  own  judgement  that 
led  him  into  this  course  :  wherein,  if  there  were  any 
danger  for  his  part,  it  lay  on  my  head,  which  he  ventured 
for  the  safety  of  all. 

It  seems,  then,  that  as  it  was  not  necessary,  so  had  it 
been  exceedingly  inconvenient  that  the  book  of  this  secret 
should  have  been  sooner  unclasped  before  it  was  set  on 
foot ;  or  to  the  Lords  the  States,  before  it  was  accom- 
plished. 

I  come  now  to  the  Relation,  leaving  the  branch  in  the 
objection,  touching  the  bringing  in  of  the  enemy,  as  not 
worthy  to  receive  an  answer  [seep.  163]. 


i86  The  north-west  storms  isolate  Ostend.  [^''■?^- ?|'o: 

About  the  12th  of  November  [1601],  it  began  to  freeze 
exceedingly,  the  wind  being  North-west ;  where  it  remained 
till  Christmas  or  after,  blowing  for  the  most  [part]  a  stiff  gale, 
and  often  high  and  stormy.  _ 

In  this  time,  came  no  shipping  unto  us,  or  succour  out  of 
Holland  or  Zealand  ;  nor  could  they  for  the  wind  :  nor  had 
we  any,  for  some  few  weeks  after.  Our  men,  munition,  and 
materials  wasted  daily.  The  sea  and  our  enemy  both  grew 
upon  us. 

At  the  spring-tide,  we  look  still  when  that  would  decide  the 
question  touching  the  town,  betwixt  us  and  our  adversaries  : 
so  exceedingly  high  and  swelling  it  was,  through  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  north-west  wind  ;  which  beat  flat  upon  us,  and 
brought  extraordinary  store  of  waters  from  the  ocean  into  those 
narrow  parts.  Hands,  we  could  set  very  few  on  work  :  our 
places  of  Guard  were  so  many,  our  numbers  so  small,  and 
those  over-watched.  2,100  men  was  our  strength ;  but  the 
convenient  competency  for  the  town  was  at  least  4,000.  For 
workmen,  our  need  was  more  than  ever  :  for  the  whole  town, 
with  the  new  forts  therein,  lately  begun  by  the  General  (who 
foresaw  the  storm),  lay  more  than  half  open  ;  insomuch  that, 
in  divers  places,  with  little  labour,  both  horse  and  foot  might 
enter.  The  North-west  Ravelin,  our  champion  against  the 
sea,  was  alrnost  worn  away.  The  Porcupine  or  Porcepic  was 
not  well  defensible.  At  all  these  places,  could  the  enemy  come 
to  push  of  pike  with  us,  when  they  list,  at  low  water. 

This  was  our  condition  :  neither  was  the  enemy  ignorant 
thereof,  nor  unmindful  to  lay  hold  on  his  advantage ;  pre- 
paring all  things  from  all  parts,  fitting  for  the  advancement 
of  his  purpose,  that  was  to  assault  the  town. 

Our  General  saw  their  provision  and  power,  and  his  own 
weakness;  but  could  prevent  none  of  them  otherwise  than  by 
practice  [craft].  His  industry  slept  not.  His  vigilancy 
appeared  l3y  the  daily  and  nightly  rounds  he  made  about  the 
town  and  works.  His  courage  was  the  highest,  when  his 
forces  were  the  lowest :  for  even  then,  he  manifestly  made  it 
known  so  much,  that  of  his  store,  he  furnished  plenty  to 
others. 

One  day,  going  about  the  walls,  he  began  to  discourse  of 
our  being  pressed,  and  said,  "  He  cared  not  what  the  enemy 
could  attempt  upon  him  !  "     He  was  in  one  of  the  strongest 


^''"'■?flo:]  Verb's  efforts  to  cheer  the  garrison.  187 

quarters  of  the  town,  when  he  spake  this  ;  and  not  unwil- 
ling that  such,  as  of  themselves  saw  it  not,  should  be  kept 
ignorant  of  the  danger  that  hung  over  their  heads.  The 
Captains  and  the  Officers,  he  commended  for  their  care  and 
industry  in  their  watch  and  guard :  more  to  stir  them  up 
unto  it,  than  really  to  congratulate  that  virtue  in  them.  He 
said,  **  A  Captain  could  receive  no  greater  blow  in  his  repu- 
tation, than  to  be  surprised."  Divers  other  speeches  he 
used,  tending  to  encouragement,  and  dissuading  from 
security ;  and  often,  amongst  them,  interlaced  the  strength 
of  the  town. 

I,  at  the  first  perceiving  not  his  mask,  began  to  put  him 
in  mind  of  some  of  the  former  particulars  ;  the  whole  town's 
weakness,  and  the  Archduke's  opportunity :  but  he  told  me 
quickly  by  his  eye^he  would  not  have  their  strength  touched 
in  such  an  audience  ;  so,  slighting  my  speeches,  he  con- 
tinued his  pace,  and  a  la  voice  his  discourse,  till  he  came  to 
his  lodging. 

There,  he  called  to  me  alone,  and  brake  to  me  in  these 
terms,  "  I  perceive  you  are  not  ignorant  of  our  estate ;  and 
therefore  I  will  be  more  open  and  free  with  you  1  What 
think  you?  Are  we  not  in  a  fine  taking  here!  ha!  I 
will  tell  you.  Captain  Ogle,  there  was  never  man  of  my 
fortunes  and  reputation,  both  of  which  have  been  cleared 
hitherto,  plunged  in  greater  extremity  than  I  am  now." 

Here,  we  discoursed  of  our  condition  before  mentioned. 
Whereupon,  he  inferred  that  "he  was  like  a  man  that  had 
both  courage  and  judgement  to  defend  himself;  and  yet  must 
sit  with  his  hands  bound,  whilst  boys  and  devils  came  and 
boxed  him  about  the  ears.  Yet  this  will  I  tell  you  too,"  said 
he,  "rather  than  you  shall  ever  see  the  name  of  Francis 
Verb  subscribed  in  the  delivery  of  a  town  committed  to  his 
custody,  or  this  hand  to  the  least  Article  of  Treaty,  though 
with  the  Archduke's  own  person,  had  I  a  thousand  lives,  I 
would  first  bury  them  all  in  the  rampire  !  Yet,  in  the  mean- 
while, judge  you  of  the  quality  of  this  our  being  !  " 

I  told  him,  that  I  thought  "  if  he  were  in  his  former 
liberty  ;  he  would  bethink  himself  ere  he  suffered  himself  to 
be  penned  up  in  such  a  cage  again." 

He  made  no  reply  ;  but  addressed  himself  to  his  business, 
and  I  to  mine.     What  his  thoughts  now  were,  I  will  not 


1 88    The  Council  of  War  in  Dec.   i6oi.    [^V'?6io: 

enter  into ;  unless  I  had  more  strength  to  reach  them. 
Sure  I  am,  they  want  no  stuff  to  work  on.  For  the  bone  he 
had  to  gnaw  upon,  required  as  good  teeth  as  any  that  were 
in  Hannibal's  head,  to  break  it;  and  had  not  this  been 
such,  all  the  hands  we  had  there,  could  not  have  plucked  it 
out  of  our  own  throats. 

Not  long  after  this,  the  General  called  a  Council  of  the 
Colonels  and  chief  Officers.  There  he  propounded  these 
two  points. 

First,  Whether,  with  the  numbers  formerly  men- 
tioned, we  could,  in  time  of  assault,  sufficiently  furnish 
all  parts  ? 

Secondly,  or  if  not,  Whether,  in  such  an  extremity, 

we  ought  not   to  borrow  the  troops  employed  for  the 

guard   of  the   Quarriers,    to   the    preservation    of    the 

Town  ? 

This  was  more  to  sound  our  judgements   than    of   any 

necessity  for  him  to  seek  allowance  of  his  actions  from  them, 

for  Generals  use  not  [are  not  accustomed]  to  ask  leave  of  their 

Captains  to  dispose  of  their  guards  ;  what  they  are  to  quit, 

and  what  they  are  to  keep. 

Our  numbers,  they  confessed,  were  too  few ;  yet  must  the 
Quarriers  at  no  hand  be  abandoned :  but  how  to  hold  them 
sufficiently,  and  to  provide  for  those  places  on  which  the 
fury  of  the  storm  was  likely  to  pour  itself  forth,  no  man  gave 
expedient.     The  voices  were  severally  collected. 

When  it  came  to  me,  I  said  that  "  seeing  our  case 
standeth  as  it  doth,  our  breaches  many  and  great,  our  num- 
bers few  to  defend  them  ;  my  opinion  is  that,  when  we 
should  see  the  cloud  coming,  we  quit  the  Quarriers  :  for  I 
know  they  were  ordained  for  the  custody,  not  to  endanger 
the  loss  of  the  town:"  that  "of  inconveniences,  the  least 
must  ever  be  chosen"  ;  that  "  it  were  ill  husbandry  to  hazard 
the  Principal,  to  save  the  Interest ;  and  as  little  discretion 
to  let  the  tire  run  on  to  burn  the  palace,  whilst  we  were  pre- 
serving the  lodge." 

The  two  Colonels,  Roone  and  Sir  Horace  Verb,  who 
spake  after  me,  for  the  Chief  spake  last,  were  of  the  same 
mind;  differing  only  in  some  circumstances,  not  in  sub- 
stance of  opinion. 

That  the  others  were  so  scrupulous  in  this  point   is  to  be 


^V'^fi'o.]  The  Spanish  army  ready  to  storm.   189 

thought  to  have  proceeded  rather  from  ignorance  of  our 
estate  and  danger,  or  else  an  apprehension  grounded  upon 
common  opinion  which  was  "  lose  the  Quarriers,  lose  the 
town  !  " ;  or,  it  may  be,  the  fear  of  the  interpretation  that  the 
Lords  the  States  would  make  of  such  an  advice  :  and  that 
fear  was  likely  to  be  the  greater,  because  perhaps  they  were 
not  furnished  with  strength  of  reason  to  maintain  their 
opinion ;  or  else  they  might  find  it  fittest  to  lay  the  burden 
on  his  shoulders  that  was  best  able  to  bear  it,  the  General 
himself. 

After  this  Council,  there  passed  some  few  days  till  it  was 
near  Christmas.  The  Archduke  was  himself  in  person  in 
the  camp,  the  assault  resolved  on,  and  the  time;  the  prepa- 
rations brought  down  to  the  approaches  :  and  the  army, 
they  only  stayed  for  low  water  to  give  on. 

Here  began  the  General's  project  to  receive  being.  Till 
now,  it  had  none.  Neither  was  it  now  time  to  call  the 
Captains  to  a  new  Council,  either  to  require  their  advice,  or 
to  tell  them  his  own.  He  had  his  head  and  hands  full  :  ours 
had  not  ached  now,  had  not  his  waked  then  more  for  our 
safeties  than  ours  could  do  for  our  own. 

He  bestirred  him  on  all  sides.  His  powers  were  quick 
and  strong  within  him  ;  and  those  without,  he  disposed  of 
thus : 

His  troops,  he  placed  mostly  on  Sand  Hill,  Porcupine  or 
Porcepic,  the  North-east  Ravelin,  and  the  Forts  and 
Curtain  of  the  Old  Town.  These  were  the  breaches.  The 
other  Guards  were  all  furnished  as  was  then  fitting,  accord- 
ing to  our  numbers. 

The  Quarriers  held  their  men  till  a  Parley  was  com- 
menced :  and  by  it,  they  were  secured.  The  False  Bray 
was  abandoned  by  order,  as  not  tenable  in  time  of  assault. 
The  cannon  in  it  were  dismounted,  lest  it  should  be  spoiled 
by  our  own  in  Helmont,  which  flanked  it  and  the  whole  face 
of  Sand  Hill. 

This  False  Bray  [a  space  at  the  bottom  of  the  wall  outside, 
defended  by  a  parapet  or  breastwork  defending,  from  the  inner 
side  of  it,  the  moat]  was  that  dangerous  passage  mentioned  in 
the  objection  going  before  [pp.  157,  159]  ;  which  I  thought 
to  have  passed  over,  but  am  since  otherwise  advised. 


1 90  Reply  to  Objection  as  to  the  False  Bray.  [^'V"  '^Jll 

It  lay  at  the  foot  of  Sand  Hill,  in  the  eye  of  the  enemy, 
and  was  therefore  as  well  known  to  them  as  to  ourselves  : 
and  so  was  the  way  to  it,  for  they  saw  daily  our  entry  to  the 
Guard,  to  be  through  a  covert  gallery  forced  through  the  bottom 
of  the  said  hill.  It  [tJie  gallery]  was  so  narrow  that  two  men 
armed  were  the  most  that  could  pass  in  front  [in  a  row]. 
When  you  were  come  out  of  it,  you  were  presently  at  the 
haven's  side  and  the  New  Town,  without  discovering  any 
Guard,  Passage,  or  Place  of  importance,  such  as  might  any 
ways  give  the  least  advantage  to  the  enemy's  observation. 
It  was,  in  truth,  in  nothing  else  secret  but  that  it  was 
covered  overhead  from  the  eye  of  the  heavens :  otherwise 
there  was  no  passage  about  the  whole  town  less  prejudicial 
than  that. 

There  is  a  bolt  of  the  same  quiver  likewise  fallen  into 
Emanuel  de  Meteren's  book.  There,  the  General's 
judgement  is,  forsooth  !  controlled  ;  and  by  the  providence 
of  Captain  Sinklyer  [?  Sinclair]  and  some  others,  as  they 
think,  much  bettered.  The  General,  there,  is  said  to  have 
neglected  the  False  Bray,  and  that,  in  a  time  when  it  was 
needful  to  have  defended  it :  but  Captain  Sinklyer  with 
other  Captains  provided  for  it.  But  how  provided  for  it  ? 
Sinklyer  with  six  musketeers  undertook  it !  The  Captains 
promised  him  two  companies :  the  place  could  contain  one 
good  one !  But  why  Musketeers  alone,  and  not  Pikes  ? 
Since  they  could  make  it  good,  why  but  six  ?  and  that 
against  the  fury  of  an  army  !  What  knowledge  would  they 
teach  our  cannon  to  spare  the  Scots  and  kill  the  Spaniards, 
being  pesle  mesle  ? 

It  is  ridiculous.  Captain  Sinklyer,  if  he  lived,  would  be 
angry  to  have  his  judgement  thus  wronged  and  printed  so 
small,  as  to  undertake  the  defence  of  the  False  Bray,  when 
the  Bulwark  [i.e.,  the  Sand  Hill]  itself  was  assaultable.  But 
I  leave  these  poor  detractions  that  betray  only  the  detractors' 
weakness  :  and  so  to  return  to  the  matter. 


On  the  two  Bulwarks  formerly  mentioned,  Helmont  and 
Sand  Hill,  with  the  mount  Flamenburg,  he  placed  store  of 
artillery  and  mortars :  the  mortars  most  of  all  at  Helmont 
with  much  ordnance;  for  that,  as  I  said  before,  scoured  the 


^''?^' ?lio.']  Vere  opens  negotiations  on  Dec.  23, 160 1. 191 

avenue  of  the  enemy's  coming  upon  the  Sand  Hill  and  the 
Old  Town. 

When  he  had  thus  ordered  his  affairs  for  defence,  he  began 
to  betake  him  to  his  stratagem  :  which,  indeed,  was  our  best 
shelter  against  that  storm. 

He  sent  Captain  Lewis  Courtier,  who  spake  good 
Spanish,  into  the  Porcupine  or  Porcepic,  the  nearest  place  of 
Guard  to  the  enemy,  with  orders  to  desire  speech  with  some 
of  them.  He  called  twice  or  thrice,  or  more;  but  none 
answered  him.     So  he  effected  nothing. 

The  General  displeased  thereat,  sent  me  to  the  place  on 
the  same  errand.  I  called,  but  no  man  answered.  I  beat  a 
drum,  but  they  would  not  hear.  Upon  that,  I  returned  to 
the  General,  and  told  him,  "  they  expected  form.  If  he 
would  speak  with  any  of  them,  I  must  go  without  the  limits 
of  our  works." 

He  desired  it :  but  feared  they  would  shoot  at  me.  I  put 
it  to  an  adventure. 

Coming  to  the  haven's  side,  I  caused  the  drummer  to  beat : 
and  at  the  second  call,  one  answered  me. 

After  a  little  stay,  the  Governor  of  Sluis,  Mattheo 
Cerano,  came  to  me.  Each  made  his  quality  known  to  the 
other,  and  I,  my  errand  to  him  that  "  the  General  Verb 
desired  to  have  some  qualified  person  of  theirs,  sent  into  the 
town  to  speak  with  him." 

He  made  this  known  to  the  Archduke.  I  attended  his 
return  ;  which  was  speedy,  and  with  acceptance.  He  told 
me  of  his  affection  to  our  nation,  bred  and  nourished  through 
the  good  correspondency  and  neighbourhood  betwixt  the 
Lord  Governor  of  Flushing  Sir  Robert  Sidney,  and  him. 
He  would  take  it  as  a  courtesy  that  the  General  Verb  would 
nominate  and  desire  him  of  the  Archduke,  to  be  employed  in 
this  business. 

This  was  performed  :  and  at  our  next  meeting,  it  was 
agreed  that  I  should  be  a  pledge  for  him ;  that  each  should 
bring  a  companion  with  him  ;  that  he  with  his,  should  have 
General  Verb's,  I  and  mine,  Don  Augustino's  word  for  our 
safety;  that  during  the  treaty,  no  hostility  should  be  used  on 
land ;  and  that  against  low  water,  we  should  find  ourselves 
there  again  at  the  same  place.  This  done,  we  parted  each 
to  his  home. 


6 


192  Ogle  and  Fairfax  go  as  English  hostages.  [^'V'  ^Jll. 

I  told  the  General  what  had  passed.  He  persuaded,  and 
that  earnestly,  with  the  Netherlandish,  French,  and  Captains 
of  other  nations,  to  have  some  one  of  them  accompany  me 
in  this  action ;  the  rather  to  avoid  that  interpretation  which 
he  foresaw  would  follow,  being  managed  by  him  and  his 
English  only :  but  they  all  refused,  notwithstanding  he 
assured  several  of  them,  his  purpose  was  no  other  than  to 
gain  time. 

Where,  myself  can  testify,  that  coming  to  him  almost  at 
low  water,  to  know  his  further  pleasure ;  I  found  him  very 
earnest  in  persuading  with  an  old  Captain,  called  Nicholas  de 
Leur:  to  whom  I  heard  him  say,  Je  voiis  assure  ce  n'est  que  pour 
gaigner  temps.  I  was  not  then  so  good  a  Frenchman  as  that 
I  durst  say  I  well  understood  him,  neither  the  purpose  he 
had  with  him.     Since,  I  have  learned  both  better. 

This  man  refused  as  well  as  the  rest.  Whereupon  the 
General,  in  a  choler,  willed  me,  to  take  with  me  whom  I 
would  myself;  for  he  would  appoint  none  ! 

I  took  my  old  companion,  and  then  familiar  friend,  Captain 
Fairfax. 

Cerano  and  Ottanes  were  then  at  the  water  side,  when 
we  came.  Simon  Anthonio  and  Gamboletti,  both  Colonels 
[of  Horse]  or  Maestros  del  Campo,  brought  them  over  on  horse- 
back to  us. 

On  the  other  side,  Don  Juan  de  Pantochi,  Adjudante, 
received  us  ;  and  Don  Augustino  de  Mexia,  at  the  battery  : 
behind  which,  was  the  army  ranged  ready  for  the  assault. 

These  two  brought  us  to  the  Archduke  [Albert],  who 
was  then  come  to  the  approaches  [trenches],  accompanied  as 
became  so  great  a  Prince. 

We  performed  those  respects  that  were  fitting. 

He  vouchsafed  us  the  honour  to  move  his  hat. 

Being  informed  by  one  Hugh  Owen,  an  Englishman,  but 
a  fugitive,  of  our  names  and  families  ;  as  also  that  I  could 
speak  Spanish  :  he  conjured  me  "  as  I  was  a  Gentleman,  to 
tell  him  if  there  were  any  deceit  in  this  handling  or  not  ?  " 

I  told  him,  "  If  there  were,  it  was  more  than  I  knew  of: 
for,  with  my  knowledge,  I  would  not  be  used  as  an  instru- 
ment in  a  work  of  that  nature." 

He  asked  me  then,  "  What  instructions  I  had  ?  " 

I  told  him,   "  None  !    For  we  were  come  hither  only  as 


^'V'?6io:]  Their  interview  with  the  Archduke.    193 

pledges  to  assure  the  return  of  them,  to  whom  he  had  given 
his  instructions." 

He  asked  me  again,  "  Whether  I  thought  the  General 
meant  sincerely  or  not  ?  " 

I  told  him,  "  I  was  altogether  unacquainted  with  his  pur- 
pose :  but  for  anything  I  knew,  he  did." 

Upon  this,  we  were  dismissed ;  and  were  by  Don 
AuGUSTiNO  [de  Mexia],  whom  Don  Juan  de  Pantochi  ever 
attended,  brought  to  his  lodging:  and  there  honourably  and 
kindly  entertained  ;  and  visited  by  most  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
army,  and  also  by  some  ecclesiastical  persons. 

There  came  an  advertisement  from  the  approaches 
[trenches],  of  working  in  the  town.  This  was  occasioned,  as 
they  thought,  by  noise  of  knocking  in  palisadoes. 

To  give  orders  to  the  contrary ;  we  were,  after,  carried  on 
horseback  thither.  We  having  received  answer  that  "  it 
was  only  a  cabin  of  planks  set  up  to  keep  beer  in  "  :  the 
noise  of  that  work,  and  their  suspicion  ceased  together.  Yet 
we  stayed  some  hours  at  the  Guard  of  Gamboletti,  the 
Italian  Colonel,  who  at  that  time  had  the  Point  [the  advanced 
post  or  entrenchment] ;  and  the  Conde  Theodoro  Trivulci 
and  some  others  of  the  cavalry  accompanied  us  some  hours : 
after  which,  we  returned  to  the  camp,  and  to  the  Don 
AuGUSTiNO,  and  our  rest. 

In  the  morning,  we  found  our  lodging  environed  with  a 
strong  guard  :  and  understood  of  the  discontentments  of 
Cerano  and  Ottanes,  who  had  returned  ;  and  how  they  had 
not  any  speech  with  the  General. 

This  startled  me  and  Fairfax,  who  dreamt  of  no  such 
matter ;  nor  of  any  such  manner  of  proceedings  :  Fairfax 
thought  I  had  some  secret  instructions  in  particular ;  and 
desired  me  to  tell  "  what  the  Fox  meant  to  do  ?  " 

I  told  him,  and  it  was  truth,  "  I  knew  as  little  as  he  "  : 
but  calling  then  to  mind  the  discourse  he  [Verb]  had  in 
his  lodging,  and  mentioned  formerly  in  this  [p.  161],  and 
comparing  it  with  the  action ;  I  said  to  Fairfax,  "  I  verily 
believed  that  he  meant  to  put  a  trick  upon  them." 

"But,"  quoth  he,  "the  trick  is  put  upon  us,  methinksl 
For  we  are  prisoners  and  in  their  power ;  they,  at  liberty, 
and  our  judges." 

Don  AuGUSTiNO  coming  to  us,  gave  an  end  to  this  dis- 

N  2 


194  "  The  Commissioners  have  cOxMe  back  !  "  p-^'^flo; 

course ;  and  beginning  another  with  me,  apart  in  his  own 
chamber,  where,  with  a  grave  and  settled  countenance,  he 
told  me  of  the  Commissioners'  return,  their  entertainmen. 
and  discontentment ;  as  also  the  Archduke's  towards  me,  for 
abusing  him.  And  especially  he  urged  these  two  points, 
That  I  told  Cerano  that  "  the  General  desired  speech  with 
some  from  His  Highness;  "  which  seemed  not  to  be  so,  for  he 
flatly  refused  :  and  that  I  had  said  to  His  Highness  himself 
that  "  I  was  not  an  instrument  of  deceit,"  which  also 
appeared  otherwise,  and  would  not,  I  must  account,  be  so 
slightly  passed  over. 

Hereunto,  I  answered,  "  That  the  Commissioners  are 
returned  without  speech  with  the  General  is  as  strange  to 
me  as  unexpected  to  them ;  and  I  am  the  more  sensible  of 
this  discourtesy  towards  them,  through  the  kind  usage  I 
receive  here  of  you  !  but  as  I  am  not  of  counsel  in  this 
manner  of  proceedings,  so  I  know  as  little  how  to  help  it  as 
I  can  reach  the  drift.  Touching  the  other  point  of  His 
Highness's  displeasure  towards  me,  I  hope  so  noble  a 
Prince  will  admit  no  other  impression  of  my  person  or 
actions  than  the  integrity  of  both  shall  fairly  deliver  him. 
For  if  I  have  deceived  him,  it  is  more  than  probable  I  am 
deceived  myself :  nor  do  I  believe  that  His  Highness  or 
any  of  you  judge  me  so  flat  or  so  stupid  as,  upon  knowledge 
of  such  a  purpose,  in  irritating  His  Highness,  I  would 
deliver  myself  and  friend  as  sacrifices  to  make  another  man's 
atonement.  It  is  certain  then,  if  the  General  hath  fraud  in 
this  action,  he  borrows  [pledges]  our  persons,  not  our  consents 
to  work  it  by ;  which  though  you  have  now  in  your  power, 
yet  I  will  not  fear  the  least  ill  measure,  so  long  as  I  have 
the  word  of  Don  Augustino  for  my  safety." 

The  noble  Gentleman,  moved  with  my  confidence,  took  me 
in  his  arms,  assured  me  it  again ;  as  also  any  courtesy 
during  my  stay  there  :  and  was  indeed  as  good  as  his  word. 

This  thus  passed,  he  told  me,  "  He  would  relate  faithfully 
to  the  Archduke,  what  I  had  said  :  "  but  yet,  ere  he  went, 
he  desired  to  know  of  me,  what  I  thought  was  to  be  further 
done. 

I  told  him,  "  It  could  not  be,  but  there  must  be  a  mistak- 
ing on  the  one  side  or  the  other.  That  therefore,  to  clear 
all  doubts,  I  held  it  expedient  for  me  to  write  to  the  General, 


^V'?6io:]  Here's  policy  in  not  seeing  tiiem.  195 

to  let  him  know  our  present  condition,  His  Highness's  dis- 
contentment upon  this  manner  of  proceeding,  the  danger  he 
exposed  me  unto  ;  and  to  understand  his  further  purpose  for 
our  enlargement." 

This  answer  he  carried  presently  to  His  Highness,  and 
was  interpreted  by  Owen  ;  and  then  sent  by  a  messenger 
into  the  town.  And  thus  was  this  rub  removed,  the  Com- 
missioners required  and  sent  in,  and  the  Parley  brought 
upon  the  former  foot  again. 

The  General  was  not  a  little  glad  of  their  return,  for  it 
redeemed  the  fear  he  had  of  ours  :  who,  as  Captain  Charles 
Rassart  told  me  after,  was  not  a  little  perplexed  for  me. 
He  would  often  say,  "  What  shall  I  do  for  my  Lieutenant 
Colonel  ?  "  and  wished  he  had  me  back  again,  though  he 
paid  my  ransom  five  times  over.  He  would  sometimes  com- 
fort himself  with  hope  of  their  civility  and  my  demeanour  : 
fearing  the  worst,  he  said,  "  I  could  not  suffer  better  than 
for  the  public  cause." 

Ths  reason  he  hazarded  us,  and  handled  them,  was  to 
gain  so  much  more  time.  For  that  was  precious  to  him,  for 
the  advancement  of  his  works  in  the  Old  Town  :  to  which, 
through  the  benefit  of  this  occasion  of  cessation  of  hostility, 
he  had  now  drawn  most  of  the  hands  that  could  labour, 
giving  them  spades  to  work,  and  orders  to  have  their 
weapons  by  them  ready,  upon  occasion  to  fight. 

He  handled  the  matter  so,  that  ere  the  Commissioners 
returned  again,  the  Old  Town  and  works  were  stronger  by 
[the  value  olj  a  thousand  men.  He  could  not  have  done 
this,  at  least  so  conveniently,  had  he  begun  conference  with 
them  at  their  first  entry ;  nor  avoided  that  first  conference, 
had  he  stayed  them  in  the  town  :  at  least,  (every  man  hath 
his  own  ways)  he  understood  it  so  ;  and  it  was  a  sure  and 
safe  course  for  him  and  his  designs. 

For  causing  Edward  Goldwell,  a  Gentleman  that  then 
waited  on  him  in  his  chamber,  to  make  an  alarm  at  their 
entry :  he  pretended  thereupon,  treachery  on  their  part,  and 
made  it  the  cause  why  he  would  neither  let  them  stay  in  the 
town,  nor  return  the  way  they  came. 

This  bred  disputes,  and  messengers  passed  to  and  fro 
betwixt  them  and  the  General.  In  the  meantime,  the  flood 
[tide]  came  in,  and  the  water  waxed  so  high  that  there  was 


196  The  Commissioners  return  on  24TH  Dec.  [^'"'/■^tlo. 

no  passage  that  way,  without  a  boat :  whereof  there  was 
none  on  that  side  of  the  town,  nor  any  brought ;  for  that  had 
been  to  cross  his  own  purpose. 

The  Commissioners  desired  earnestly  to  be  suffered  to 
stay,  though  it  were  upon  the  worst  Guard  [the  most  destroyed 
fort]  of  the  town;  but  it  was  denied.  For  he  must  rid  him- 
self of  them.  He  could  not  do  his  business  so  well,  if  their 
eyes  and  ears  were  so  near  him. 

He  sent  them  therefore  to  their  friends  on  the  east  side, 
forecasting  wisely  that  ere  they  could  come  there,  and  thence 
by  the  south  to  the  west  side  again  there  to  have  admittance 
to  His  Highness,  and  there  to  have  the  matter  debated  in 
Council,  he  should  not  only  gain  the  whole  winter's  night, 
but  also  the  most  part  of  the  next  day,  for  his  advantage. 
Which  fell  out  according  to  that  calculation ;  and,  beyond 
his  expectation,  it  continued  longer. 

At  the  Commissioners'  return,  his  latter  entertainment  to 
them  was  better  than  the  first.  He  feasted  with  them,  drank 
and  discoursed  with  them;  but  came  to  no  direct  overture  of 
Article,  though  they  much  pressed  him.  That  part  of  the 
day  and  the  whole  night  was  so  spent,  and  in  sleep. 

The  like  had  we  in  the  camp ;  except  drinking,  whereof 
there  was  no  excess  ;  but  of  good  cheer  and  courtesy  abun- 
dance. 

In  the  morning,  were  discovered  five  ships  out  of  Zealand 
riding  in  the  road.  They  brought  400  men,  and  some 
materials  for  the  sea  works.  The  men  were  landed  on  the 
strand  with  long-boats  and  shallops.  The  enemy  shot  at  them 
with  their  artillery,  but  did  no  hurt. 

The  pretext  of  succour  from  the  States,  the  General  took 
to  break  off  the  treaty  :  which  he  had  not  yet  really  entered 
into. 

The  Commissioners  were,  on  both  sides,  discharged  in  this 
order.  Ceraxo  came  first  into  the  army.  It  was  my  right 
to  have  gone  [back]  for  him;  but  I  sent  Captain  Fairfax,  at 
the  earnest  entreaty  of  Don  Juan  de  Pantochi  [pp.  166, 167] 
and  some  others  :  who  said,  "  They  desired  my  stay,  only  to 
have  my  company  so  much  the  longer ;  "  making  me  believe  it 
was  agreeable  to  them,  the  rather  for  that  I  spake  their  lan- 
guage. I  was  the  more  willing  to  yield,  because  I  would  not 
leave  any  other  impression  than  that  I  saw  they  had  received 


H.  Hexham 
1610, 


,;]  Affairs  inside  Ostend,  on  that  night.   197 

of  my  integrity  in  the  negotiation.     Fairfax  being  in  the 
town,  Ottanes  made  not  long  stay;  nor  I,  after  him. 

The  General  was  not  pleased  that  I  stayed  out  of  my  turn  ; 
but  when  I  gave  him  my  reasons  for  it,  he  seemed  to  be  well 
contented. 

Concerning  what  was  done  within  the  town  during  the  treaty; 
Henry  Hexham  [Sir  F.  Vere^s  Page\  gives  us  tliis  further  account 
upon  his  own  knowledge. 

He  next  day,  towards  evening,  the  enemy's  Com- 
missioners, Cerano  and  Ottanes,  returned  again. 
General  Vere's  last  entertainment  of  them,  was 
better  than  his  first.  For  he  then  feasted  them, 
made  them  the  best  cheer  he  could,  drank  many 
healths  as  the  Queen  of  England's,  the  King  of  Spain's,  the 
Archduke's,  Prince  Maurice's,  and  divers  others ;  and  dis- 
coursed with  them  at  the  table,  before  his  brother  Sir  Horace 
Verb  and  the  chief  Officers  of  the  town,  whom  he  had  in- 
vited to  keep  them  company :  and  having  drunk  freely,  led 
them  into  his  own  chamber,  and  laid  them  in  his  own  bed,  to 
take  their  rests. 

The  Commissioners  going  to  bed,  the  General  took  his  leave 
of  them  ;  and  presently  after,  went  to  the  Old  Town  :  where 
he  found  Captain  Dexter  and  Captain  Clark  with  their 
men,  silently  at  work.  Having  been  with  them  an  hour  or 
two,  to  give  them  directions  what  they  should  do,  returning 
to  his  lodging,  he  laid  him  down  upon  his  quilt,  and  gave  me 
charge  that,  an  hour  before  day,  I  should  go  to  Ralph 
Dexter,  and  command  him  from  him,  "not  to  draw  off  his 
men  till  the  dawning  of  the  day,  but  that  they  should  follow 
their  work  lustily." 

And  coming  to  him,  at  the  time  appointed,  according  to 
my  Lord's  command ;  after  the  break  of  day,  we  looked  out 
towards  the  sea,  and  espied  five  men-of-war,  come  out  of 
Zealand,  riding  in  the  road,  which  had  brought  400  men  and 
some  materials  for  the  sea  works. 

Coming  home,  I  wakened  my  Master,  and  told  him  the  first 
news  of  it.  He  presently  sent  for  our  Captain  of  the  Shallops 
and  Long-boats,  which  la[u]nc[h]ing  out,  landed  them  on  the 
strand,  by  our  new  Middle  Haven. 


198  Vere's  letter  to  the  Archduke.    j^Re^.  w.^D.iiingham. 

And  notwithstanding  the  enemy  shot  mightily  upon  them, 
with  their  cannon  from  their  four  batteries  on  the  east  and 
west  side,  to  sink  them,  and  hinder  their  landing  :  yet  did 
they  no  other  harm  but  only  hurt  three  mariners. 

These  pieces  of  ordnance  roused  Cerano  from  "  his  naked 
bed  "  :  who  knocking,  asked  me,  "  What  was  the  reason  of 
this  shooting  ?  " 

I  answered  him  in  French,  II  y  avail  quelque  gens  d'armes  de 
noircs  enires  dans  la  ville  :  whereat  he  was  much  amazed ;  and 
would  hardly  give  credit  to  it,  till  Captain  Potley  (who  came 
with  these  ships,  and  whom  he  knew  well)  was  brought  before 
him,  and  assured  him  it  was  so. 

General  Vere,  having  now  received  part  of  the  long-expected 
supplies,  together  with  the  assurance  of  more  at  hand,  straightways 
broke  off  the  Treaty  :  which,  though  ending  somewhat  abruptly,  had, 
it  seems,  finished  the  part  which  was  by  him  allotted  to  it. 

Whereupon,  he  sent  the  Archduke  the  following  acquittance. 

\E  HAVE,  heretofore,  lield  it  necessary,  for  certain  reasons, 
to  treat  with  the  Deputies  which  had  authority  from yonf 
Highness  ;  but  whilst  we  were  about  to  conclude  upon  the 
Conditions  and  Articles,  there  are  arrived  certain  of  our 
^hips  of  war,  by  which  we  have  received  part  of  that  which  we  had 
need  of :  so  that  we  cannot,  with  our  honour  and  oath,  continue  the 
Treaty,  nor  proceed  in  it,  which  we  hope  that  your  Highness  will 
not  take  in  ill  part ;  and  that,  nevertheless,  when  your  power  shall 
reduce  us  to  the  like  estate,  you  will  not  refuse,  as  a  most 
generous  Prince,  to  vouchsafe  us  again  a  gentle  audience. 
From  our  town  of  Ostend, 

the  2^th  of  December,  1601. 

{signed)  Francis    Verb. 

Now,  whosoever  shall  but  consider  how  many,  and  how  great  diffi- 
culties the  Archduke  had  struggled  with,  to  maintain  the  siege  ;  how 
highly  concerned  he  was  in  point  of  honour,  and  how  eagerly  engaged 
in  his  affections  ;  and  what  assured  hopes  he  had  of  taking  the  town, 
will  easily  conceive  that  he  must  needs  find  himself  much  discom- 
posed at  so  unexpected  a  disappointment.  He  had  already  taken  it 
with  his  eyes  :  and  as  if  he  had  bound  the  Leviathan  for  his  maidens 
to  sport  withal,  under  the  assurance  of  the  truce,  he  walked  the 
Infanta  before  the  town,  with  twenty  I^adies  and   Gentlewomen  in 


Rev.  W.  Dillingham.-J  j^200  MEN  REPAIRING  THE  WORKS.    I99 

her  train ;  as  it  were  valiantly  to  stroke  this  wild  beast  which  he 
had  now  laid  fast  in  the  toils,  and  to  look  upon  the  outside  of  the  town 
before  they  entered  into  it. 

Now,  to  have  his  hopes  thus  blown  up,  and  to  be  thrown  from  the 
top  of  so  much  confidence  ;  wonder  not  if  we  find  him  much  enraged 
at  it !  and  what  can  we  now  expect  but  that  he  should  let  fly  his  rage 
in  a  sudden  and  most  furious  assault  upon  the  town  ?  especially  con- 
sidering that,  before  the  Treaty  began,  all  things  were  in  readiness  for 
such  a  purpose.  But  whether  it  were,  that  the  Treaty  had  unbended 
the  soldiers'  resolution,  or  the  unexpected  breaking  off  had  astounded 
the  Archduke's  counsels,  or  whether  his  men  were  discouraged  at 
their  enemy's  increased  strength,  or  whatsoever  the  cause  were  :  cer- 
tain it  is,  that  there  was  no  considerable  assault  made  upon  the  town, 
for  many  days  after. 

And  we  have  cause  to  believe  that  General  Vere  was  never  a  whit 
sorry  for  it ;  who  had  by  this  means,  opportunity,  though  no  leisure, 
to  repair  his  works  :  wherein  he  employed  above  1,200  men  for  at  least 
eight  days  together.  During  which  time,  he  stood  in  guard  in  person, 
at  the  time  of  low  water  in  the  night,  being  the  time  of  greatest 
danger ;  which  conduced  much  to  the  encouragement  of  his  men. 
Having  received  intelligence,  by  his  scouts,  of  the  enemy's  prepara- 
tions and  resolutions,  within  a  few  days,  to  give  them  a  general  as- 
sault :  he  was  careful  to  man  the  chief  places,  Helmont,  Sand  Hill, 
and  the  rest ;  and  to  furnish  them  with  cannon  and  stones,  and  what 
else  might  be  useful  for  their  defence. 

Meanwhile,  the  besiegers  spared  no  powder ;  but  let  fly  at  the 
ships,  which  notwithstanding,  daily  and  nightly,  went  into  the  town  : 
and  many  a  bullet  was  interchanged  between  the  town  and  the  camp, 
which  lay,  all  this  while,  pelting  at  one  another  ;  some  s  mall  hurts 
on  both  sides  being  given  and  received. 

But  the  7th  of  January  [1602]  was  the  day  designed  by  the 
besiegers  wherein  to  attempt  something  extraordinary. 

All  the  day  long  without  intermission,  did  the  Archduke  batter  the 
Bulwark  of  Sand  Hill,  Helmont,  Porcepic^  and  other  places  adjoining, 
with  18  cannon  from  two  of  his  batteries :  the  one  at  the  foot  of  the 
downs  upon  the  Catteys,  and  the  other  on  the  south  side  thereof 
From  whence  were  discharged,  which  the  cannoneers  counted,  above 
2,000  shot  on  that  side  of  the  town  :  all  the  bullets  weighing  4olbs.  or 
461bs.  apiece. 

After  I  was  thus  far  engaged,  I  happily  \by  hap\  met  with  an 
account  of  this  bloody  assault,  by  Henry  Hexham,  who  was  present 
at  it.     To  him,  therefore,  I  shall  willingly  resign  the  story. 


200 


[H  ENRY     Hexham, 
Sir    Francis    Vere's    Page. 

Account  of  the  Assault  07i   Ostend^ 
"jth  yanuary^    1602.] 

Is  Highness  the  Archduke  then  seeing  him- 
self thus  deluded  by  General  Verb's  Parley, 
was  much  vexed  thereat ;  and  was  very 
angry  with  the  chief  of  his  Council  of  War, 
who  had  diverted  him  from  giving  the 
assault  upon  that  day  [23?'^  December, 
1601]  when  the  Parley  was  called  for : 
insomuch  that  some  of  them,  for  two  or 
three  days  after,  as  it  was  credibly  reported,  durst  not  look 
him  in  the  face. 

Others,  to  please  him,  persuaded  him  to  give  an  assault 
upon  the  town.  Hereupon,  His  Highness  took  a  resolution 
to  revenge  himself  of  those  within  the  town,  saying  "  he  would 
put  them  all  to  the  sword  !  "  his  Commanders  and  soldiers 
taking  likewise  an  oath  that,  if  they  entered,  '*  they  would  not 
spare  man,  woman,  nor  child  in  it !  " 

Till  that,  the  enemy  had  shot  upon  and  into  the  town, 
above  163,200  cannon  shot,  to  beat  it  about  our  ears;  scarcely 
leaving  a  whole  house  standing :  but  now,  to  pour  out  his 
wrath  and  fury  more  upon  us,  on  the  7th  of  January  [1602] 
above-said,  very  early  in  the  morning,  he  began  with  18  pieces 
of  cannon  and  half-cannon,  carrying  bullets  of  481bs  and  4olbs 
apiece  \See  Vol.  IV.  p.  251],  from  their  Pile  Battery,  and 
that  which  stood  under  their  Cattey  upon  the  foot  of  the 


"■""I'ei'S;] Plan  AND  details  of  Spanish  attack.  201 

downs,  to  batter  Sand  Hill,  the  Porcepic,  and  Helmont. 
And  that  day  till  evening,  he  shot  upon  Sand  Hill  and  the 
Curtain  of  the  Old  Town,  above  220  cannon  shot;  insomuch 
that  it  might  rather  have  been  called  Iron  Hill  than  Sand 
Hill :  for  it  stuck  so  full  of  bullets,  that  many  of  them  tumbled 
down  into  the  False  Bay  ;  and  others  striking  on  their  own 
bullets,  broke  in  pieces,  and  flew  up  into  the  air  as  high  as  a 
steeple. 

During  this  furious  battery,  the  enemy,  all  the  day  long, 
made  great  preparations  to  assault  us  against  night  :  and  to 
that  end,  brought  down  scaling  ladders,  great  store  of  ammu- 
nition, hand  grenades  [small  sliells  thrown  with  the  hand],  and 
divers  other  instruments  and  materials  of  war  fitting  there- 
unto ;  and  withal,  towards  evening,  drew  down  his  army, 
and  ordered  his  men  in  this  manner : 

Count  Farnese,  an  Italian,  should  first  give  on,  with  2,000 
Italians  and  Spaniards,  upon  Sand  Hill,  the  breach,  and  the 
Curtain  of  the  Old  Town  :  and  the  Governor  of  Dixmunde, 
with  2,000  Spaniards  and  other  nations,  upon  the  Porcepic 
and  Helmont.  Another  Captain,  with  500  men,  was  to  fall 
on  upon  the  West  Ravelin;  and  another  Captain,  with  500 
men  more,  upon  the  South  Quarriers :  and  the  Spanish 
Sergeant-Major  General  [?  Ottanes]  which  was  an  hostage 
in  Ostend,  upon  the  West  Quarriers.  Making  in  all  8,000 
men  to  assault  the  west  side. 

And  the  Count  of  Bucquoy  was  to  have  assaulted  the  east 
side,  the  East  Ravelin  and  the  New  Haven ;  as  a  second 
[support]  for  them  which  fell  on  upon  the  Sand  Hill  and  the 
Old  Town  on  the  west  side.  And  thus  their  men,  time,  and 
place  were  ordered. 

General  Verb  knowing  the  enemy's  intent,  that  he  would 
assault  us  at  low  water,  slept  not ;  but  was  exceedingly  careful 
and  vigilant,  all  the  day,  to  prepare  the  things  necessaiy  to 
defend  the  town  and  withstand  the  enemy.  And  because 
there  were  no  spars,  beams,  and  palisadoes  in  the  Magazine,  he 
caused  divers  houses  that  were  shot  [through],  to  be  pulled 
down  ;  and  taking  the  beams  and  spars  from  off  them,  he 
made  the  carpenters  make  palisadoes  and  stockadoes  of  them. 
At  a  high  water,  he  shut  the  West  Sluices,  and  engrossed  as 
much  water  as  he  possibly  could  into  the  Old  and  New  Town. 


202    Plan  and  details  of  English  defence.  ["■^"le™: 

Towards  evening,  he  drew  all  the  men  in  the  town  that 
were  able  to  fight,  into  arms :  and  disposed  of  them,  as 
foUoweth  : 

To  maintain  Sand  Hill,  and  defend  the  breach,  he  placed 
his  brother  Sir  Horace  Verb,  and  Sir  Charles  Fairfax 
[pp.  136,  166]  with  12  weak  companies,  whereof  some  were 
not  above  10  or  12  strong  ;  giving  them  double  arms,  a  pike 
and  a  musket,  and  a  good  store  of  ammunition. 

Upon  the  Curtain  [i.e.,  the  plain  wall]  of  the  Old  Town 
between  Sand  Hill  and  a  redoubt  called  Schottenburch  (a 
most  dangerous  place,  which  he  feared  most ;  being  torn  and 
beaten  down  with  the  sea  and  the  enemy's  cannon),  Sir 
Francis  Verb  stood  himself,  with  Captain  Zeglin  with  6 
weak  companies,  to  help  to  defend  it. 

Within  the  redoubt  of  Schottenburch  itself,  he  appointed 
Captain  Utenhoven  [pp.  157,  159]  and  Captain  Haughton, 
with  their  2  companies. 

From  Schottenburch  along  the  Curtain  to  the  Old  Church 
(which  the  enemy  had  shot  down) ;  he  placed  Colonel  Lone 
with  his  300  Zealanders  that  came  in  to  the  town  [in  the  five 
ships,  pp.  170,  172]  the  day  \2Sth  Dec,  1601]  the  Parley  brake 
off. 

From  the  Old  Church  along  the  Curtain  and  the  Flanks  to 
the  north  part ;  Captain  Zithan  commanded  over  6  weak 
companies. 

Upon  the  redoubt  called  Moses  Table,  was  Captain 
Montesquire  de  Roques,  a  worthy  French  Captain,  whom 
Sir  Francis  Vere  loved  entirely  for  the  worth  and  valour 
that  was  in  him,  with  2  French  companies. 

For  the  guarding  of  the  North  Ravelin ;  he  appointed 
Captain  Charles  Rassart  with  4  weak  companies. 

The  rest  of  the  Curtain,  by  reason  of  the  Flanks  upon  the 
cut  of  the  New  Haven,  being  reasonably  well  defended,  were 
left  unmanned. 

Upon  the  Curtain  of  the  New  Town,  under  Flamenburg, 
were  placed  5  weak  companies ;  to  second  [support]  Moses 
Table,  if  need  did  require. 

Upon  Flamenburg,  2  whole-cannon  and  2  field  pieces  were 
planted,  to  scour  the  Old  Town. 

Upon  the  West  Ravelin,  2  companies  were  likewise  placed, 
and  a  whole-cannon  and  2  half-cannon  planted  upon  it. 


"■""Si'^G    1,200  MEN  TO  RESIST  10,000  Spaniards.      203 

For  the  defending-  of  the  Porcepic,  a  place  of  great  import- 
ance, lying  under  the  Helmont;  Sir  Francis  Verb  placed  four 
of  the  strongest  companies  that  could  be  found  in  the  town. 

Upon  the  Bulwark  called  Helmont,  which  flanked  directly 
the  breach  and  Sand  Hill,  and  scoured  along  the  strand, 
between  the  enemy's  Pile  Battery,  the  Old  Haven,  over  which 
they  were  to  pass  to  come  to  Sand  Hill,  and  the  Curtain  of 
the  Old  Town,  which  also  did  help  to  defend  the  Porcepic :  he 
placed  10  weak  companies,  whereof  the  General's  company 
was  one.  And  it  had  upon  it  9  brass  and  iron  pieces,  ladened 
with  chained  bullets,  boxes  with  musket  bullets,  and  cartridge 
shot.  These  10  companies  were  kept  as  a  reserve,  to  be 
employed  as  a  second  [reinforcement]  where  most  occasion 
required.  They  were  commanded  by  Captain  METKiRCKand 
Sergeant-Major  [=  the  present  Major  of  a  foot  regiment:  see 
Vol.  I.  p.  463]  Carpenter. 

The  rest  of  the  bulwarks  and  rampires,  and  the  Counterscarp 
about  the  town  were  but  slightly  manned,  with  a  few  men ; 
in  regard  that  the  enemy  could  come  to  attempt  none  of  them, 
till  he  became  master  of  the  former. 

Here  you  see  a  great  many  companies  thus  disposed  of; 
but  all,  or  most  of  them,  were  exceedingly  weak,  and  some 
of  them  not  above  7  or  8  men  strong :  which  in  all,  could  not 
make  above  1,200  able  fighting  men,  to  resist  an  army  of 
10,000  men,  that  stood  ready  to  assault  them. 

The  ordnance  and  other  instruments  and  materials  of  war 
the  General  disposed  of  in  this  sort : 

Upon  the  casement  of  the  West  Bulwark,  he  planted  two 
whole  and  two  half-cannon,  which  flanked  Helmont  and  the 
Porcepic,  and  scoured  along  the  Old  Haven  down  as  far  as  the 
Ton  Beacon,  beyond  their  Pile  Battery,  next  to  that  place 
where  they  were  to  pass  over  the  haven  at  a  low  water.  This 
ordnance  was  likewise  charged  with  musket  bullets,  chain 
bullets,  and  iron  bullets. 

Upon  all  these  batteries,  especially  those  which  flanked 
the  breach  and  played  directly  upon  the  strand ;  Sir  Francis 
Verb  disposed  of  the  best  cannoneers  in  the  town  :  among 
the  rest,  Francis  the  Gurmer,  an  excellent  cannoneer,  who 
had  been  the  death  of  many  a  Spaniard.  And  because  they 
should  be  sure  to  take  their  mark  right  upon  their  cog  [mark]^ 


204      A    PRECIOUS    QUARTER    OF    AN    HOUR.     ["' 


Hexham 
?       1610. 


before  it  grew  dark,  he  commanded  them  to  let  fly  two  or 
three  cannon  bullets  upon  the  strand  and  towards  the  New 
Haven,  to  see  for  a  trial  where  their  bullets  fell,  that  they 
might  find  their  ground  the  better  in  the  night,  when  the 
enemy  was  to  fall  on. 

Moreover,  on  the  top  of  the  breach,  and  along  the  Curtain 
of  the  Old  Town,  were  set  firkins  of  ashes,  to  be  tumbled 
down  the  wall  upon  the  enemy  to  blind  them  :  also  little 
firkins  with  frize-myters  or  quadrant  tenternails,  three  sticking 
in  the  ground  and  one  upright ;  which  were  likewise  to  be 
cast  down  the  rampire  to  prick  them,  when  they  sought  to 
enter.  Then  there  were  many  great  heaps  of  stones  and 
brickbats  (brought  from  the  Old  Church  they  had  shot  down) 
to  throw  amongst  them.  Then  we  had  ropes  of  pitch,  hoops 
bound  about  with  squibs  and  fireworks  to  throw  among  them, 
great  store  of  hand  grenades ;  and  clubs,  which  we  called 
"  Hercules  Clubs,"  with  heavy  heads  of  wood  and  nails 
driven  into  the  squares  of  them.  These  and  some  others, 
because  the  enemy  had  sworn  all  our  deaths,  the  General 
provided  to  entertain  and  welcome  them. 


When  it  began  to  grow  darkish,  a  little  before  low  water, 
in  the  interim  while  the  enemy  was  a  cooling  of  his  ordnance, 
which  had  played  all  the  day  long  upon  the  breach  and  the 
Old  Town  :  the  General  taking  advantage  of  this  precious 
time,  commanded  Captain  Dexter  and  Captain  Clark  with 
some  50  stout  workmen,  who  had  a  rose-noble  [=i6s.  8d.= 
-^4  tiow]  a  piece,  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour's  work,  to  get  up  to 
the  top  of  the  breach  which  the  enemy's  cannon  had  made 
very  mountable,  and  then,  with  all  expedition,  to  cast  up  a 
small  breastwork  and  drive  in  as  many  palisadoes  as  possibly 
they  could :  that  his  brother  Sir  Horace  Vere,  and  the  rest 
of  the  Captains  and  soldiers  which  he  commanded,  might 
have  some  little  shelter,  the  better  to  defend  the  breach  and 
repulse  the  enemy,  when  he  stroved  to  enter.  Which,  blessed 
be  GOD  !  with  the  loss  of  a  few  men,  they  performed. 


This  being   done.  Sir  Francis  Vere   went  through   the 
Sally    Port,   down    into    the    False    Bray.     And   it   being 


H.  Hexham.-|     w  J  gjyjELL  GOOD  STORE  OF  GOLD  CHAINS."       205 

twilight,  called  for  an  old  soldier,  a  Gentleman  of  his  com- 
pany, to  go  out  sentinel-perdu  [i.e.,  in  a  hazardous  position],  and 
to  creep  out  to  the  strand  between  two  gabions;  giving  him 
express  command  that  if  he  saw  an  enemy,  he  should  come 
in  unto  him  silently,  without  giving  any  alarm  at  all. 

He  crept  upon  his  belly  as  far  as  he  could  ;  and,  at  last, 
discovered  Count  Farnese  above  mentioned,  wading  and 
put  over  the  Old  Haven,  above  their  Pile  Battery,  with  his 
2,000  Italians,  which  were  to  fall  on  first  :  and,  as  they  [had] 
waded  over,  he  drew  them  up  into  battalions  and  divisions : 
which  this  Gentleman  having  discovered,  came  silently  to 
Sir  Francis  Verb,  as  he  had  commanded  him.  Who  asked 
him,  "  What  news  ?  " 

"  My  Lord,"  says  he,  "  I  smell  good  store  of  gold  chains, 
buff  jerkins,  Spanish  cassocks  [long  military  cloaks],  and 
Spanish  blades." 

"  Ha  !  "  say  Sir  Francis  Verb,  "  sayest  thou  me  so  !  I 
hope  thou  shalt  have  some  of  them  anon  !  "  and  giving  him 
a  piece  of  gold,  he  went  up  again  through  the  Sally  Port  to 
the  top  of  Sand  Hill.  Where  he  gave  express  order  to 
Sergeant-Major  Carpenter  to  go  to  Helmont,  and  every  man 
to  his  charge  ;  and  not  to  take  any  alarm,  or  shoot  off  either 
cannon-  or  musket-shot  till  he  himself  gave  the  signal :  and 
then  to  give  fire,  both  with  the  ordnance  and  small  shot,  as 
fast  as  ever  they  could  charge  and  discharge. 

When  the  enemy  had  put  over  his  2,000  Italians  ;  he  had 
also  a  signal,  to  give  notice  thereof  to  the  Count  of  Bucquoy, 
that  they  were  ready  to  fall  on  :  whose  signal  was  the  shot  of 
a  cannon  from  their  Pile  Battery  into  the  sea  towards  his 
quarters,  with  a  hollow-holed  bullet,  which  made  a  humming 
noise. 


When  General  Verb  had  got  them  under  the  swoop  of  his 
cannon  and  small  shot,  he  poured  a  volley  of  cannon-  and 
musket-shot  upon  them,  raking  through  their  battalions,  and 
makes  lanes  through  them  upon  the  bare  strand ;  which  did 
so  amaze  and  startle  them,  that  they  were  at  a  non-plus 
whether  they  should  fall  on  or  retreat  back  again.  Yet  at 
last  taking  courage,  and  tumbling  over  the  dead  bodies,  they 
rallied  themselves  and  came  under  the  foot  of  Sand  Hill  and 


2o6  The  walls  of  Ostend  ablaze  with  fire.  [" 


.  Hexham 
?       1610 


along  the  foot  of  the  Curtain  of  the  Old  Wall,  to  the  very 
piles  that  were  struck  under  the  wall,  where  they  began  to 
make  ready  to  send  us  a  volley. 

Which  Sir  Francis  Verb  seeing  they  were  a  presenting, 
and  ready  to  give  fire  upon  us,  because  indeed  all  the  breast- 
work and  parapet  was  beaten  down  flat  to  the  rampire  that 
day,  with  their  ordnance,  and  we  standing  open  to  the  enemy's 
shot,  commanded  all  the  soldiers  to  fall  flat  down  upon  the 
ground,  while  the  enemy's  shot  flew  like  a  shower  of  hail 
over  their  heads  :  which,  for  the  reasons  above  said,  saved  a 
great  many  men's  lives. 

This  being  done ;  our  men  rising,  saw  the  enemy  hasting 
to  come  up  to  the  breach,  and  mounting  up  the  wall  of  the 
Old  Town.  Sir  Francis  Verb  flourishing  his  sword,  called 
to  them  in  Spanish  and  Italian,  Vienneza ! ;  causing  the 
soldiers,  as  they  climbed  up,  to  cast  and  tumble  down  among 
them,  the  firkins  of  ashes,  the  barrels  of  frize-riiyters,  the 
ropes,  stones  and  brickbats  which  were  provided  for  them. 

The  alarm  being  given,  it  was  admirable  to  see  with  what 
courage  and  resolution  our  men  fought.  Yea,  the  LORD 
did,  as  it  were,  infuse  fresh  courage  and  strength  into  a  com- 
pany of  poor  snakes  [  ?  sneaks  or  hideaways]  and  sick  soldiers, 
which  came  running  out  of  their  huts  up  to  the  wall  to  fight 
their  shares  ;  and  the  women  with  their  laps  full  of  powder, 
to  supply  them,  when  they  had  shot  away  all  their  ammuni- 
tion. 

Now  were  all  the  walls  of  Ostend  all  on  a  light  fire,  and 
our  ordnance  thundering  upon  them,  from  our  Bulwarks. 
Now  was  there  a  lamentable  cry  of  dying  men  among  them  : 
for  they  could  no  sooner  come  up  to  the  top  of  the  breach  to 
enter  it,  or  peep  up  between  Sand  Hill  and  Schottenburch  but 
they  were  either  knocked  on  the  head  with  the  stocks  of  our 
muskets  or  our  Hercules  Clubs,  or  run  through  with  our 
pikes  and  swords.  Twice  or  thrice,  when  they  strived  to 
enter,  they  were  beaten  off,  and  could  get  no  advantage  upon 
us. 

The  fight  upon  the  breach  and  the  Old  Town  continued, 
hotter  and  hotter,  for  the  space  of  above  an  hour.  The 
enemy  fell  on,  at  the  same  instant,  upon  the  Porcepic, 
Helmont,  the  West  Ravelin,  and  Quarriers  ;  but  were  so 
bravely  repulsed,  that  they  could  not  enter  a  man. 


"'  "^'I'dTo:]  Defeated  Spaniards  retire  with  loss.    207 

The  enemy  fainting,  and  having  had  his  belly  full ;  those 
on  the  west  side  beat  a  doleful  retreat :  while  the  Lord  of 
Hosts  ended  our  dispute  for  the  town,  and  crowned  us  with 
victory :  and  the  roaring  noise  of  our  cannon  rending  the  air 
and  rolling  along  the  superficies  of  the  water,  the  wind  being 
South  and  with  us,  carried  that  night  the  news  thereof, 
to  our  friends  in  England  and  Holland. 

General  Verb  perceiving  the  enemy  to  fall  off,  commanded 
me  to  run,  as  fast  as  ever  I  could,  to  Sergeant-Major  Car- 
penter and  the  Auditor  Fleming,  who  were  upon  Helmont, 
that  they  should  presently  [at  once]  open  the  West  Sluice  : 
out  of  which  there  ran  such  a  stream  and  torrent,  through 
the  channel  of  the  West  Haven,  that,  upon  their  retreat,  it 
carried  away  many  of  their  sound  and  hurt  men  into  the  sea. 
And  besides,  our  men  fell  [went]  down  our  walls  after  them, 
and  slew  a  great  many  of  their  men  as  they  retreated.  They 
took  some  prisoners,  pillaged  and  stript  a  great  many  [of  the 
killed],  and  brought  in  gold  chains,  Spanish  pistols,  buff 
jerkins,  Spanish  cassocks,  blades,  swords,  and  targets  [shields] 
(among  the  rest,  one  wherein  was  enamelled  in  gold,  the 
Seven  Worthies  worth  700  or  800  guilders  [=£yo  or  ;^8o= 
£350  or  ;^40o  now]). 

Among  the  rest,  was  that  soldier  which  Sir  Francis  Vere 
had  sent  out  to  discover ;  who  came  with  as  much  booty  as 
ever  he  could  lug,  saying,  "  Sir  Francis  Vere  was  now  as 
good  as  his  word." 

Under  Sand  Hill  and  all  along  the  walls  of  the  Old  Town, 
the  Porcepic,  and  West  Ravelin,  lay  whole  heaps  of  dead  car- 
cases, 40  or  50  upon  a  heap,  stark  naked  ;  goodly  young  men, 
Spaniards  and  Italians  :  among  which,  some,  besides  other 
marks  to  know  them  by,  had  their  beards  clean  shaven  off. 
There  lay  also  upon  the  sand  some  dead  horses  ;  ladened 
with  baskets  of  hand  grenades.  They  left  also  behind  them 
their  scaling  ladders,  great  store  of  spades  and  showels 
[shovels],  bills,  hatchets  and  axes,  with  other  materials. 


Here  the  French  Diary  adds,  that  those  who  gave  the  assault  on 
the  Old  Town,  were  furnished  with  two  or  three  day's  victuals,  which 
they  had  brought  in  sacks  :  intending  to  have  intrenched  themselves, 
and  maintain  the  place  against  the  besieged,  if  their  enterprise  had 


2oS    How  THE  East  Attack  was  beguiled.  [ 


H.  Hexham. 
i6io- 


succeeded.  Also  that,  among  the  heaps  of  the  slain  was  found,  in  man's 
apparel,  the  body  of  a  young  Spanish  woman,  near  unto  Sand  Hill : 
who,  as  was  conjectured  by  her  wounds,  had  been  slain  in  the  assault; 
having  under  her  apparel,  a  chain  of  gold  set  with  precious  stones, 
besides  other  jewels  and  silver.  And  also  that,  during  this  assault, 
the  Archduke  disposed  of  himself  behind  the  battery  of  the  Catteys ; 
and  the  Infanta  remained  at  the  Fort  Isabella. 


Upon  the  east  side  also,  they  stood  in  three  great  battalions 
before  the  town,  upon  the  Gullet ;  but  the  tide  coming  in, 
they  came  too  late  :  so  that  they  could  not  second  those  on 
the  west  side,  and  fall  on  where  they  were  appointed ;  to  wit, 
upon  our  New  Haven,  which  lay  upon  the  north-east  side  of 
the  town.  For  the  water  beginning  to  rise,  it  did  amaze  the 
soldiers  ;  and  they  feared,  if  they  stayed  any  longer,  they 
could  not  be  relieved  by  their  fellows. 

However,  for  their  honour,  they  would  do  something  :  and 
resolved  to  give  upon  our  Spanish  Half-Moon,  which  lay 
over  the  Gullet  [i.e.,  on  the  other  side  the  Geule  from  the  town], 
on  the  south-east  part  of  the  town. 

A  soldier  of  ours  falling  out  of  it  (a  policy  of  Sir  Francis 
Verb's)  ;  disappointed  this  design  [i.e.,  of  supporting  the  western 
attack],  and  yielding  himself  prisoner  unto  them,  told  them 
that  there  were  but  40  soldiers  in  the  Half-Moon  ;  and  offered 
to  lead  them  to  it.  Which  he  did,  and  they  took  it.  For 
General  Verb,  with  great  judgement,  had  left  it  thus  ill-man- 
ned ;  to  draw  the  enemy  on  the  east  side  thither,  to  separate 
them  from  their  fellows  on  the  west  side,  and  to  make  them 
lose  time :  contenting  himself  to  guard  the  places  of  most 
importance ;  and  assuring  himself  that  he  should  soon 
recover  the  other  at  his  pleasure. 

The  Archduke's  men,  having  thus  taken  the  Half-Moon, 
and  being  many  therein ;  they  began  with  spades,  shovels, 
pickaxes,  and  other  instruments,  to  turn  it  up  against  the 
town  :  but  all  prevailed  not,  for  it  lay  open  towards  the  town. 
And  those  of  the  town  began  to  shoot  at  them,  from  the 
South  and  Spanish  Bulwarks,  both  with  cannon-  and  musket- 
shot,  with  such  fury,  that  they  slew  many  of  them ;  and 
withal  seeing  the  tide  come  in  more  and  more,  they  began  to 
faint.  Whereupon  General  Verb  sent  Captain  Day  with 
some  troops,  to  beat  them  out  of  it;  who,  with  great  courage, 


H.  Hexham, 
?      1610. 


]     Killed  and  wounded  on  both  sides.       209 


chased  them  out  of  it,  with  the  effusion  of  much  blood:  for, 
the  next  day,  they  told  [counted]  300  men  slain  in  the  Half- 
Moon,  besides  those  that  were  drowned  and  hurt. 


In  this  general  assault,  which,  on  both  sides  of  the 
town,  continued  above  two  hours  upon  all  the  places  above 
mentioned ;  the  Archduke,  besides  some  that  were  carried 
into  the  sea,  lost  above  2,000  men.  Among  the  which, 
there  were  a  great  number  of  noblemen,  chiefs  and  com- 
manders :  among  the  rest,  the  Count  d'Imbero,  an  Italian 
(who  offered  as  much  gold  as  he  did  weigh  for  his 
ransom,  yet  he  was  slain  by  a  private  soldier) ;  Don 
DuRANGO,  Maistro  del  Campo,  or  Colonel ;  Don  Alvares 
SuAREs,  Knight  of  the  Order  of  St.  James ;  Simon  Anthonio, 
Colonel;  the  Sergeant-Major-General  [?  Ottanes],  who  had 
been  hostage  in  Ostend,  on  the  24th  and  25th  of  December, 
1601  [see  pp.  166,  171];  and  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Ant- 
werp, and  divers  others. 

On  our  side,  there  were  slain  between  30  and  40  soldiers, 
and  about  100  hurt.  The  men  of  Command  slain  were, 
Captain  Haughton,  Captain  van  den  Lier  a  Lieutenant  of 
the  new  Geiix,  2  English  Lieutenants,  an  Ancient  [Ensign- 
hearer],  Captain  Haughton's  two  Sergeants  :  and  Master 
Tedcastle,  a  Gentleman  of  Sir  Francis  Vere's  horse,  who 
was  slain  between  Sir  Francis  Verb  and  myself,  his  Page, 
with  two  musket-bullets  chained  together.  Who  calling  to 
me,  bade  me  pull  off  his  gold  ring  from  off  his  little  finger, 
and  send  it  to  his  sister,  as  a  token  of  his  last  "  Good  night :  " 
and  so,  commending  his  spirit  into  the  hands  of  the  LORD, 
died.  Sir  Horace  Vere  was  likewise  hurt  in  the  leg,  with 
a  splinter  that  flew  from  a  palisado. 


And  thus  much,  briefly,  of  the  assault  and  the  repulse  they 
received  in  Ostend,  that  day  and  night ;  in  memory  of  the 
heroic  actions  of  Sir  Francis  Vere,  of  famous  memory,  my 
old  Master. 


After  this  bloody  shower  was  once  over,  the  weather  cleared  up 

O  2 


2IO  Vere  gives  up  his  Command  at  Ostend.  [ 


W.  Dillingham. 

? 


into  its  usual  temper :  and  so  continued,  not  without  good  store  of 
artificial  thunder  and  lightning  on  both  sides  daily ;  but  without  any 
remarkable  alterations,  until  the  yth  of  March  then  next  ensuing, 
which  was  in  the  year  1602. 

Then  did  General  Vere,  having  lately  repaired  the  Poulder  and 
West  Square,  resign  up  his  government  of  Ostend  unto  others 
appointed  by  the  States  to  succeed  him  :  having  valiantly  defended 
it,  for  above  eight  months,  against  all  the  Archduke's  power  ;  and 
leaving  it  much  better  able  to  defend  itself,  than  it  was  at  his  first 
coming  thither. 

So  the  same  night,  both  he  and  his  brother.  Sir  Horace  Vere, 
embarked  themselves,  having  sent  away  their  horses  and  baggage 
before  them ;  both  carrying  with  them,  and  leaving  behind  them,  the 
marks  of  true  honour  and  renown. 

FINIS, 


Sir  Thomas  Overbury 


HI  S 


O  B  S  E  R  VAT  10  N  S, 


IN    HIS    TRAVELS, 


UPON  THE  STATE  OF  THE 


SEVENTEEN  PROVINCES, 


AS    THEY  STOOD   ANNO  DOMINI   1609; 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE  BEING  THEN  ON  FOOT. 


Printed.     M. DC. XXVI. 


213 


Si  r 


THOMAS  OVERBURY's 

Observations^ 

IN    HIS    TRAVELS, 

upon  the  state  of  the 
Seventeen  Provinces, 

JS    THEY  STOOD   ANNO,    DOMINI    1609,- 
rHE    TREATY    OF    PEACE     BEING    THEN    ON     FOOT. 

And  first ^   Of  the   Provinces   United. 


Ll  things  concurred  for  the  rising  and 
maintenance  of  this  State:  the  disposition 
of  the  people,  being  as  mutinous  as 
industrious  and  frugal ;  the  nature  of  the 
country,  everywhere  fortifiable  with  water; 
the  situation  of  it,  having  behind  them  the 
Baltic  sea,  which  yields  them  all  materials 
for  ships,  and  many  other  commodities ; 
and  for  men,  hard  before  them  France  and  England,  both 
fearing  the  Spanish  greatness,  and  therefore  both  concurring 
for  their  aid;  the  remoteness  of  their  Master  from  them;  the 
change  of  religion,  falling  out  about  the  time  of  their  Revolt ; 
and  now  the  Marquis  of  Brandenburgh,  a  Protestant,  like[ly] 
to  become  [the]  Duke  of  Cleve. 

The  discontentments  of  the  Low  Countries  did  first  appear 
soon  after  the  going  away  of  the  Kings  of  Spain,  while  the 
Duchess  of  Parma  governed.  To  suppress  which  beginnings, 
the  Duke  of  Alva  being  sent,  inflamed    them    more    upon 


214   Constitution  of  United  Provinces,  p '^- '^''"^,6^: 

attempting  to  bring  in  the  Inquisition,  and  Spanish  decima- 
tion ;  upon  the  beheading  [of]  Count  Horn  and  Count 
Egmont,  persecuting  those  of  the  Religion  :  and  undertaking 
to  build  citadels  upon  all  their  towns  ;  which  he  effected  at 
Antwerp,  but  enterprising  the  like  at  Flushing,  that  town 
revolted  first,  and  under  it  began  the  war. 

But  the  more  general  Revolt  of  the  Provinces  happened 
after  the  death  of  Don  Louis  de  Requiescens,  and  upon 
the  coming  down  of  Don  John  of  Austria  :  when  all  the 
Provinces,  excepting  Luxemburg  (upon  the  sack  of  Antwerp 
and  other  insolences),  proclaimed  the  Spaniards  "  rebels,  and 
enemies  to  the  King,"  Yet  the  abjuring  of  their  obedience 
from  the  Crown  of  Spain,  was  not  in  a  year  or  two  after. 

Holland  and  Zealand  (upon  their  first  standing  out)  offered 
the  Sovereignty  of  themselves  to  the  Queen,  then  the  Pro- 
tection, both  which  she  neglected ;  and  that,  while  the  French 
sent  greater  aid,  and  more  men  of  quality  than  we  :  but  after 
the  Civil  War  began  in, France^  that  kept  them  busy  at  home ; 
and  then  the  Queen,  seeing  the  necessity  of  their  being 
supported,  upon  the  pawning  of  Brill  and  Flushing,  sent 
money  and  men.  And  since  that,  most  part  of  the  great 
exploits  there,  have  been  done  by  the  English,  who  were 
commonly  the  third  part  of  their  army  ;  being  four  regiments, 
besides  i,ioo  in  Flushing  and  the  Ramekins,  and  500  in  the 
Brill.  But,  of  late,  the  King  of  France  appearing  more  for 
them  than  ours,  and  paying  himself  the  French  [soldiers] 
that  are  there;  they  give  equal,  if  not  more  countenance  to 
that  nation.  But  upon  these  two  Kings,  they  make  their 
whole  dependency  :  and  though  with  more  respect  to  him  that 
is  stronger  for  the  time ;  yet  so,  as  it  may  give  no  distaste 
unto  the  other. 

For  the  manner  of  their  Government.  They  have,  upon 
occasion,  an  Assembly  of  the  General  States,  like  our 
Parliament ;  being  composed  of  those  which  are  sent  from 
every  Province  upon  summons;  and  what  these  Enact,  stands 
for  Law.  Then  is  there  besides,  a  Council  of  State,  residing, 
for  the  most  part,  at  the  Hague:  which  attends  [to]  daily 
occasions  ;  being  rather  employed  upon  Affairs  of  State  than 
particular  [individual]  justice.  The  most  potent  in  this 
Council  was  Barneveld,  by  reason  of  his  Advocates  of 
Holland.     And  besides  both  these,  every  Province  and  great 


Sir  T.  Ove.bury.-j  ^  1 1  jr   D  U  T  C  H  A  D  M  I  N  I  S  T  R  A  T  I  O  N  .   2  I  5 

Town  have  particular  Councils  of  their  own.  To  all  which 
Assemblies,  as  well  of  the  General  States  as  the  rest,  the 
gentry  is  called  for  order  sake,  but  the  State  indeed  is 
demoj^ratical  :  the  merchant  and  the  tradesman  being  pre- 
dominant, the  gentry,  now,  but  few  and  poor;  and,  even  at 
the  beginning,  the  Prince  of  Orange  saw  it  safer  to  rely 
upon  the  towns  than  [upon]  them.  Neither  are  the  gentry 
so  much  engaged  in  the  Cause:  the  people  having  more 
advantages  in  a  Free  State ;  they,  in  a  Monarchy. 

Their  care  in  Government  is  very  exact  and  particular,  by 
reason  that  every  one  hath  an  immediate  interest  in  the  State. 
Such  is  the  equality  of  justice,  that  it  renders  every  man  satis- 
fied ;  such  is  the  public  regularity,  as  a  man  may  see  [that] 
their  laws  were  made  to  guide,  and  not  to  entrap  ;  such  their 
exactness  in  casting  the  expense  of  an  army,  as  that  it  shall 
be  equally  far  from  superfluity  and  want ;  and  as  much  order 
and  certainty  in  their  acts  of  war,  as  in  ours  of  peace  ; 
teaching  it  to  be  both  civil  and  rich.  And  they  still  retain 
that  sign  of  a  Commonwealth  yet  uncorrupted,  "  Private 
poverty,  and  public  weal  I  "  for  no  one  private  man  there  is 
exceeding  rich,  and  few  very  poor ;  and  no  State  more 
sumptuous  in  all  public  things.  But  the  question  is,  whether 
this,  being  a  free  State,  will,  as  well  subsist  in  peace,  as  it  hath 
hitherto  done  in  war.  Peace  leaving  everyone  to  attend  [to] 
his  particular  wealth  :  when  fear,  while  the  war  lasts,  makes 
them  concur  for  their  common  safety.  And  Zealand,  upon 
the  least  security,  hath  ever  been  envious  at  the  predominancy 
of  Holland  and  Utrecht ;  ready  to  mutiny  for  religion  :  and 
besides,  it  is  a  doubt,  whether  the  same  care  and  sincerity 
would  continue  if  they  were  at  their  Consistence,  as  appears 
yet,  while  they  are  but  in  Rising. 

The  Revenue  of  this  State  ariseth  chiefly  from  the  Earl  of 
Holland's  domains  ;  and  confiscated  church  livings  ;  the 
rising  and  falling  of  money,  which  they  use  with  much 
advantage ;  their  fishing  upon  our  coasts,  and  those  of 
Norway  ;  contributions  out  of  the  enemy's  country,  taxes 
upon  all  things  at  home,  and  impositions  [import  diities\  upon 
all  merchandise  from  abroad. 

Their  Expenses  upon  their  Ambassadors,  their  shipping, 
their  ditches,  their  rampiers  [dykes]  and  munition;  and 
commonly  they  have  in  pay,  by  sea  and  land,  60,000  men. 


2i6  Three  Dutch  ships  to  one  English  !  P'"" ^' ^''^''^e^. 

For  the  strength.  The  nature  of  the  country  makes  them 
able  to  defend  themselves  long  by  land.  Neither  could 
anything  have  endangered  them  so  much  as  the  last  great 
frost  [of  1608,  see  Vol.  I.  p.  77],  had  not  the  Treaty  been  then 
on  foot  :  because  the  enemy,  being  then  master  of  the  field  ; 
that  rendered  their  ditches,  marshes,  and  rivers  as  firm  ground. 

There  belongs  to  that  State,  20,000  vessels  of  all  sorts.  So 
that  if  the  Spaniard  were  entirely  beaten  out  of  those  parts ; 
the  Kings  of  France  and  England  would  take  as  much  pains 
to  suppress,  as  ever  they  did  to  raise  them.  For  being  our 
enemies,  they  are  [would  he]  able  to  give  us  the  law  at  sea ; 
and  eat  us  out  of  all  trade,  much  more  the  French :  having 
at  this  time  three  ships  for  our  one,  though  none  so  good  as 
our  best. 

Now  that  whereupon  the  most  part  of  their  Revenue 
depends  is  their  traffic,  in  which  mystery  of  State  they  are,  at 
this  day,  the  wisest.  For  all  the  commodities  that  this  part 
of  the  world  wants,  and  the  Indies  have  (as  spice,  silk,  jewels, 
gold),  they  are  become  the  conveyers  of  them  for  the  rest  of 
Christendom,  except[ing]  us :  as  the  Venetians  were  of  old. 
And  all  those  commodities  that  those  Northern  countries 
abound  with,  and  these  Southern  countries  stand  in  need  of: 
they  likewise  convey  thither;  which  was  the  ancient  trade  of 
the  Easterlings  [Baltic  cities].  And  this  they  do,  having  little 
to  export  of  their  own,  by  buying  of  their  neighbour-countries 
the  former ;  and  selling  them  again  what  they  bring  back,  at 
their  own  prices  :  and  so  consequently,  live  upon  the  idleness 
of  others.  And  to  this  purpose,  their  situation  serves  fitly. 
For  the  rivers  of  the  Rhine,  the  Maas,  and  [the]  Scheldt 
all  end  in  their  dominions ;  and  the  Baltic  sea  lies  not  far 
from  them  :  all  which  afford  them  whatever  the  great  con- 
tinent of  Germany,  Russia,  and  Poland  yields. 

Then  they,  again,  lying  between  Germany  and  the  sea,  do 
furnish  it  back,  with  all  commodities  foreign. 

To  remember  some  pieces  of  their  discipline,  as  patterns 
of  the  rest.  The  Watches  at  night  are  never  all  of  one 
nation  [race] ,  so  that  they  can  hardly  concur  to  give  up  any 
one  town.  The  Commissaries  are  nowhere  so  strict  upon 
Musters,  and  where  he  finds  a  company  thither,  he  reduceth 
them  :  so  that,  when  an  army  marcheth,  the  List  and  the  Poll 
are  never  far  disagreeing.     The  army  is  ever  well  clothed, 


SirT.Ovcrbury.-|     -p  j^  j.    M  ^  r  ^    CiTIES    OF    HoLLAND.     217 

well  armed ;  and  had  never  yet  occasion  to  mutiny  for 
pay  or  victuals.  The  soldiers  commit  nowhere  fewer  in- 
solences upon  the  burghers,  few  robberies  upon  the  country  ; 
nor  the  Officers  fewer  deceits  upon  the  soldiers.  And  lastly, 
they  provide  well  that  their  General  shall  have  small  means 
to  invade  their  liberties.  For  first,  their  Army  is  composed  of 
many  nations,  which  have  their  several  Commanders;  and  the 
commands  are  disposed  by  the  States  themselves,  not  by  the 
General.  And  secondly,  he  hath  never  an  implicit  commission 
left  to  discretion :  but,  by  reason  their  country  hath  no  great 
bounds,  receives  daily  commands  what  to  do. 

Their  territory  contains  six  entire  Provinces;  Holland, 
Zealand,  Utrecht,  Groningen,  Overyssel,  and  Friesland, 
besides  three  parts  of  Guelderland,  and  certain  towns  in 
Brabant  and  Flanders  :  the  ground  of  which  is,  for  the  most 
part,  fruitful ;  the  towns  nowhere  are  so  equally  beautiful, 
strong,  and  rich  :  which  equality  grows  by  reason  that  they 
appropriate  some  one  staple  commodity  to  every  town  of 
note ;  only  Amsterdam  not  only  passeth  them  all,  but  even 
Seville,  Lisbon,  or  any  other  Mart  Town  in  Christendom.  And 
to  it,  is  appropriated  the  trade  of  the  East  Indies,  where  they 
maintain  commonly  forty  ships ;  besides  which,  there  go,  twice 
a  year,  from  it  and  the  adjoining  towns,  a  great  fleet  to  the 
Baltic  sea.  Uponthe  fall  of  Antwerp,  that  [town  of  Amsterdam] 
rose,  rather  than  Middleburgh ;  though  it  [that]  stands  at  the 
same  river's  mouth,  and  is  the  second  Mart  Town ;  to  which 
is  appropriated  our  English  cloth. 

Concerning  the  people.  They  are  neither  much  devout,  nor 
much  wicked ;  given  all  to  drink,  and,  eminently,  to  no  other 
vice ;  hard  in  bargaining,  but  just;  surly,  and  respectless,  as  in 
all  democracies ;  thirsty  [?  thrifty] ,  industrious,  and  cleanly ;  dis- 
heartened upon  the  least  ill-success,  and  insolent  upon  good ; 
inventive  in  manufactures  ;  cunning  in  traffic.  And  generally, 
for  matter  of  action,  that  natural  slowness  of  theirs  suits 
better  (by  reason  of  the  advisedness  and  perseverance  it 
brings  with  it)  than  the  rashness  and  changeableness  of  the 
French  and  Florentine  wits.  And  the  equality  of  spirits 
which  is  among  them  and  the  Swiss,  renders  them  so  fit  for  a 
Democracy  ;  which  kind  of  Government,  nations,  of  more  un- 
stable wits,  being  once  come  to  a  Consistent  Greatness,  have 
seldom  long  endured. 


2l8 


Observatioits   upon    the   State    of  the 
Archduke  s  Coimtry^  1609. 

By    Sir    Thomas    Overbury. 


S  SOON  as  I  entered  into  the  Archduke's 
country,  which  begins  after  Lillow ; 
presently,  I  beheld  [the]  works  of  a  Pro- 
vince, and  those  of  a  Province  distressed 
with  war.  The  people  heartless ;  and 
rather  repining  against  their  Governors 
than  revengeful  against  their  enemies. 
The  bravery  of  that  gentry  which  was 
left,  and  the  industry  of  the  merchant,  quite  decayed.  The 
husbandman  labouring  only  to  live,  without  desire  to  be 
rich  to  another's  use.  The  towns  (whatsoever  concerned 
not  the  strength  of  them)  ruinous.  And,  to  conclude,  the 
people  here  growing  poor  with  less  taxes,  than  they  flourish 
with  on  the  States'  side. 

This  war  hath  kept  the  King  of  Spain  busy  ever  since  it 
began,  which  [is]  some  thirty-eight  years  ago  :  and,  spending 
all  the  money  that  the  Indies,  and  all  the  men  that  Spain  and 
Italy  could  afford,  hath  withdrawn  him  from  persevering  in 
any  other  enterprise.  Neither  could  he  give  over  this, 
without  foregoing  the  means  to  undertake  anything  hereafter 
upon  France  or  England  ;  and,  consequently,  the  Hope  of  the 
Western  Monarchy.     For  without  that  handle  [/.(?.,  tlxat  hope] 


SirT.  Overbury.-|  J^jj,  HoPE  OF  THE  WeSTERN  MoNARCHY.   2  I  9 

the  mines  of  Peru  had  done  little  hurt  in  these  parts,  in  com- 
parison of  what  they  have.  The  cause  of  the  expensefulneHs 
of  it,  is  the  remoteness  of  those  Provinces  from  Spain  ;  by 
reason  of  which  every  soldier  of  Spain  or  Italy,  before  he  can 
arrive  there,  costs  the  King  a  loo  crowns  [  =  £30  then  = 
£i^S  fioiv],  and  not  above  one  in  ten  that  arrive,  proves  good. 
Besides,  by  reason  of  the  distance,  a  great  part  of  the  money 
is  drunk  up  betwixt  the  Officers  that  convey  it,  and  pay  it. 

The  cause  of  the  continuance  of  it,  is  not  only  the  strength 
of  the  enemy ;  but  partly,  by  reason  that  the  Commanders 
themselves  are  content  [that]  the  war  should  last,  so  to  main- 
tain and  render  themselves  necessary;  and  partly,  because 
the  people  of  those  Countries  are  not  so  eager  to  have  the  other 
reduced,  as  willing  to  be  in  the  like  state  themselves. 

The  usual  revenue  of  those  Provinces  which  the  Archduke 
hath,  amounts  to  1,200,000  crowns  [=,  at  6s.  the  Crown, 
^^360,000  then=about  ^1,600,000  7tow]  a  year.  Besides  which, 
there  come  from  Spain  every  month,  to  maintain  the  war, 
150,000  crowns  [  =  ;^45,ooo  a  month,  or  ;£'540,ooo  a  year,  then; 
=;£'2,430,ooo  anmially  now].  It  was,  at  the  first,  300,000 
crowns  a  month  [or,  in  present  annual  value,  about  ;;^5,ooo,ooo]  ; 
but  it  fell  by  fifties  [i.e.,  50,000]  to  this,  at  the  time  when  the 
Treaty  began.  Flanders  pays  more  towards  the  war,  than 
all  the  rest ;  as  Holland  doth,  with  the  States.  There  is  no 
Spaniard  of  [belonging  to]  the  Council  of  State,  nor  Governor 
of  any  Province  :  but  of  the  Council  of  War,  which  is  only 
active ;  there  [in  which]  they  only  are,  and  have  in  their  hands 
all  the  strong  towns  and  castles  of  those  Provinces,  of  which 
the  Governors  have  but  only  the  title. 

The  nations  of  which  their  army  consists  are  chiefly 
Spaniards  and  Italians,  emulous  one  of  another  there  ;  as  on 
the  other  side,  [are]  the  French  and  English  :  and  of  the 
country,  chiefly  Burgundians  and  Walloons.  The  Pope's 
Letters,  and  Spinola's  inclination  keep  the  Italians  there  ; 
almost  in  equality  of  command  with  the  Spaniard  himself. 

The  Governors  for  the  King  of  Spain  there,  successively, 
have  been  the  Duke  of  Alva,  Don  Louis  de  Requiescens, 
Don  John  of  Austria,  the  Prince  of  Parma,  the  Archduke 
Earnest,  the  Cardinal  Andrew  of  Austria,  and  the  Cardirtal 
Albert  till  he  married  the  Infanta. 

Where  the   dominion  of    the    Archduke  and    the    States 


2  20    Strength  and  beauty  of  Antwerp,  p "^^  °'""'''i^; 

part,  there  also  changeth  the  nature  of  the  country  ;  that  is, 
about  Antwerp.  For  all  below,  being  flat,  and  betwixt  meadow 
and  marsh  ;  thence,  it  begins  to  rise  and  become  champion 
[open  country]  :  and  consequently,  the  people  are  more  quick 
and  spiritful,  as  the  Brabanter,  Fleming,  and  Walloon. 

The  most  remarkable  place  on  that  side  is  Antwerp,  which 
rose  upon  the  fall  of  Bruges  ;  equally  strong  and  beautiful ; 
remaining  yet  so  upon  the  strength  of  its  former  greatness  : 
twice  spoiled  by  the  Spaniards,  and  the  like  attempted  by  the 
French.  The  Citadel  was  built  there  by  the  Duke  of  Alva, 
but  renewed  by  the  Prince  of  Parma,  after  his  eighteen 
months'  besieging  it;  the  town  accepting  a  castle,  rather  than 
a  garrison  to  mingle  among  them.  There  are  yet  in  the 
town,  of  citizens  30,000  fighting  men,  600  of  which  keep 
watch  nightly ;  but  they  [are]  allowed  neither  cannon  upon 
the  rampier  [ramparts],  nor  magazines  of  powder.  In  the 
Castle  are  200  pieces  of  ordnance,  and  commonly  700  or  800 
soldiers. 

Flanders  is  the  best  of  the  Seventeen  Provinces,  but  the 
havens  thereof  are  naught  [worthless]. 


221 


Observations  on  the  State  of  France^  1 609, 
under  He n rt  IV. 

By  Sir    Thomas   Overbury. 

AviNG  seen  the  form  of  a  Commonwealth* 
and  a  Province,  with  the  different  effects 
of  wars  in  them ;  I  entered  France, 
flourishing  with  peace ;  and  of  Monarchies, 
the  most  absolute.  Because  the  King  there, 
not  only  makes  peace  and  war,  calls 
and  dissolves  Parliaments,  pardoneth, 
naturaliseth,  ennobleth,  names  the  value 
of  money,  [imjpresseth  to  the  war;  but  even  makes  laws,  and-^ 
imposes  taxes  at  his  pleasure.  And  all  this  he  doth  alone. 
For,  as  for  that  form  that  his  Edicts  must  be  authorised  by 
the  next  Court  ~'q>{  Parliament,  that  is,  the  next  Court  of 
Sovereign  Justice :  first^  the  Presidents  thereof  are  to  be 
chosen  by  him,  and  to  be  put  out  by  him ;  and  secondly, 
when  they  concur  not  with  the  King,  he  passeth  anything 
without  them,  as  he  did  the  last  Edict  [?  of  Nantes]  for  the 
Protestants.  And  for  the  Assembly  of  the  Three  Estates,  it 
is  grown  now  almost  as  extraordinary  as  a  General  Council 
[of  the  Church] ;  with  the  loss  of  which,  their  liberty  fell :  and 
when  occasion  urgeth,  it  is  possible  for  the  King  to  procure 
that  all  those  that  shall  be  sent  thither,  shall  be  his  instru- 


^ 

■i 

Wm 

Soji 

m|P 

HiH 

IS^ 

^H 

22  2  The  French  King's  Edicts  are  Laws.  P'" '^' °'""'S^; 

ments.     For  the  Duke  of  Guise   effected  as  much,  at  the 
Assembly  of  Blois. 

The  occasion  that  first  procured  the  King  that  supremacy, 
that  his  Edicts  should  be  Laws,  was  the  last Jpyasion  of  the 
English.  For,  at  that  time,  they  possessing  two  parts  of 
Fraflce,  the  Three  Estates  could  not  assemble  :  whereupon 
they  did  then  grant  that  power  unto  Charles  VIL  during 
the  war.  And  that  which  made  it  easy,  for  Louis  XL  and 
his  successors  to  continue  the  same,  the  occasion  ceasing; 
was  that  the  Clergy  and  the  Gentry  did  not  run  the  same 
fortune  with  the  People  there,  as  in  England.  For  most  of 
the  taxes  falling  only  upon  the  people;  the  Clergy  and  Gentry, 
being  foreborne  [exempt],  were  easily  induced  to  leave  them 
to  the  King's  mercy.  But  the  King  having  got  strength  upon 
[subverted]  the  peasants,  hath  been  since  the  bolder  to  invade 
part  of  both  their  [the  Clergy's  and  Gentry's]  liberties. 

For  the  succession  of  this  monarch3^  It  hath  subsisted, 
without  intermission,  these  i.20^years,  under  three  Races  of 
Kings.  No  nation  hath,  neretofore,  done  greater  things 
abroad,  in  Palestine  and  Egypt,  besides  all  parts  of  Europe ; 
but,  for  these  last  four  hundred  years,  they  have  only  made 
sallies  into  Italy,  and  [have]  often  suffered  at  home.  Three 
hundred  years  the  English  afflicted  them,  making  two  firm 
invasions  upon  them,  and  taking  their  King  prisoner :  the 
second  greatness  of  Christendom  (next  [to]  the  Emperor) 
being  then  in  competition  betwixt  us  and  them.  And  to 
secure  themselves  against  us,  rather  than  the  House  of  Austria, 
as  it  then  stood ;  they  chose  to  marry  the  heir  of  Brittany 
before  that  of  Burgundy.  And  for  this  last  hundred  years,  the 
Spaniard  undertaking  [attacking]  them,  hath  eaten  them  out 
of  all  but  France,  and  endangered  that  too  ! 

But  for  this  present,  France  had  never,  as  France,  a  more 
entire  greatness ;  though  it  hath  often  be£i3_iit;her.  For  since 
the  wafTtHe"King  has  onlyYsimpIyYgoi  aforehand,  the  country 
is  but  yet  in  recovering;  the  war  having  lasted,  by  spaces, 
thirtytwo  years ;  and  so  generally,  that  [as  there  was]  no  man 
but  had'  an  enemy  within  three  miles,  so  the  country  became 
frontier  all  over.  Now  that  which  hath  made  them,  at  this 
time,  so  largely  great  at  home,  is  their  adopting  into  them- 
selves the  lesser  adjoining  nations,  without  destruction  or 
leaving  any  mark  of  strangeness  upon  them  :  as  the  Bretons, 


SirT.  Overbury.J-pjjj,  ClERGY  HOLD  ^RD  OF  ALL   FrANCE.    223 

Gascons,  Proven9als,  and  others  which  are  not  French. 
Towards"  which  unions,  their  nature,  which  is^lsasy  and 
harborous  [receptive]  to  strangers ;  hath  done  more  than  any 
laws  could  have  effected  but  with  long  time. 

The  King,  as  I  said,  enjoying  what  Louis  XI.  did  gain,  hath 
the  entire  Sovereignty  in  himself ;  because  he  can  make  the 
Parliament  do  what  he  pleases,  or  else  do  what  he  pleases 
without  them. 

For  the  other  Three_^  E.states.  The  Church  is  there  very 
rich,  being  estimated  to  enjoy  theThird^art  of  the  revenue 
of  France,  but  otherwise  is  nothing  so^oteht  as  elsewli^re ; 
partly  because  the  Inquisition  is  not  admittedliiT^fanceT^ut 
principally  because  the  Pope^  ordmary  power  is  much 
restrained  there,  by  the  liberties  which  the  French  Church 
claimeth;  which  lilDcrties  do  not  so  much  enfranchise  the 
Church  itself,  as  confer  the  authority  the  Pope  loseth  upon  the 
King,  as  Firstfruits  and  the  Disposing  of  all  spiritual  prefer- 
ments. And  by  reason  of  this  neutrality  of  authority,  the 
church  men  [clergy]  suffer  more  there,  than  either  in  England, 
where  they  wholly  depend  upon  the  King ;  or  in  Spain 
and  Italy,  where  they  wholly  subsist  by  the  Pope :  because 
the  Pope  is  not  able  totally  to  support  them,  and  the  King 
takes  occasion  ever  to  suppress  them,  as  being  not  entirely  his 
subjects  ;  and  to  him,  they  pay,  yearly,  both  the  tenth  of  all 
their  tithe,  and  of  all  their  temporal  land. 

The  Gentry  are  the  only  entire  Body,  there,  which  partici- 
pate with  the  prerogatives  of  the  Crown.  For  from  it,  they 
receive  privileges  above  all  other  men  and  a  kind  of  limited 
I'egalityjapon  their  tenants ;  besides  [a]  real^supply  to  their 
estates  by  govefnmeiit^s  and  pensions,  and  freedom  from^'allies 
[taxations]  upon  their  own  lands,  that  is,  upon  their  domains 
and  whatsoever^  they  manure  by  their  servants  :  but  so 
much  as  they  let  to  tenants  is,  presently,  tallieable  [taxable] 
which  causeth  [a]  proportionate  abatement  in  the  rent. 
And  in  recompense  of  this,  THey^owe  to  the  King  the 
Ban  and  the  Arriere  Ban;  that  is,  to  ~s^rve"liim  and  his 
Lieutenairt, 'three  months  within  the  land,  at  their  own 
charges.  And  as  in  war,  they  undergo  the  greatest  part  of 
the  danger,  so  then  is  their  power  most  peremptory  above  the 
rest :  whereas  in  the   time   of  peace,  the  King  is  ready  to 


2  24  The  Government  OF  France,  p''^  ^''"'i'^; 

support  inferior  persons  against  them,  and  is  glad  to  see 
them  to  waste  one  another  by  contention  at  law  for  fear  they 
grow  rich ;  because  he  forsees  that,  as  the  Nobility,  only,  can 
do  him  service,  so  they  only,  misapplied,  can  do  him  harm. 

The  ancient  Gentry  of  France  was  most  of  it  consumed  in 
the  wars  of  Godfrey  de  Boulogne,  and  some  in  those  of 
St.  Louis;  because  on  their  setting  out  they  pawned  all 
their  fiefs  to  the  Church,  and  few  of  them  were  after[wards] 
redeemed  :  by  reason,  whereof  the  Church  possesseth  at 
this  day  the  third  part  of  the  best  fiefs  in  France.  And  that 
Gentry  was  afterwards  made  up  by  advocates,  financiers, 
and  merchants  ennobled,  which  are  now  reputed  ancient ;  and 
are  daily  eaten  out  again,  and  repaired  by  the  same  kind  of  men. 

For  the  people.  AH  those  that  have  any  kind  of  profession 
or  trade,  live  well ;  but  for  the  mere  peasants  that  labour  the 
ground,  they  are  only  sponges  to  the  King,  to  the  Church,  and 
to  the  Nobility !  having  nothing  to  their  own,  but  to  the  use  of 
them :  and  are  scarce  allowed,  as  beasts,  enough  to  keep 
them  able  to  do  service  ;  for  besides  their  rent,  they  pay 
usually  two-thirds  to  the  King. 


The  manner  of  Government  in  France  is  mixt  between 
Peace  and^War;  being  composed  as  well  of  military^scipline 
as  [of]  civiT  justice  :  because  having  open  frontiers  and 
strong  neighbours,  and  therefore  obnoxious  [liable]  to  sudden 
invasions  ;  they  cannot,  as  in  England,  join  ever  peace  and 
security  together. 

For  the  Military  Part,  there  is  ever  a  Constable  and  a 
Marshal  in  being,  troops  of  horse  and  regiments  of  foot  in 
pay,  and  in  all  Provinces  and  places  of  strength.  Governors 
and  garrisons  distributed  :  all  which  are  means  for  the 
preferment  of  the  Gentry.  But  those,  as  they  give  security 
against  the  enemy,  so  when  there  is  none,  they  disturb  the 
enjoying  of  peace,  by  making  the  countries  taste  somewhat 
of  a  Province.  For  the  Gentr}  find  a  difference  betwixt  the 
Governor's  favour  and  disfavour;  and  the  soldiers  often 
commit  insolences  upon  the  people. 

The  Governments  there,  are  so  well  disposed  by  the  King, 
as  no  Governor  hath  means  to  give  over  a  Province  into  the 
enemy's  hands ;  the  commands  thereof  are  so  scattered.  For 


^''^'leog.']  The  most  united  force  in  Christendom.  225 

the  Governor  commands  the  country,  and,  for  the  most  part, 
the  chief  town  :  then  there  is  a  Lieutenant  to  the  King,  not 
to  him  !  of  the  same  ;  and  hetwixt  these  two  there  is  ever 
jealousy  nourished.  Then  hath  every  town  and  fortress 
particular  Governors,  which  are  not  subaltern  [subordinate] 
to  that  of  the  Province ;  but  hold  immediately  from  the 
Prince :  and  many  times  the  Town  hath  one  Governor,  and 
the  Castle  another. 

The  advantages  of  the  Governors,  besides  their  pay  from  the 
King,  are  presents  from  the  country,  dead  payes  [1  pay  drawn 
for  dead  men],  making  their  magazines  of  corn  and  powder 
more  than  they  need,  at  the  King's  price  ;  and,  where  they 
stand  upon  the  sea,  overseeing  of  unlawful  goods  :  thus  much 
in  peace.  In  war,  they  are  worth  as  much  as  they  will  exact. 
Languedoc  is  the  best,  then  Brittany:  Provence  is  worth,  by 
all  these  means,  to  the  Duke  of  Guise,  20,000  crowns 
[  =  ;£'6,ooo  or  about  ;^25,ooo  in  present  value]  a  year;  but 
Provence  only,  he  holds  without  a  Lieutenant. 

Concerning  the  Civil  Justice  there:  it _is_jiowhej:e_m.ore 
corrupt  or  exjiensefuT!  The  corruptness  of  it  proceeds,  First, 
by  reason  that  the  King  sells  the  places  of  justice  at  as  high 
a  rate  as  can  honestly^Fe  made^f  them:  so  that  all  thriving 
is  left  to  corru^ion;  and  the  gain  the  King  hath  that  way, 
tempts  him  to  make  a  multitude  of  officers,  which  are 
another  burden  to  the  subject.  Secondly,  the  Presidents 
are  not  bound  to  judge_according  tQ_the  written  Law,  but 
according  to  thg  equity  drawn  out_o£Jt ;  which  liberty  doth 
not  so  much  admit  Conscience,  as  leave  "Wit  without  limits. 
The  expensefulnes"s"of  it  ariseth  from  tHFlnultItucIe~or  laws, 
and  multiplicity  of  forms  ^f_grocesses  ;  the  which  too  doth 
beget  doubt, ^li^make  them  long  in  resolving.  And  all  this 
chicanery,  as  they  call  it,  was  br^ijght  into^FrgLnce  from 
Rome,  upon  the  Popes  coming  to  resiHe  at  Avignonr~~ 


^  For  the^trength_of_France.  It  is  at  this  day,  the  greatest 
united_force_of_Christendom.  The  particulars  in  wMch  it 
consists,  are  these.  The  shape  of  the  country;  which  being 
round,  no  one  part  is  far~from~succouring  another.  The 
multitude  of  good~towrts'and''ptaues"'of'sfrength  therein  are 
able  to  stay  an  army,  if  not  to  waste  it ;  as  Metz  did  the 


226  Strength  and  Weakness  of  France,    p' ^' ^''^'''i^: 

Emperor's.  The  mass  of  treasure  which  the  King  hath  in 
the  Bastille.  The  nuiriTDerorarsenals  distributed  upon  the 
frontiers,  besides  that  of~Taris  :  all  which  are  full  of  good 
arms  and  artillery.  And  for  ready  _men^  the  five  Regiments 
bestowed  up  and  down  in  garrisons,  togetBeFwith  the  2,000 
of  the  Guard  [and]  the  troops  of  Ordinary  and  Light  Horse : 
all  ever  in  pay.  Besides  their  Gentry^^alHDred^Sjoldiers;  of 
which  they  think  there  are,  at  this  present,  50,000  fit  to  bear 
arms.  And  to  command  all  these,  they  have,  at  this  day, 
the  best  generals,  of  Christendom ;  which  were  the  only 
commo^ty  the  CiviPWars  did  leave  them. 

The  weaIaiesses~orTt~are,  Firsf^The  want  of  a  sufficient 
Infantry,  wTiiclT'prdceeds  from  the  JH  distrTbuBpn  of  their 
weaTEh  :  for  the  peasant  having  no  share  allowed  him,  is 
Heartless  and  feeble;  and  consequently  unserviceable^ for  all 
military  uses.  By  reason  of  which,  they  are,  first,  forced  to 
borrow  aid  of  the  Switzers  at  a  great  charge  ;  and  secondly, 
to  compose  their  armies,  for  the  most  part,  of  Gentlemen  : 
which  makes  the  loss  of  a  battle  there  almost  irrecoverable. 
The  Second,  isTlie  unproportionable  part  of  the^  land 
which  the  Cliurchholds,  all  which  is  likewise  dead  to 
military  uses:  for  as  they  say  there,  "The  Church  will 
lose  nothing,  nor  defend  nothing."  The  Third,  is  the  want 
of  a  competent  number  of  ships  and  galleys :  by  reason  of 
which  defect7~lirst7Th^~~Spamafd~~Dvermasters  them  upon 
the  Mediterranean,  and  the  English  and  Hollander  upon  the 
Ocean  ;  and  secondly,  it  renders  thejii_poor_inJforeign  trade  ; 
so  that,  all  the  great  actions  of  Christendom  for  these  fifty 
years  having  been  bent  upon  the  [TFcs/]  Indies,  they,  only,  have 
sat  idle.  The  Fourth,  is  the  weakness^fjtheir  frontiers  :  which 
is  so  much  the  more  dangerous  because  they  are  possessed, 
all  but  the  Ocean,  by  the  Spaniard  ;  for  Savoy  hath  been 
always  as  his  own,  for  all  uses  against  France.  The  Last,  is 
the  difference  of  religion^  among  themselves ;  which  will  ever 
yield  matteFoFcivildissension,  and  consequently  cause  the 
weaker  to  stand  irTneed  of  foreign  succours. 

The  ordinary  revenue  of  the  King  is,  as  they  say  now, 
some  i4,ootT,iTOCr''orcrowns  [=  ^^4,200,000  sterling,  or  in 
present  value,  about  ^18,000,000] ;  which  arise  principal!}'  from 
the  domains  of  the  Crown,  the  gahel  of  salt,  tallies  [taxes] 
upon  the  country,  customs  upon  the   merchandise,  sale  of 


Sir  T.  Overb 


Xg':]  Revenue  and  Expenses  of  the  King.  227 

offices,  the  yearly  tithe  of  all  that  belongs  to  the  Church,  the 
rising  and  falling  of  money,  fines  and  confiscations  cast  upon 
him  by  the  law  :  but  as  for  Wardships,  they  are  only  known 
in  Normandy. 

Hjs.  ex-pensejs,  chiefly.  Ambassadors,  munition,  building, 
fortifying,  ^d  maintainin^of_galfeys7Ta-S  for  ships  when  he 
ne^clsThem,  he  makes  an  embarque  [einbari::;o])  ;  in  pay  for 
sol_diers^_wag^es  fpr_officers,  pensions  at  home  and  abroad  ; 
upon  the  entertaining  his  House,  his  State,  and  his  private 
pleasures.  And  all  the  first,  but  the  domains,  were  granted 
in  the  beginning  upon  some  urgent  occasion;  and  afterwards 
by  Kingsmade  perpetual,  the  occasion  ceasing  :  and  the 
domains  thernselves  granted  because  the  King  should  live 
upon  his  own  without  oppressing  his  subjects.  But  at 
this  day,  though  the  revenue  he  thus  gLeat.j_and. the  taxes 
unsupportable ;  yet  do~TIiey  little  more  than  serve  for 
necessary  "public  uses.  For  the  King  of  Spain's  greatness 
and  neighbourhood  forceth  the  King  there  to  live  con- 
tinually upon  his  guard  :  and  the  treasure  which  the 
Spaniard  receives  from  his  Indies,  constrains  him  to  raise 
his  revenue  thus  by  taxes,  so  to  be  able,  in  some  proportion, 
to  bear  up  against  him ;  for  fear,  else,  he  should  be  bought 
out  of  all  his  confederates  and  servants. 


For  the  rela^tionof_this_State  to  others.  It  is  first  to  be 
considered  that  tliis  part  of  Christendom  is  balanced  betwixt 
the  three  Kings  of  Spain,  France,  and  England  ;  ^I'the  other 
part  [is]  betwixt  the  Russian,  the  Kings  of  Poland,  Sweden, 
and  Denmark.  For  as  for  Germany,  which  if  it  were  entirely 
subject  to  one  Monarchy,  would  be  terrible  to  all  the  rest :  so 
being  divided  betwixt  so  many  Princes  and  those  of  so  equal 
power,  it  serves  only  to  balance  itself,  and  entertain  easy 
war  with  the  Turk ;  while  the  Persian  withholds  him  in  a 
greater.  And  every  one  of  those  first  three  hath  his  particular 
strength,  and  his  particular  weakness.  Spain  hath  the 
advantage  of  both  the  rest  in  treasure,  but  is  defective  in 
men :  his  dominions  are  scattered  and  the  conveyance  of  his 
treasure  from  the  Indies  lies  obnoxious  to  [at  the  mercy  of] 
the  power  of  any  nation  that  is  stronger  by  sea.  France 
abounds   with    men,    lies   close   together,    and  hath  money 


2  28  Natural  Allies,  &  Enemies  of  Franc£.  [^'"''^-  ^'"^"^ 

sufficiently.  England,  being  an  island,  is  hard  to  be  invaded, 
abounds  with  men,  but  wants  money  to  employ  them.  For 
their  particular  [several]  weakness,  Spain  is  to  bejjgjxt  jjusy  in 
the  Lo\vCountries,  Fran'ce~to~5'e  afflicted  with  the  Protestants, 
and  England, in  IreTajHTETiglanUIs  not_abje]tosu1bsist  against 
•^  any  [either]  of  the  other  [two]  hand  irThandT^buFjoined  with 
"^  the  Lo\vjQauiitriesjt_can  give  law  to  both  by  sea :  joined 
with  either  of  them  two,  it  is  abTe~To~oppress  the  third,  as 
Henry  VIII.  did. 

Now  the  only^entjre  body  in  Christendom  that  makes  head 
against  the^JipajlisliJdmiaJicIiylsrFfanc^^  they 

say  in  France,  that,  "The  day  of  tHe  ruin  of  France  is  the  eve 
of  the  ruin  of  England."  And  thereupon  England  hath  ever, 
since  the  Spanish  greatness,  inclined  rather  to  maintain 
France,  rather  than  to  ruin  it :  as  whehTCTngT^NCls  [I.] 
wasTakeh  prisoner,  the  King  of  England  lent  money  towards 
the  payment  of  his  ransom  ;  and  the  late  Queen  [Elizabeth], 
when  the  Leaguers,  after  the  Duke  of  Guise's  death,  had  a 
design  to  Cantonize  France,  though  offered  a  part  of  that  country, 
would  not  consent.  So  then,  this  reason  of  State,  of  mutual 
pr^sfiiYation,  conjoining  them  ;  EhgtandriTTay  be  accounted  a 
sure  confederate  of  France  ;  and  Holland,  by  reason  it  partly 
subsists  by  it;  the  FrolesjtantJPnnces~of  Germany,  because 
they  have  countenance  from  it,  agaiifst  the  house  of  Austria  ; 
the  Protestajit^Switzers^^orrehgio^  ;    and  the 

Verietians,  for  protection  agamst  the  Spaniard  in  Italy.  So 
that  all  their  [the  Frenches]  friends  are  either  Protestants  or 
inclining^jthereto  ;  and  whosoever~ls'^xtremely  CalRoTic  is 
their  enemy,  and  factor  for  the  Spanish  Monarchy :  as  the 
Pope  and  Cardinals,  for  the  most  part ;  and  totally,  the 
Jesuits,  the  Catholic  Princes  of  Germany,  and  the  Catholics 
of  England  and  Ireland.  For  the  Jesuits,  which  are  the 
Ecclesiastical  Strength  of  Christendom,  France-:— notwith- 
standing the  many  late  obligations — hath  cause  to  despair  of 
them.  For  they  intending  as  "one  Pope,  so~one~King "  to 
suppress  the  Protestants  ;  and  for  the  better  support  of 
Christendom  against  the  Turks  :  and  seeing  Spain  the  likelier 
to  bring  this  to  pass,  they  follow  the  nearer  probability  of 
effecting  their  end. 

/     No  addition  could  make  France  so  dangerous  to  us,  as  that 
of  our  Low  Countries ;   for  so  it  were  worse,  than  if  the 


Sir T.overbury.j Strength  of  the  French  Protestants.  229 

Spaniard  himself  had  them  entirely.  As  for  their  hopes  ot 
regaining  Italy  ;  it  concerns  the  Spaniard  immediately,  rather 
than  us. 

Concerning  the  state  of  the  Protestants  in  France.  Ehiling 
peace,  they  are  protected^  by  their  Edict  \of  Nantes],  For 
their  two  Agents  at  Court  defend  the  general  from  wrong  ; 
and  their  chauibres  impartis  every  particular  person.  And  if 
troubles  should  arise,  some  scattered  particulars  might  be  in 
danger;  but  the  main  body  is  safe.  Safe  to  defend  themselves, 
though  all  France  join  against  them!  and  if  it  break  out  into 
factions,  the  safest;  because  they  are  both  ready  and  united. 

The  particulars  of  their  strength  are.  First,  their  Towns 
of_Surety,  two  of  which  command  the  river  of  TheTx)rre. 
Secondly,  their  situation.  The  greatest  part  of  them  lying 
near  together,  as  Poitou,  Saintonge,  High  [Upper]  Gascony, 
Languedoc,  and  Dauphiny :  near  the  sea,  so  consequently  fit 
to  receive  succours  from  abroad  ;  and  remote  from  Paris,  so 
that  the  quality  of  an  army  is  much  wasted,  before  it  can 
approach  them.  The  Third,  is  the  sufficiency  of  their  present 
Governors,  Boulogne  and  DESDEGUiERsTand  oTHeFsecond 
Commanders.  And  for  the  Princes  of  the  Blood,  whom  the 
rest  may,  in  shew,  without  emulation,  obey;  when  they  come 
once  to  open  action,  those  which  want  a  party,  will  quickly 
seek  them.  The  Last,  is  the  aid  they  are  sure  of^rom 
foreign_JPrinces ;  for  whosoever  are  friends  to  France  in 
general,  are  more  particularly  their  friends  :  and  besides,  the 
Protestant_party  being^xown  stronger  of  late,  as  the  Low 
CoimtriPis:  and  niarejjmted7~as'^ngTahd  and  Scottand,^  part 
of  that  strength  reflects  upon  them.  And  even  the  King  of 
Spain  himself,  who  is  [the]  enemy  of  France  in  general,  would 
rather  give  them  succour  than  see  them  utterly  extirpated. 
For  as  soon  as  they  get  an  Edict  with  better  conditions,  they 
turn  head  against  him  that  now  succoured  themT^^they  did 
against  us,  at  Newhaven  [Havre  in  1562]. 

Concerning  the  porportion  of  their  number,  they  are  not 
above  the  Seventeenth  or  Eighteenth  part  of  the  People:  but 
of  the  Gentlemen,  there  are  5,o6crofthretPfoteslaht]  Religion. 
But'  since~the  peace  [  ?  in  1602]  they  have  increased  in 
People,  as  principally  in  Paris,  Normandy,  and  Dauphiny, 
but  lost  in  the  Gentry:  which  loss  cometh  to  pass  by  reason 
that  the  King  when  he  finds  any  Gentleman  that  will  but 


230  Henry  IV.  wonderful  in  War  &  Peace.  [°'"i6^: 

hearken,  he  tempts  him  with  preferment;  and  those  that 
he  finds  utterly  obstinate,  he  suppresseth.  And  by  such 
means,  he  hath  done  them  more  liarm  in  peace ;  than  both 
his  predecessors  in  war.  For  in  all  their  Assemblies,  he 
corrupts  some  of  their  Ministers  to  betray  the  counsel  in 
hand.  Of  the  106,000  crowns  [  =  £31,800,  or  in  present  vahie 
£140,000]  a  year  which  he  pays  the  Protestants  to  entertain 
their  Ministers  and  pay  their  garrisons,  he  hath  gotten  the 
bestowing  of  16,000  of  them,  upon  what  gentleman  of  the 
[Protestant]  Religion  he  pleaseth ;  whom  by  that  means  he 
moderates,  if  not  gains.  And  besides,  they  were  wont  to 
impose  upon  him  their  two  Deputies,  which  are  to  stay  at 
Court:  but  now  he  makes  them  propose  six,  out  of  which  he 
chooseth  the  two,  and  by  that,  obligeth  those ;  and  yet  not- 
withstanding all  this,  in  some  occasions  he  makes  good  use 
of  them  too.  For  as  towards  England,  he  placeth  none  in 
any  place  of  strength  but  firm  Catholics  ;  so  towards  Spain 
and  Savoy,  he  often  gives  charge  to  Protestants,  as  to  La 
Force  in  Beam,  Desdeguiers  and  Boisse  in  Bresse. 


Concerning  the  King  himself.  He  is  a  person  wonderful, 
both  in  war^-and  peace.  For  his  acts  in^War,  he  hath 
manumized  [manumitted]  France  from  the  Spaniard:  and  sub- 
dued_the  League,  being  the  most  dangerous  plot  that  hath 
been  laid ;  weakening  it  by  Arms,  but  utterly  dissolving  it  by 
Wit.  That  is,  by  letting  the  Duke  of  Guise  out  of  prison,  and 
capitulating  with  the  heads  of  it,  every  one  apart ;  by  which 
means,  he  hath  yet  left  a  continual  hatred  among  them. 
Because  every  one  sought  by  preventing  [anticipating]  other, 
to  make  his  conditions  the  better.  So  that  now  there  remains 
little  connection  of  it,  amongst  the  Gentry :  only  there  con- 
tinue some  dregs  still  among  the  Priests,  and  consequently 
the  People ;  especially  when  they  are  angered  with  the  in- 
crease and  prosperity  of  the  Protestants. 

For  his  acts  of  Peace.  He  hath  enriched  France  with  a 
greater  propoi^tion~orwool  and  silk,  erected  goodlybuildings, 
cut  passages  [canals]  betwixt  fTver  and  riyer^jind  is  about  to 
do  the  same  betwixt  sea  and  sea,  redeemed  much  of  the 
mortgaged  dornalns'^orThe'T^Dwn,  better  husbanded  the 
money  (which  was  wont  to  be  drunk  up,  two  parts  of  it,  in  the 


"""''1609.]  France,  the  fairest  country  in  Europe!  231 

officers'  hands),  got  aforehand  in  treasure,  arms,  and  munition, 
increased  tlie  infantry  and  suppressed  the  unproportionable 
cavah-y,  and  left  nothing  undone  but  the  building  of  a  navy. 
i  And  all  this  may  be  attributed  to  himself,  only  :  because  in 
a  Monarchy,  officers  are  active  or  careless,  as  the  Prince  is 
able  to  judge  and  distinguish  of  their  labours  ;  and  withal  to 
participate  of  them  somewhat,  himself. 

Sure  it  is,  that  the  peace  of  France,  and  somewhat  that  of 
Christendom  itself,  is  secured  by  this  Princess  Jife.  For  all 
titles  and  discontents,  all  factions  of  religion  there  suppress 
th£jn selYes_lill Jiis_death  :  but~what~wilf"e'n"sue  afterwards  ? 
What  the  rest  of  the  House  of  Bourbon  willeliterprise  upon 
the  King's  children  ?  What  the  House  of  Guise,  upon  that 
of  Bourbon  ?  What  the  League  ?  WHat  the  Protestants  ? 
What  the  Kings  of  Spain  and  England,  if  they  see  a  breach 
made  by  civil  dissension  ?  I  choose  rather  to  expect,  than 
conjecture  !  Because  GOD  hath  so  many  ways  to  turn  aside 
from  human  foresight ;  as  He  gave  us  a  testimony  upon  the 
death  of  our  late  Queen  [ELIZABETH]. 


This  country  of  France,  considering  the  quantity,  is  the 
fairest  and  richest  of  all  Christendom  ;  and  contains  in  it, 
most  of  the~countries  adjoining.  For  Picardy,  Normandy, 
and  Brittany  resemble  England  ;  Languedoc,  Spain ; 
Provence,  Italy;  and  the  rest  is  France. 

Besides,  all  the  rivers  that  pass  through  it,  end  in  it.  It 
abounds  with  cj3rn,  wine,  and_salt,'  and  hath  a  competency  of 
silk;  but Is^Hefective  in  wool,  leather,  metals,  and  horses: 
and  hath  but  few  very  good  havens,  especially  on  the  north 
side. 

Concerning  the  people.  Their  children,  at  first  sight, 
seem  men,  and  their  men,  children ;  but  whoso,  in  negotia- 
ting, presumes  upon  appearances  shall  be  deceived  !  com- 
passionsitejtowards ^^leirown  nation  and^countryixJoving  to 
the^  FrmceT^d  so^  they^liTay iravg^TTberty  in  ceremony  and 
free  access  tojiim,  they  will  bebetter  content  that  he  shall 
be  absofuteTn  mat^ter  of  substance :  impatient  of  peace  any 
longerTTTan^wMIe  they  are  m  recovering  the  ruins  of  war  : 
the  presentness  [presoice]  of  danger  inflames  their  courage, 


232  A  Character  of  the  French  People,  p'^^''"'^"^: 

but  any  expectation  makes  it  languish.  For  the  most  part, 
they  are  all  Imagination  and  no  Judgement ;  but  those  that 
prove  solid,  excel ! 

Their  ^Gentlemen  are  all  good  outward  men,  good 
Courtiers,  good  soldiers,  and  knowing  enough  in  men  and 
business  ;  but  merelj^  [siniply]  ignorant  jiLinattgrsjifJLetteEs, 
because  at  fifteeii__they  (^uit  books  and  begin  to  live  in  the 
world:  when  indeed  a  mediocrity  [mediimi\_ betwixt  their 
form  of  education  and  ours,  would  do^ better  than  either.  No 
men  stand  more  punctually  [pnnctiKousTy]  upon  their  honour 
in  matter  of  valour ;  and,  which  is^  strange,  in  nothing 
else  :  for  otherwise,  in  their  conversation,  the  custom,  and 
shifting,  and  overspeaking,  hath  quite  overcome  the  shame 
of  it. 

FINIS. 


THE 


INTERP  R  ETER 


Wherein  three  principal  Terms  of   State, 

much  mistaken  by  the  vulgar^ 

are  clearly  unfolded. 

^^li  viilt  decipi^  decipiatur. 
Anno  1622. 


234 


To  such  as  understand  not  the  English 
tongue  perfectly. 

Hat  the  unwise  may  learn  to  understand 

How  certain  Words  are  used  in  our  land  ; 

And   that    they    may    write    sense,    whilst   they 
remain 

In  foreign  parts,  or  shall  return  again ; 
(For  idioms,  fashions,  manners  alter  here. 
As  friendship  and  religion  everywhere)  : 
I  have  some  elegancies  for  our  tongue 
Observed,  as  they  are  used  now,  among 
Our  ablest  linguists,  who  mint  for  the  Court 
Words  fit  to  be  proclaimed ;  and  do  resort 
Where  lords  and  ladies  couple  and  converse. 
And  trade  lip  learning,  both  in  prose  and  verse. 
And  by  these  few,  the  docible  may  see 
How  rich  our  language  is  !  religious,  we  ! 

Time  was,  a  P  u  r  i  t  a  n  was  counted  such 
As  held_some-.IIer£iQpnies  were  too  much 
Retained  and  urged  ;  and  would  no  Bishops  grant, 
Others  to  rule,  who  government  did  want. 

Time  was,  a  P r o T e sjta n t  was  only  taken 
For  such  as  had  the  Church  of  Rome  forsaken  ; 
Or  her  known  falsehoodFtn  the  highest  point : 
But  would  not,  for  each  toy,  true  peace  disjoint. 

Time  was,  a  P  a  p  i  s  T  was  a  man  who  thought 
Rome  could  not  err,  but  all  her  Cations  ought 
To  be  canonical ;  and,  blindly  led, 
He  from  the  Truth,  for  fear  of  Error,  fled. 

But  now  these  words,  with  divers  others  more. 
Have  other  senses  than  they  had  before : 
Which  plainly  I  do  labour  to  relate, 
As  they  are  now  accepted  in  our  State. 


235 


A  Puritan, 

(So  nicknamed,  but  indeed  the  sound  Protestant.) 

Puritan  is  such  another  thing 

As  says,  with  all  his  heart,  "  GOD  save  the 
King 

And   all   his   issue  ! "   and   to    make  this 
good, 

Will  freely  spend  his  money  and  his  blood  ; 

And  in  his  factious  and  fond  mood,  dare 
say, 
"  'Tis  madness,  for  the  Palsgrave,  thus  to  stay 
And  wait  the  loving  leisure  of  kind  Spain  ! 
Who  gets  at  first,  only  to  give  again 
In  courtesy,  that  faithless  heretics 
May  taste  the  Faith  and  Love  of  Catholics. 
And  Hope  too  !  "     For  a  Puritan  is  he 
That  doth  not  hope  these  Holy  Days  to  see ; 
And  would  a  wasted  country,  on  condition 
Scorn  to  receive  !  although  the  High  Commission 
Of  England,  Spain,  and  Rome  would  have  it  so. 
False  favours  he'd  not  take  from  a  true  foe  ! 

A  Puritan  is  he,  that  rather  had 
Spend  all,  to  help  the  States  (he  is  so  mad  !), 
Than  spend  one  huhd^redlhousahH'pounds  a  year 
To  guard  the  Spanish  coasts  from  pirates'  fear  : 
The  wliilst,  the  CatholicTCThg  might  force  combine 
Both  Holland,  Beame,  and  Palz  to  undermine  ; 
And  by  his  cross-curse-Christian  counterwork 
To  make  Rome  both  for  Antichrist  and  Turk 


236THE  Interpreter.     T  h  e  P  u  r  it  a  n\,^^^_ 

Right  Catholic.     So  th'  Empire  first  divided, 

By  Holy  Mother's  pious  plots  (who  sided 

The  East,  and  West ;  that  she  might  get  between, 

And  sit  aloft,  and  govern  like  a  Queen) ; 

The  Turk  did  great  Constantinople  gain, 

And  may  win  Rome  too,  by  the  help  of  Spain. 

A  Puritan  is  he  that  would  not  live 
Upon  the  sins  of  other  men  ;  nor  give 
Money  for  Office  in  the  Church  or  State, 
Though  'twere  a  Bishopric  :  he  so  doth  hate 
All  ceremonies  of  the  Court  and  Church, 
Which  do  the  coffer  and  the  conscience  lurch 
Of  both  the[ir]  treasures.     So  that  (covetous!)  he 
Would  not  have  such  as  want  both,  better  be  ! 

A  Puritan  is  he  that  thinks,  and  says 
He  must  account  give  of  his  works  and  ways  : 
And  that  whatsoever  calling  he  assumes, 
It  is  for  others'  good.     So  he  presumes 
Rashly  to  censure  such  as  wisely  can 
(By  taking  timely  bribes  of  every  man), 
Enrich  themselves  :  knowing  to  that  sole  end, 
GOD  and  the  King  did,  them  their  honours  send  ; 
And  that  Simplicity  hath  only  mounted 
By  virtue ;  but  such  fools,  they'll  not  be  counted  ! 

A  Puritan  is  he,  that,  twice  a  day, 
Doth,  at  the  least,  to  GOD  devoutly  pray, 
And  twice  a  Sabbath,  he  goes  to  church  to  hear. 
To  pray,  confess  his  sins,  and  praise  GOD  there 
In  open  sight  of  all  men  :  not  content 
GOD  knows  his  heart,  except  his  knee  be  bent, 
That  men,  and  angels  likewise,  may  discern 
He  came  to  practise  there,  as  well  as  learn  ; 
And  honour  GOD  with  every  outward  part, 
With  knee,  hand,  tongue,  as  well  as  with  the  heart. 

A  Puritan  is  he,  which  grieves  to  think 
Religion  should  in  France  shipwreck  and  sink ; 
Whilst  we  give  aim  !  and  that  those  men  should  sway 
The  kingdom  there,  who  made  the  King  away 
The  whilst  all  such  as  helped  to  crown  the  father*  [♦  henry  iv.] 
Should  by  the  son  f  be  now  proscribed  the  rather.       \^\  louis 

A  Puritan,  in  unadvised  zeal,  ^"^-i 


l622, 


'^_]  T  H  E  Interpreter.      The  P  ci  r  it  a  n.  2^^^ 


Could  wish  that  huntsmen  ruled  the  Common  weal  : 
And  that  the  King's  hounds  were  the  only  spies, 
For  they  would  tell  truth  !  as  the  others,  lies. 
He  wisheth  beasts  were  men,  as  men  resemble 
Beasts :  for  surely  they  would  not  dissemble  ! 
But  would  tell  where  the  fault  lies,  and  hunt  home 
The  subtle  Fox,  either  to  Spain  or  Rome. 

A  Puritan  is  he,  that  speaks  his  mind 
In  Parliament  :  not  looking  once  behind 
To  others'  danger  ;  nor  yet  sideways  leaning 
To  promised  honour,  his  direct  true  meaning. 
But  for  the  Laws  and  Truth  doth  firmly  stand  : 
By  which,  he  knows,  Kings  only  do  command; 
And  Tyrants  otherwise.     He  crosseth  not 
This  man,  because  a  Courtier  or  a  Scot  ; 
Or  that,  because  a  Favourite,  or  soe  : 
But  if  the  State's  friend,  none  can  be  his  foe ! 
But  if  the  State's  foe  (be  he  what  he  will, 
Illustrious,  wise,  great,  learned),  he  counts  him  ill. 
He  neither  sides  with  that  man  nor  with  this. 
But  gives  his  voice  just  as  the  reason  is. 
And  yet,  if  Policy  would  work  a  fraction 
To  cross  Religion  by  a  foreign  faction 
Pretending  public  good;  he'll  join  with  those 
Who  dare  speak  Truth,  not  only  under  the  rose, 
But  though  the  White  Rose  and  the  Red  do  hear ! 
And  though  the  pricking  Thistle  too  be  there  ! 
Yea,  though  the  stars,*  the  moon,*  the  sun,*  rxheNobi- 

look  on,  _  Charles,  and 

And  cast,  through  clouds,  oblique  aspects  upon  King  james.] 

His  clear  and  free  intentions  ;  he's  as  bold 

And  confident  as  the  bright  marigold  !  t  [t  Buckingham.] 

That  flatterer,  that  favourite  of  the  sun, 

Who  doth  the  self-same  course  observe  and  run ; 

Not  caring  though  all  flowers  else  wax  sear. 

So  he,  the  golden  livery  may  wear ! 

But  our  free,  generous,  and  noble  spirit 

Doth  from  his  ancient  English  stock,  inherit 

Such  native  worth  and  liberty  of  mind, 

As  will  omit  no  slavery  of  his  kind  ; 

Yet  he  is  ready  to  obey  wheresoe'er 


238    T  H  E  I  N  T  E  R  P  R  E  T  E  R.        T H E  P  U R  I  T  A  N.  [^g'^^. 

He  may  not  prejudice  the  Truth  by  fear, 
Nor  faintly  seem  to  shrink,  withdraw,  give  way, 
Whilst  other  mushrumpes  *  do  the  State  betray. 
He'll  not  a  traitor,  be  unto  the  King,  [* Mushrooms.] 

Nor  to  the  Laws  (for  that's  another  thing 
Men  dream  not  of,  who  think  they  no  way  can 
Be  traitors  unto  many,  for  one  man). 
But  his  chief  error  is  to  think  that  none 
Can  be  a  traitor,  till  Law  calls  him  one  ; 
And  that  the  Law  is  what  the  State  decrees 
In  Parliament :  by  which,  whilst  that  he  sees 
His  actions  and  intentions  justified. 
He  counts  himself  a  martyr  glorified. 
If,  in  this  cause,  he  suffers  ;  and  contemns 
All  dangers  in  his  way.     Nay,  he  condemns 
All  such  as  traitors  be  to  Church  and  State, 
Who  for  the  love  of  one,  all  others  hate  ! 
And  for  particular  ends  and  private  aims. 
Forsake  their  Country  !  and  their  conscience  maim  ! 
His  Character  abridged,  if  you  would  have. 
He's  one,  that  would  a  Subject  be,  no  Slave  ! 


239 


A  Protesta7tt, 


(So  will  the  Formalist  be  called.) 

Protestant  is  such  an  other  thing 

As  makes,  within  his  heart,  God  of  the 

King  ; 
And  (as  if  he  did,  with  his  Crown  inherit 
A  never-erring  and  infallible  spirit), 
Labours  to  blow  him  up  by  praise  of  wit, 
And  by  false  flatteries  cosen  him  of  it. 
A  Protestant  is  one  that  shakes  his  head 
And  pities  much  the  Palsgrave  was  misled 
To  meddle  with  Bohemia,  and  incense 
The  Spanish  wrath  ;  'gainst  which,  there  is  no  fence  ! 
That  his  revenues  in  the  Palz  again 
Were  well  restored,  he  wishes ;  so  that  Spain 
Would  take  the  honours  of  that  house,  and  give 
Mentz  his  demands,  letting  the  Palsgrave  live  : 
For  such  a  favour  as  his  lands  and  life, 
Not  one,  except  the  father  of  his  wife 
(That  King  of  Peace  and  Love  !)  dares  boldly  crave 
But  what  is  it  he  may  despair  to  have 
By  means  of  th'English  and  the  Scottish  Saint, 
Who,  at  their  pupils'  suit,  doth  still  acquaint 
The  Spanish  Patron,  how,  the  first  of  May, 
Philip  and  James  make  one  Holy  Day ; 
What  therefore's  given  to  one,  the  other  must 
Be  shares  in  ;  for  James  is  surnamed  "  Just." 
And  so,  this  year,  by  Holy  Church's  count, 


24oThe  Interpreter.    TheProtestant.  [.g-,. 

The  Calendar  reformed  hath  singled  out, 

These  two  most  sacred  Saints  to  wait  upon 

Our  Saviour's  feast  of  Resurrection, 

Which  hy  the  English  heathen  computation 

Meets  with  May  Day  among  the  Catholic  nation ; 

And  may  be  such  a  day,  as  that,  for  goodness. 

Which  some  called  "111  May  Day  "from  people's  woodness, 

A  day  of  feasting,  and  a  day  of  pleasure, 

A  day  of  marriage,  and  withal  of  treasure, 

A  day  of  Catholic  unity  and  love 

Which  may  a  kind  of  resurrection  move 

In  our  State,  Union  ;  almost  now  forgot, 

Being  buried  both  by  th'English  and  the  Scot. 

Spain  strikes  betwixt,  and  like  a  Lord  commands, 

They  join  their  Laws  together  with  their  Lands  : 

And  join  they  will !  but  in  despite  of  Spain, 

Making  his  Holy  Day  of  hope  but  vain. 

A  Protestant  is  he,  that  fain  would  take 
Occasion  from  the  East  or  West,  to  shake 
Our  League  with  the  United  Provinces  : 
To  which  end,  he  hath  many  fair  pretences. 
Our  Honour  first,  for  in  the  Greenland,  they, 
And  the  East  Indies,  beat  our  ships  away. 
Our  Profit  likewise,  for  in  both  those  places 
We  do  great  loss  sustain,  besides  disgraces  : 
And  in  the  Narrow  Seas,  where  v\^e  are  masters; 
They  will  presume  to  be  our  herring-tasters  ! 
But  we  should  have  white  herrings  wondrous  plenty, 
If  they  would  give  us  two  of  every  twenty ; 
Or  stay  our  idle  leisure,  till  that  none 
Remained  for  them  or  us,  but  all  were  gone. 
And  if  they  will  not  thus,  our  humours  serve, 
"That  we,"  saith  he,  "should  leave  them,  they  deserve  !  " 
A  herring  cob,  we  see,  will  make  him  quarrel ; 
What  would  the  man  do,  think  you !  for  a  barrel  ? 
Well  could  I  wish  these  things  were  all  amended  ; 
But  greater  business,  now,  is  to  be  'tended. 
Our  Lives,  Religions,  Liberties,  and  Lands 
Upon  this  nice  and  tickle  quarrel  stand ; 
And  we  must  for  a  fitter  time  attend. 
Else  Spain  will  soon  this  controversy  end ! 


1622.]  The  Interpreter.   TheProtestant.  241 

A  Protestant  is  he,  that,  by  degrees, 
Climbs  every  Office  ;  knows  the  proper  fees 
They  give  and  take,  at  entrance  of  the  Place, 
And  at  what  rate  again,  they  vent  that  grace  ; 
Knows  in  how  many  years  a  man  may  gather 
Enough  to  make  himself  a  reverend  father, 
Or  from  the  lowest  civil  step  arise 
To  sit  with  honour  in  the  starry  skies  : 
For  he  hath  gone  that  Progress,  step  by  step, 
As  snails  creep  up  where  safely  none  can  leap  ; 
For  snails  do  leave  behind  their  silver  slime, 
And  guild  the  way  for  falling  as  they  climb. 

A  Protestant  is  he  that  with  the  stream 
Still  swims,  and  wisely  shuns  every  extreme ; 
Loves  not  in  point  of  faith  to  be  precise ; 
But  to  believe  as  Kings  do,  counts  it  wise  : 
If  CoNSTANTiNE  the  Great  will  christened  be ; 
This  will  the  white  robe  wear  as  well  he  ! 
And  in  the  hallowed  fountain  plunge  amain 
His  naked  body,  as  if  every  stain 
Were  now  washed  off,  and  his  inflamed  zeal 
Thirsted  these  waters,  which  soul's  sin  doth  heal. 
Again,  if  Julian  will  renounce  his  faith; 
This  man  will  say,  just  as  his  Sovereign  saith. 
If  he  intend  Religion  to  betray, 
And  yet  will  walk  a  close  and  covert  way, 
Corrupting  men  by  office,  honour,  bounty, 
You  shall  find  this  man  will  deserve  a  County ; 
By  double  dealing  and  by  broking  so, 
That  none  shall  think  him  ere  they  find  him  too 
Apostated  :  for  no  way  so  doth  work 
To  make  a  man  an  Atheist,  Jew,  or  Turk, 
As  do  corrupted  manners,  which  let  in 
A  deluge  of  impiety  and  sin. 
These,  backed  by  favour  and  preferment,  may 
Have  power  to  make  all  error  open  way ; 
And  every  man  will  censure  opposition. 
When  gilden  flattery  kills  without  suspicion. 
This  poisoned  vial  then  was  poured  in 
When,  first,  the  Church  got  means  to  maintain  sin ; 
And  now  the  means  withdrawn  or  misemployed. 


242  The  Interpreter.    T  h  e  P  rot  est  a  NT.yJ^,^ 

Makes  all  religion  and  all  conscience  void. 

For  man  that  hunts  for  honour,  wealth,  or  fame, 

Will  be  as  those  be,  who  dispose  the  same. 

So  that  no  readier  way  there  can  be  found 

To  conquer  us,  than  to  corrupt  the  sound 

By  bribes ;  the  worst  assault  that  can  befall 

To  Bodies  Politic,  confounding  all. 

Gifts  blind  the  wise.     And  though  the  Chequer  be 

Open  and  empty,  as  erst  full  and  free  ; 

Yet  other  bribes  can  work  the  same  effect 

That  ]\Iammon  would.     The  favour  and  respect 

Of  Favourites,  a  nod  or  wink  from  Kings, 

Employment,  Office,  Grace  are  able  things  ! 

Besides,  the  honoured  style  of  Viscount,  Lord, 
Earl,  Marquess,  Duke  can  work,  at  every  word, 
Strange  alterations,  more  than  Circe's  cup, 
In  such  as  can,  no  other  ways  get  up. 

Will  he  speak  truth  directly  ?     Make  him  then 
A  Dean,  or  Bishop  !  they  are  no  such  men  ! 
The  wolf  hath  seen  them  first !     Their  throat  is  furred, 
You  shall  not  hear  from  them,  a  factious  word  ! 

Stands  he  for  Law,  and  custom  of  the  land  ? 
Make  him  an  Officer  !     Give  him  command  ! 
Command,  where  he  may  gain  !  this  will  bewitch 
Demosthenes,  who  labours  to  be  rich. 

What,  is  he  hold  and  forward  ?     Send  him  out 
On  some  embassage  !  or  employ  the  stout 
At  sea  or  land  !  some  desperate  voyage,  where 
They  may  be  lost !     Then  leave  them  helpless  there  ! 
Undo  them  thus !     Before,  they  had  too  much  ; 
But  being  poor,  they'll  nothing  dare  to  touch  ! 
This  ostracism  will,  sure,  abate  their  pride; 
And  they  shall  give  great  thanks  for  it  beside  ! 

If  he  be  poor,  oppress  him  !  shut  him  out 
In  forlorn  banishment,  where  round  about 
The  faithless  world,  he  may  his  living  seek ! 
Then  no  man,  after  him,  will  do  the  like. 

If  he  he  faint,  check  him  !  or  do  but  chide, 
He'll  hold  his  tongue,  and  his  tail  closely  hide  ! 

7s  he  free-tongued,  though  serious  and  discreet? 
Proclaim  him  silent !     Whip  him  through  the  street  ! 


jg'j^"]  The  Interpreter.   The  Pro  tes t a nt.  243 

Thus,  whatsoe'er  is  done,  nor  bird  shall  dare 
To  warn  the  rest,  till  all  be  in  the  snare. 

7s  he  a  rich  man  ?     Then,  the  Fleet  and  fine 
Will  make  him  seem,  although  he  be  not,  thine. 

Briefly,  whatsoe'er  he  be,  except  alone 
Directly  honest  (of  which  few  or  none 
Remain  alive)  a  Statist,  ways  can  find, 
By  policy  to  work  him  to  his  mind. 
And  thus  the  Common  wealth  may  conquered  be, 
The  Church  deflowered,  beslaved  our  Liberty, 
Without  all  bloodshed  ;  under  the  pretence 
Of  Peace,  Religion,  Love,  and  Innocence. 

A  Protestant  is  an  indifferent  man. 
That  with  all  faiths,  or  none,  hold  quarter  can  ; 
So  moderate  and  temperate  his  passion 
As  he  to  all  times  can  his  conscience  fashion. 
He  at  the  Chapel,  can  a  Bishop  hear; 
And  then  in  Holborn  a  religious  Freer. 
A  Mass  ne'er  troubles  him  more  than  a  Play; 
All's  one  :  he  comes  all  one,  from  both  away. 

A  Protestant,  no  other  fault  can  spy 
In  all  Rome's  beadroll  of  iniquity, 
But  that,  of  late,  they  do  profess  King-killing  ; 
Which  Catholic  point,  to  credit  he's  unwilling. 
Only  because  he  gains  by  Kings  far  more. 
Than  he  can  hope  for,  by  the  Romish  whore. 
He  saith,  "  This  only,  doth  the  Pope  proclaim 
For  Antichrist,  because  that  Greekish  name 
Doth  signify  Against  the  LORD's  Anointed"; 
As  if  it  only,  'gainst  this  doctrine  pointed. 
And  therefore  leaving  this  out  of  their  Creed ; 
He  in  the  rest,  with  them  is  soon  agreed. 
And  so  the  King's  part  may  be  safe  from  fear : 
Let  GOD  Himself,  for  His  own  part,  take  care  ! 

A  Protestant  is  he,  that  guards  the  ear 
Of  Sovereign  Justice,  so  that  Truth  to  hear 
He's  not  permitted  ;  nor  to  know  the  danger 
He  stands  in,  'twixt  the  Subject  and  the  Stranger; 
The  plots  which  strangers  have,  grief  of  his  own  ; 
Which  may  too  late  be  prevented,  known. 
For  though  his  foes  be  wily  wolves  and  foxes, 


244 The  Interpreter.   The  P ro  testa nt.\_J^,, 

His  subjects  shackled  asses,  yoked  oxes : 
Yet  time  will  show  them  not  to  be  such  daws 
As  will  look  on,  whilst  others  change  the  Laws, 
And  rob  the  State,  Religion  do  deflower; 
Having  their  Prince  imprisoned  in  their  power  ! 
As  Princes  have  been  prisoners  to  their  own  ; 
And  so  may  ours  too,  if  the  truth  were  known : 
The  liberty  of  will  by  strong  affection 
May  be  restrained  ;  which  is  the  worst  subjection  I 
For  then  the  understanding  will  not  see, 
But  rusheth  on  whatsoe'er  the  danger  be. 

A  Protestant  is  he,  whose  good  intention 
Deserves  an  English  and  a  Spanish  pension, 
Both  for  One  service ;  and  obtains  it  too 
By  winning  Spain,  more  than  their  arms  could  do, 
With  long  delays  :  and  losing  us  and  ours  ; 
What  lost,  to  get  again  we  want  both  powers. 
And  perhaps  will. 

Others  by  treaties  and  disputes  may  gain ; 
But  we  by  blows :  else  old  said  saws  be  vain  ! 

A  Protestant  is  he,  that  hath  no  eye 
Beyond  his  private  profit ;  but  doth  lie 
In  wait  to  be  the  first  that  may  propound 
What  he  foresees  Power  plots.     The  solid  ground 
He  ne'er  examines :  be  it  right  or  wrong, 
All's  one !  since  it  doth  to  his  part  belong. 
For  to  his  part  belongs  to  sooth  and  flatter 
The  greatest  Man,  though  in  the  foulest  matter; 
And  him,  he  holds  a  rebel,  that  dare  say 
"  No  man  against  the  Laws,  we  must  obey  !  " 

His  character  abridged,  if  you  will  have, 

He's  one  that's  no  true  Subject,  but  a  Slave  ! 


245 


A  Papist. 


Romanist  is  such  an  other  thing 

As  would,  with  all  his  heart,  murder  the 

King;  .    . 

That  saith,  "  The  House  of  Austria  is  ap- 

pointed 
To  rule  all  Christians ;  and  for  this  anointed 
By  Christ's  own  Vicar :  and  they,  rebels 
are ; 

Who  dare  against  this  House  make  any  war, 
Invasive  or  defensive."     Jesuits'  wit 
And  Indian  gold  do  both  attend  on  it  ; 
And  all  Rome's  hierarchy  do  plot,  pray,  curse, 
And  spend  the  strength  of  body,  soul,  and  purse 
To  this  sole  end,  that  every  State  besides, 
May  be  the  vassals  to  the  Austrian  pride. 
And  so  Rome  may,  of  both  the  Empirics, 
Keep  still  the  Civil  and  Religious  keys. 

A  Romanist  is  he,  that  sows  debate 
'Twixt  Prince  and  People;  and 'twixt  every  State 
Where  he  remains  :  that  he,  by  the  division, 
May  work  himself  some  profit  in  decision  ;  _ 
Or  bring  in  Rome  and  Spain  to  make  all  friends 
Who,  having  footing  once,  have  half  their  ends. 
For  as  the  Devil,  since  first  he  got  within 
Man's  heart,  keeps  still  there  by  Original  Sin ; 
So  those  wheresoe'er  once  they  Interest  gain 
Keep  all ;  or  such  a  party  let  remain 
Behind,  assured  to  them,  as  may  procure 
A  relapse,  when  men  think  themselves  secure. 


246  The  Intertreter.     The  Papist,  [.g-^ 

Thus  each  disease,  though  cured,  remains  in  part : 

And  thus  the  frail  flesh  oft  betrays  the  heart. 
Now,  for  the  rest,  no  Romish  false  opinion 

Can  make  a  Papist  in  the  King's  dominion ; 

Nor  absence  from  the  Church  :  for,  at  this  season, 

He  is  no  Papist  that  commits  not  treason ! 

Let  him  to  Church  resort,  or  be  Recusant ; 

All's  one !  he's  counted  a  good  Protestant. 

Nay,  'tis  a  question,  if  Guy  Fawkes  were  one ! 

But  'tis  resolved  that  Papist,  he  was  none. 
His  Character  abridged,  if  you  will  have, 
He  is  Spain's  Subject,  and  a  Romish  Slave  ! 


THE 

FAMOUS    AND 

Wonderful   Recovery 

of  a  Ship  of  Bristol,  called  the 

Exchange^  from  the  Turkish 
Pirates  of  Argier. 

WITH  THE   UNMATCHABLE 

attempts  and  good  success  of  John  Rawlins,  Pilot  in 
her,  and  other  slaves  :  who,  in  the  end  (with  the 
slaughter  of  about  forty  of  the  Turks  and  Moors), 
brought  the  ship  into  Plymouth,  the  13th  of 
February  [1622]  last,  with  the  Captain 
a  Renegade,  and   five  Turks  more  ; 
besides  the  redemption  of  twenty- 
four  men  and  one  boy  from 
Turkish  slavery. 


LONDON: 

Printed  for  Nathaniel    Butter,  dwelling  at  the 

Pied  Bully  at  Saint  Austen's  Gate. 

1622. 


249 


To  the   Right  Honourable 

George,  Marquis   of  Buckingham, 

Viscount  ViLLiERs,  Baron  of  Whaddon,  Lord  High 

Admiral    of   England ;   Justice    in    Eyre   of    all    His 

Majesty's  Forests,  Parks,  and  Chases  beyond  Trent  ; 

Master  of  the  Horse  to  His  Majesty,  and  one  of 

the  Gentlemen  of  His  Majesty's  Bed  Chamber ; 

Knight  of  the  most  noble  Order  of  the 

Garter,  and  one  of  His  Majesty's 

most  honourable  Privy  Council 

of  England  and  Scotland. 

Right   Honourable, 

I^Eeing  it  hath  pleased  GOD  by  so  weak  means  as  my 
poor  self,  io  have  His  power  and  goodness  made  mani- 
fest to  the  World,  as  by  this  following  Relation  may 
appear  :  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  present  the  same  unto 
you  ;  whom  the  Majesty  of  England  hath  presented  unto  us,  as  our 
Patron,  and  Chief  Commander  of  our  sea  affairs.  Accept  it  then, 
I  humbly  beseech  you !  as  the  unpolished  work  of  a  poor  sailor  ; 
and  the  rather,  for  that  it  exemplifies  the  glory  of  GOD.  For  by 
such  men  as  myself,  your  Honour  must  be  served,  and  England 
made  the  happiest  of  all  nations. 

For  though  you  have  greater  persons,  and  more  braving  spirits 


250  Dedication  to  Marquis  of  Buckingham.  [  j  ^ar.  ,6,, 

to  be  over  otir  heads,  and  hold  inferiors  in  siihjection ;  yet  are  we 
the  men  that  must  pidl  the  ropes,  weigh  up  the  anchors,  toil  in  the 
night,  endure  the  storms,  sweat  at  the  helm,  watch  the  biticle 
[binnacle],  attend  the  compass,  guard  the  ordnance,  keep  the  night 
hours,  and  be  ready  for  all  impositions. 

If,  then,  you  voucJisafe  to  entertain  it !  I  have  my  desire.  For, 
according  to  the  oath  of  jftirors,  it  is  "  the  truth,  and  the  very 
truth."  If  otherwise,  you  suppose  it  trivial!  it  is  only  the  prosti- 
ttUiou  of  my  service ;  and  Wisdom  is  not  bought  in  the  market! 

Your  Honour's  humbly  to  be  commanded, 

JOHN   RA  W  L  I  N  S. 


25^ 


THE     FAMOUS 

and  Wonderful  Recovery  of  the  Exchange 

of  Bristol  from  the  Turkish  pirates 

of  Argier. 

He  Psalmist  saith,  that  "  He  that  goeth  to 
sea,  shall  see  the  wonders  of  GOD  !"  and 
I  may  well  say,  that  he  that  converseth 
with  mariners  and  sailors  shall  hear  of  the 
wonders  of  men  I  as  by  this  following  Dis- 
course shall  appear. 

Not  that  I  am  willing  to  be  the  author  of 
novelty,  or  amaze  you  with  incredible  re- 
ports ;  but  because  I  would  not  let  slip  so  remarkable  an  acci- 
dent, and  so  profitable  a  relation.  Remarkable,  as  extending 
to  manifest  the  power  and  glory  of  GOD,  who  hath  variety  of 
supportation  in  store  to  sweeten  affliction,  and  make  all  en- 
durances subject  to  fortitude  and  patience:  profitable,  as  being 
thus  far  exemplary,  to  teach  all  men  of  action  and  employment, 
not  to  despair  in  distress ;  and  to  know  thus  much,  that  brave 
attempts  are  compassed  by  resolution  and  industrious  em- 
ployment, and  whether  they  thrive  or  not,  yet  shall  the 
enterprise  be  Charactered  with  a  worthy  exploit.  And  if  it 
end  with  success;  O  how  shall  the  Actors  be  remembered  to 
posterity  1  and  make  their  fame  immortal  that,  either  pur- 
chased their  liberty,  even  out  of  fire  ;  or  delivered  themselves 
(though  by  death  itself)  from  slavish  captivity,  or  the  thral- 
dom of  barbarous  Infidels ;  who  glory  in  nothing  more  than 
the  perdition  of  our  souls,  and  the  derision  of  our  Christ. 
Hearken,  then,  I  pray  you  !  to  this  following  Relation!  and 


252    The  A^/Ci^oz^^  CHASED  BY  Turkish  [?Mar.  i 


622. 


learn  thereby,  as  I  said,  both  to  give  GOD  the  praise  of  all 
deliverances;  and  to  instruct  one  another  in  the  absolute 
duties  of  Christianity.  By  the  one,  the  Power  and  Providence, 
with  all  the  attributes  belonging  to  so  immense  a  Deity,  shall 
be  made  manifest ;  by  the  other,  the  weak  brother  shall  be 
comforted,  the  strong  confirmed,  the  wavering  reduced,  the 
faint-hearted  erected,  and  the  presumptuous  moderated.  By 
both.  Religion  shall  have  a  sweet  passage  in  the  consciences 
of  men  ;  and  men  made  the  happy  instruments  of  GOD's 
glory,  and  their  own  increases  of  good  example  and  imitation. 
And  thus  much  for  Preamble  or  Introduction.  Now,  to 
the  matter  itself ! 

In  the  year  1621,  the  ist  of  November,  there  was  one 
John  Rawlins  (born  in  Rochester,  and  dwelling  three  and 
twenty  years  in  Plymouth)  employed  to  the  Straits  of  Gib- 
raltar, by  Master[s]  Richard,  and  Steven  Treviles, 
Merchants  of  Plymouth  ;  and  freighted  in  a  bark  called  the 
Nicholas  of  Plymouth,  of  the  burden  of  40  tons :  which  had 
also  in  her  company,  another  ship  of  Plymouth,  called  the 
George  Bonaventure,  of  70  tons  burden  or  thereabouts  ;  which, 
by  reason  of  her  greatness  beyond  the  other,  I  will  name  the 
Admiral  [flagship],  and  John  Rawlins's  bark  shall,  if  you 
please,  be  the  Vice-Admiral. 

These  two,  according  to  the  time  of  the  year,  had  a  fair 
passage  ;  and,  by  the  i8th  of  the  same  month,  came  to  a 
place  at  the  entering  of  the  Straits,  named  Trafalgar;  but  the 
next  morning  [igth  November,  1621],  being  in  the  sight  of 
Gibraltar,  at  the  very  mouth  of  the  Straits,  the  watch  de- 
scried five  sail  of  ships.  Who,  as  it  seemed,  used  all  the 
means  they  could  to  come  near  us;  and  we,  as  we  had  cause, 
used  the  same  means  to  go  as  far  from  them  ;  yet  did  their 
Admiral  take  in  both  his  topsails,  that  either  we  might  not 
suspect  them,  or  that  his  own  company  might  come  up  the 
closer  together.  At  last,  perceiving  us  [to  be]  Christians, 
they  fell  from  devices,  to  apparent  discovery  of  hostility,  and 
making  out  against  us.  We  again  suspecting  them  [to  be] 
pirates,  took  our  course  to  escape  from  them ;  and  made  all 
the  sails  we  possibly  could  for  Terriff  or  Gibraltar ;  but  all  we 
could  do,  could  not  prevent  their  approach.  For,  suddenly, 
one  of  them  came  right  over  against  us  to  windward ;  and  so 
fell  on  our  quarter.     Another  came  up  on  our  luff,  and  so 


tMar.i632.]    PIRATES,    AND    CAPTURED    BY    THEM.      253 

threatened  us  there.  And,  at  last,  all  five  chased  us ;  making 
great  speed  to  surprise  us. 

Their  Admiral  was  called  Calif ater  ;  having  upon  her  main- 
topsail,  two  topgallant  sails,  one  above  another.  But 
whereas  we  thought  them  all  five  to  be  Turkish  Ships  of  War; 
we  afterwards  understood  that  two  of  them  were  their  prizes 
(the  one,  a  small  ship  of  London,  the  other  of  the  West 
Country),  that  came  out  of  the  Quactath,  laden  with  figs 
and  other  merchandise,  but  now  [were]  subject  to  the  fortune 
of  the  sea,  and  the  captivity  of  pirates.    But  to  our  business  ! 

Three  oftheseshipsgot  much  upon  us;  and  somuch,  that,  ere 
half  the  day  was  spent,  the  Admiral,  which  was  the  best  sailer, 
fetched  up  the  George  Bonaventure,  and  made  booty  of  it. 

The  Vice-Admiral  again,  being  nearest  unto  the  lesser  bark 
whereof  John  Rawlins  was  Master,  shewed  him  the  force  of 
a  stronger  arm ;  and  by  his  Turkish  name,  called  Villa  Rise, 
commanded  him,  in  like  sort,  to  strike  his  sails,  and  submit 
to  his  mercy :  which,  not  to  be  gainsaid,  nor  prevented,  was 
quickly  done.  And  so  Rawlins,  with  his  bark,  was  as  quickly 
taken  ;  although  the  Rear-Admiral,  being  the  worst  sailer  of 
the  three,  called  Riggiprise,  came  not  in,  till  all  was  done. 

The  same  day,  before  night,  the  Admiral  (either  loath  to 
pester  himself  with  too  much  company,  or  ignorant  of  the 
commodity  [which]  was  to  be  made  by  the  sale  of  English  pri- 
soners, or  daring  not  to  trust  them  in  his  company  for  fear  of 
mutinies,  and  exciting  others  to  rebellion)  set  twelve  persons 
who  were  in  the  George  Bonaventure,  and  divers  other  English 
whom  he  had  taken  before,  on  the  land,  to  try  their  fortunes 
in  an  unknown  country. 

But  Villa  Rise,  the  Vice-Admiral,  that  had  taken  John 
Rawlins,  would  not  so  dispense  with  his  men  ;  but  com- 
manded him,  and  five  more  of  his  company  to  be  brought 
aboard  his  ship  :  leaving  in  his  bark,  three  men  and  his  boy, 
with  thirteen  Turks  and  Moors,  who  were,  questionless,  suffi- 
cient to  overmaster  the  others,  and  direct  the  bark  to  harbour. 

Thus  they  sailed  direct  for  Argier  [Algiers].  But,  the 
night  following  followed  them  with  great  tempest  and  foul 
weather,  which  ended  not  without  some  effect  of  a  storm :  for 
they  lost  the  sight  of  Rawlins's  bark,  called  the  Nicholas ; 
and,  in  a  manner,  lost  themselves  (though  they  seemed  safe 
a  shipboard)  by  fearful  conjecturing  what  should  become  of  us? 


254    ^'^'^   NEWS    ON    ARRIVING   AT    ALGIERS.  [,  Mar.  1622. 

At  last,  by  the  22nd  of  the  same  month,  they,  or  we 
(choose  you  whether !  for  I  would  not  be  mistaken  in  alter- 
ing the  persons,  by  either  naming  the  first  for  the  third,  or 
the  third  for  the  first ;  but  only  make  the  discourse  equal, 
by  setting  down  the  business  honestly  and  truly  as  it 
chanced)  arrived  in  Argier ;  and  came  in  safety  within  the 
Mole  :  but  found  not  our  other  bark  there;  nay,  though  we 
earnestly  inquired  after  the  same. 

Yet  heard  we  nothing  to  our  satisfaction ;  but  much 
matter  was  ministered  to  our  discomfort  and  amazement. 
For  although  the  Captain  and  our  Overseers  were  loath  we 
should  have  any  conference  with  our  countrymen  ;  yet  did  we 
adventure  to  inform  ourselves  of  the  present  affairs,  both  of 
the  town  and  of  the  shipping.  So  that  finding  many  English 
at  work  in  other  ships,  they  spared  not  to  tell  us  the  danger 
we  were  in,  and  the  mischiefs  we  must  needs  incur ;  as  being 
sure,  "  If  we  were  not  used  like  slaves,  to  be  sold  as  slaves  :  for 
there  had  been  five  hundred  brought  into  the  market  for  the 
same  purpose,  and  above  a  hundred  handsome  youths  com- 
pelled to  turn  Turks  ;  all  English  !  "  Yet,  like  good  Christians, 
they  bade  us  *'  Be  of  good  cheer  !  and  comfort  ourselves  in 
this  !  That  GOD's  trials  were  gentle  purgations  ;  and  these 
crosses  were  but  to  cleanse  the  dross  from  the  gold,  and  bring 
us  out  of  the  fire  again,  more  clear  and  lovely." 

Yet,  I  must  needs  confess,  that  they  afforded  us  reason  for 
this  cruelty;  as  if  they  determined  to  be  revenged  of  our  last 
attempt  to  fire  their  ships  in  the  Mole  [by  Sir  Robert 
Mansell's  fleet  in  May,  1621.  See  J.  B's.  Algiers  Voyage. 
1621],  and  therefore  protested  "to  spare  none  !  whom  they 
could  surprise,  and  take  alone ;  but  either  to  sell  them  for 
money  or  to  torment  them  to  serve  their  own  ends." 

Now  their  customs  and  usages,  in  both  these,  were  in  this 
manner. 

First,  concerning  the  first.  The  Bashaw  [Pasha]  had  the 
overseeing  of  all  prisoners  who  were  presented  unto  him,  at 
their  first  coming  into  the  harbour  ;  and  so  chose  one  out  of 
every  eight,  for  a  present  or  fee  to  himself.  The  rest  were 
rated  by  the  Captains,  and  so  sent  to  the  market  to  be  sold  : 
whereat,  if  either  there  were  repining,  or  any  drawing  back  ; 
then  certain  Moors  and  Officers  attended,  either  to  beat  you 


?Mar.i622.]     RaWLINS's  CREW  SOLD   FOR  SLAVES.      255 

forward,  or  thrust  you  in  the  sides  with  goads.  And  this 
was  the  manner  of  the  selling  of  slaves. 

Secondly,  concerning  their  enforcing  them,  either  to  turn 
Turk  or  to  attend  their  impieties  :  although  it  would  make  a 
Christian's  heart  bleed  to  hear  of  the  same ;  yet  must  the 
truth  not  be  hid,  nor  the  terror  left  untold.  They  commonly 
lay  them  on  their  naked  backs  or  bellies,  beating  them  so 
long  till  they  bleed  at  the  nose  and  mouth  :  and  if  yet  they 
continue  constant,  then  they  strike  the  teeth  out  of  their 
heads,  pinch  them  by  their  tongues,  and  use  many  other 
sorts  of  tortures  to  convert  them.  Nay,  many  times,  they 
lay  them,  their  whole  length,  in  the  ground,  like  a  grave ; 
and  so  cover  them  with  boards,  threatening  to  starve  them, 
if  they  will  not  turn.  And  so,  many,  even  for  fear  of  tor- 
ment and  death,  make  their  tongues  betray  their  hearts  to 
a  most  fearful  wickedness  :  and  so  are  circumcised  with  new 
names,  and  brought  to  confess  a  new  religion.  Others  again, 
I  must  confess,  who  never  knew  any  god  but  their  own 
sensual  lusts  and  pleasures,  thought  that  any  religion  would 
serve  their  turns :  and  so,  for  preferment  or  wealth,  very 
voluntarily  renounced  their  faith,  and  became  Renegadoes ;  in 
despite  of  any  counsel  which  seemed  to  intercept  them. 

And  this  was  the  first  news  we  encountered  with,  at  our 
coming  first  to  Argier. 

The  26th  of  the  same  month,  John  Rawlins'  bark,  with  his 
other  three  men  and  a  boy,  came  safe  into  the  Mole  ;  and  so 
were  put  all  together,  to  be  carried  before  the  Bashaw;  but  that 
they  took  the  Owner's  Servant  [  ?  Supercargo]  and  Rawlins's 
boy,  and,  by  force  and  torment,  compelled  them  to  turn  Turks. 

Then  were  they  in  all,  seven  English,  besides  John 
Rawlins  :  of  whom  the  Bashaw  took  one  ;  and  sent  the  rest 
to  their  Captains,  who  set  a  valuation  upon  them.  So  the 
soldiers  hurried  us,  like  dogs,  into  the  market ;  where,  as  men 
sell  hackneys  in  England,  we  were  tossed  up  and  down,  to  see 
who  would  give  most  for  us.  And  although  we  had  heavy 
hearts,  and  looked  with  sad  countenances ;  yet  many  came  to 
behold  us;  sometimes  taking  us  by  the  hand,  sometimes  turn- 
ing us  round  about,  sometimes  feeling  our  brawns  and  naked 
arms:  and  so  beholding  our  prices  written  in  our  breasts,  they 
bargained  for  us  accordingly;  and,  at  last,  we  were  all  sold,  and 
the  soldiers  returned  with  their  money  to  their  Captains, 


256  The  fitting  out  of  the  Exchange.  [?Ma'r.i6M. 

John  Rawlins  was  the  last  that  was  sold,  by  reason  of 
his  lame  hand.  He  was  bought  by  the  Captain  that  took  him, 
even  that  dog  Villa  Rise  !  who  (better  informing  himself  of 
his  skill  fit  to  be  a  Pilot,  and  his  experience  to  be  an  Over- 
seer) bought  him  and  his  Carpenter  at  very  easy  rates.  For, 
as  we  afterwards  understood  by  divers  English  Renegadoes, 
he  paid  for  Rawlins  but  150  Doublets,  which  make,  of 
English  money,  £"]  los. 

Thus  was  he  and  his  Carpenter,  with  divers  other  slaves, 
sent  into  his  ship  to  work  ;  and  employed  about  such  affairs 
as  belonged  to  the  well  rigging  and  preparing  the  same. 

But  the  villainous  Turks  perceiving  his  lame  hand, 
and  that  he  could  not  perform  so  much  as  other  slaves, 
quickly  complained  to  their  Patron :  who  as  quickly  appre- 
hended the  inconvenience  ;  whereupon  he  sent  for  him,  the 
next  day,  and  told  him,  "  He  was  unserviceable  for  his  present 
purpose  !  and  therefore  unless  he  could  procure  £\^  of  the 
English  there,  for  his  ransom  :  he  would  send  him  up  into 
the  country,  where  he  should  never  see  Christendom  again, 
and  endure  the  extremity  of  a  miserable  banishment." 

But  see  how  GOD  worketh  all  for  the  best  for  His  servants  ! 
and  confoundeth  the  presumption  of  tyrants,  frustrating  their 
purposes,  to  make  His  wonders  known  to  the  sons  of  men  ! 
and  relieves  His  people,  when  they  least  think  of  succour  and 
releasement ! 

Whilst  John  Rawlins  was  thus  terrified  with  the  dogged 
answer  of  Villa  Rise,  the  Exchange  of  Bristol,  a  ship 
formerly  surprised  by  the  pirates,  lay  all  unrigged  in  the 
harbour,  till,  at  last,  one  John  Goodale,  an  English  Turk, 
with  his  confederates  (understanding  she  was  a  good  sailer, 
and  might  be  made  a  proper  Man  of  War)  bought  her  from  the 
Turks  that  took  her ;  and  prepare  her  for  their  own  purposes. 

Now  the  Captain  that  set  them  on  work,  was  also  an 
English  Renegado,  by  the  name  of  Rammetham  Rise,  but  by 
his  Christian  name  Henry  Chandler  :  who  resolved  to  make 
Goodale,  Master  over  her. 

And  because  they  were  both  English  Turks  (having  the 
command,  notwithstanding,  of  many  Turks  and  Moors)  they 
concluded  to  have  all  English  slaves  to  go  in  her ;  and  for 
their  gunners,  English  and  Dutch  Renegadoes  :  and  so  they 
agreed   with   the  Patrons   of  nine    English  slaves   and  one 


?  Mar.  1622.]  J-  GOODALE  AND  TWO  TuRKS  BUY  RaWLINS.    257 

French  for  their  ransoms ;  who  were  presently  employed  to 
rig  and  furnish  the  ship  for  a  Man  of  War. 

And  while  they  were  thus  busied,  two  of  John  Rawlins's, 
men  (  who  were  taken  with  him),  were  also  taken  up  to  serve 
in  this  Man  of  War ;  their  names,  James  Roe  and  John 
Davies,  the  one  dwelling  in  Plymouth  ;  and  the  other  in  Foy, 
where  the  Commander  of  this  ship  was  also  born,  by  which 
occasion  they  became  acquainted.  So  that  both  the  Captain 
and  the  Master  promised  them  good  usage,  upon  the  good 
service  they  should  perform  in  the  voyage ;  and  withal,  de- 
manded of  Davies  if  he  knew  of  any  Englishman  to  be  bought, 
that  could  serve  them  as  a  Pilot ;  both  to  direct  them  out  of 
harbour,  and  conduct  them  in  their  voyage.  For,  in  truth, 
neither  was  the  Captain  a  mariner,  nor  any  Turk  in  her  of 
sufficiency  to  dispose  of  [navigate]  her  through  the  Straits  in 
security ;  nor  oppose  any  enemy  that  should  hold  it  out 
bravely  against  them. 

Davies  quick  replied  that,  **  As  far  as  he  understood. 
Villa  Rise  would  sell  John  Rawlins,  his  Master,  and  Com- 
mander of  the  bark  which  was  taken.  A  man  every  way 
sufficient  for  sea  affairs,  being  of  great  resolution  and  good 
experience  ;  and  for  all  he  had  a  lame  hand,  yet  had  he  a 
sound  heart  and  noble  courage  for  any  attempt  or  adventure." 

When  the  Captain  understood  thus  much,  he  employed 
Davies  to  search  for  Rawlins;  who,  at  last  lighting  upon 
him,  asked  him,  *'  If  the  Turk  would  sell  him  ?  " 

Rawlins  suddenly  answered,  that  "  By  reason  of  his  lame 
hand  he  was  willing  to  part  with  him  ;  but  because  he  had 
disbursed  money  for  him,  he  would  gain  something  by  him  ; 
and  so  priced  him  at  300  doublets,  which  amounteth  to  ^15 
English  ;  which  he  must  procure,  or  incure  sorer  indurances." 

When  Davies  had  certified  thus  much,  the  Turks  a 
shipboard  conferred  about  the  matter ;  and  the  Master, 
whose  Christian  name  was  John  Goodale,  joined  with 
two  Turks  who  were  consorted  with  him,  and  disbursed 
100  doublets  a  piece,  and  so  bought  him  of  Villa  Rise  : 
sending  him  into  the  said  ship  called  the  Exchange  of 
Bristol ;  as  well  to  supervise  what  had  been  done,  as  to  order 
what  was  left  undone  ;  but  especially  to  fit  the  sails,  and  to 
accommodate  [fit  out]  the  ship.  All  which,  Rawlins  was  very 
careful  and  indulgent  in  ;  not  yet  thinking  of  any  particular 

R  2 


258    The  Exchange  sails  out  of  Algiers.  [, 


?  Mar.  1622 


plot  of  deliverance,  more  than  a  general  desire  to  be  freed 
from  this  Turkish  slavery,  and  inhuman  abuses. 

By  the  7th  of  January  [1622],  the  ship  was  prepared,  with 
twelve  good  cast  pieces,  and  all  manner  of  munition  and 
provision  which  belonged  to  such  a  purpose  :  and,  the  same 
day,  hauled  out  of  the  Mole  of  Argier,  with  this  company,  and 
in  this  manner. 

There  were  in  her  sixty-three  Turks  and  Moors,  nine 
English  slaves  and  one  French,  four  Hollanders  that  were 
free  men  (to  whom  the  Turks  promised  one  prize  or  other, 
and  so  to  return  to  Holland  ;  or  if  they  were  disposed  to  go 
back  again  for  Argier,  they  should  have  great  reward,  and  no 
enforcement  offered,  but  continue,  as  they  would,  both  their 
religion  and  their  customs)  :  and  for  their  gunners,  they  had 
two  of  our  soldiers,  one  English  and  one  Dutch  Renegade. 
And  thus  much  for  the  company. 

For  the  manner  of  setting  out,  it  was  as  usual,  as  in  other 
ships ;  but  that  the  Turks  delighted  in  the  ostent[ati]ous 
bravery  of  their  streamers,  banners,  and  topsails :  the  ship 
being  a  handsome  ship,  and  well  built  for  any  purpose.  The 
slaves  and  English  were  employed  under  hatches,  about  the 
ordnance  and  other  works  of  order,  and  accommodating 
[berthing]  themselves. 

All  which,  John  Rawlins  marked,  as  supposing  it  an  in- 
tolerable slavery  to  take  such  pains,  and  be  subject  to  such 
dangers;  and  still  to  enrich  other  men,  and  maintain  their 
voluptuous  lives;  returning  themselves  as  slaves,  and  living 
worse  than  dogs  amongst  them.  Whereupon,  after  he  had 
conceited  the  indignity  and  reproach  of  their  baseness,  and 
the  glory  of  an  exploit  that  could  deliver  himself  and  the  rest 
from  this  slavish  captivity ;  being  very  busy  among  the 
English  in  pulling  of  ropes,  and  placing  of  ordnance,  he  burst 
into  these,  or  such  like  abrupt  speeches  :  "  0  hellish  slavery  ! 
to  be  thus  subject  to  dogs  !  to  labour  thus  to  enrich  iniidels, 
and  maintain  their  pleasures!  to  be  ourselves  slaves,  and 
worse  than  the  outcast  of  the  world  !  Is  there  no  way  of 
releasement  ?  no  device  to  free  us  from  this  bondage  ?  no 
exploit,  no  action  of  worth  to  be  put  in  excution,  to  make  us 
renown  in  the  world,  and  famous  to  posterity  ?  O  GOD  ! 
strengthen  my  heart  and  hand,  and  something  shall  be  done 
to  ease  us  of  these  mischiefs,  and  deliver  us  from  these  cruel 
Mahomedan  dogs !  " 


»  Mar.  16.2.]  A  POLACCA  CAPTURED  OFF  CaPE  DE  GaTTE.    259 

The  other  slaves  pitying  his  distraction,  as  they  thought, 
bade  him,  "  Speak  softly  !  least  they  should  all  fare  the  worse 
for  his  distemperature  !  " 

"  The  worse  !  "  quoth  Rawlins,  "  what  can  be  worse  ? 
Death  is  the  determiner  of  all  misery !  and  torture  can  last 
but  a  while !  But  to  be  continually  a  dying,  and  suffer  all 
indignity  and  reproach  ;  and,  in  the  end,  to  have  no  welcome 
but  into  the  House  of  Slaughter  or  Bondage,  is  insufferable  ! 
and  more  than  flesh  and  blood  can  endure  !  And  therefore, 
by  that  salvation  which  Christ  hath  brought,  I  will 
either  attempt  my  deliverance  at  one  time  or  another,  or 
perish  in  the  enterprise  !  but  if  you  would  be  contented  to 
hearken  after  a  release,  and  join  with  me  in  the  action ;  I 
would  not  doubt  of  facilitating  the  same,  and  shew  you  a  way 
to  make  your  credits  thrive  by  some  work  of  amazement,  and 
augment  your  glory  in  purchasing  your  liberty !  " 

**  Ay,  prithee,  be  quiet !  "  said  they  again,  "  and  think  not 
of  impossibilities  !  Yet,  if  you  can  but  open  such  a  door  of 
reason  and  probability  that  we  be  not  condemn  for  desperate 
and  distracted  persons,  in  pulling  the  sun  (as  it  were)  out  of 
the  firmament ;  we  can  but  sacrifice  our  lives !  and  you  may 
be  sure  of  secrecy  and  taciturnity  ! " 

"Now,  blessed  be  my  genius  !  "  said  Rawlins,  "  that  ever 
this  motive  was  so  opportunely  preferred  !  and  therefore  we 
will  be  quiet  a  while,  till  the  iron  be  hotter,  that  we  may  not 
strike  in  vain." 

The  15th  January,  the  morning  water  [tide]  brought  us 
near  Cape  de  Gatte,  hard  by  the  shore ;  we  having  in  our 
company,  a  small  Turkish  Ship  of  War  that  followed  us  out 
of  Argier,  the  next  day  :  and  now  joining  us  she  gave  us 
notice  of  seven  small  vessels,  six  of  them  being  Sattees  and 
one  a  Polacca  ;  who  very  quickly  appeared  in  sight,  and  so 
we  made  towards  them. 

But  having  more  advantage  of  the  Polacca  than  the  rest, 
and  loath  to  lose  all,  we  both  fetched  her  up,  and  brought 
her  past  hope  of  recovery;  which  when  she  perceived,  rather 
than  she  would  voluntarily  come  into  the  slavery  of  the  Maho- 
medans,  she  ran  herself  ashore;  and  so  all  the  men  forsook  her. 

We  still  followed  as  near  as  we  durst,  and  for  fear  of 
splitting  [i.e.,  on  the  rocks],  let  fall  our  anchors ;  making  out 
[sending]  both  our  boats,  wherein  were  many  musketeers  and 


26o    The  Magician  of  the  Negro  sailors.  [?  Mar.  ,622. 

some  English  and  Dutch  Renegadoes  :  who  came  aboard 
home  at  their  conge  [entered  the  vessel,  without  opposition],  and 
found  three  pieces  of  ordnance,  and  four  murtherers  [see 
Vol.  I.  p.  50O],  but  straightway  threw  them  all  overboard,  to 
lighten  the  ship.  So  they  got  her  off,  being  ladened  with  hides, 
and  logwood  for  dyeing :  and  presently  sent  her  to  Argier, 
taking  nine  Turks  and  one  English  slave  out  of  one  ship,  and 
six  out  of  the  lesser  ;  which,  we  thought,  sufficient  to  man  her. 

But  see  the  chance  !  or,  if  you  will,  how  fortune  smiled  on 
us.  In  the  rifling  of  this  Catalcynia  [  ?  Catalonian],  the  Turks 
fell  at  variance,  one  with  another  ;  and  in  such  a  manner 
that  we  divided  ourselves  [parted  company]  :  the  lesser  ship  re- 
turned to  Argier  and  our  Exchange  took  the  opportunity  of 
the  wind,  and  plied  out  of  the  Straits  ;  which  rejoiced  John 
Rawlins  very  much,  as  resolving  on  some  stratagem,  when 
opportunity  should  serve. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  Turks  began  to  murmur,  and  would 
not  willingly  go  into  the  Marr  Granada,  as  the  phrase  is 
amongst  them ;  notwithstanding  the  Moors,  being  very  super- 
stitious, were  contented  to  be  directed  by  their  Hoshea,  who, 
with  us,  signifieth  a  Witch  [or  rather  Wizard]  :  and  is  of 
great  account  and  reputation  amongst  them,  as  not  going  in 
any  great  vessel  to  sea  without  one ;  and  observing  whatso- 
ever he  concludeth,  out  of  his  divination. 

The  ceremonies  he  useth  are  many ;  and  when  they  come 
into  the  ocean,  every  second  or  third  night,  he  maketh  his 
conjuration.  He  beginneth,  and  endeth  with  prayer,  using 
many  characters,  and  calling  upon  GOD  by  divers  names. 

Yet,  at  this  time,  all  that  he  did,  consisteth  in  these  par- 
ticulars. Upon  the  sight,  and,  as  we  were  afraid,  the  chasing 
of  two  great  ships,  being  supposed  to  be  Spanish  Men  of  War, 
a  great  silence  is  commanded  in  the  ship ;  and  when  all  is 
done,  the  company  giveth  as  great  a  screech  ;  the  Captain 
still  coming  to  John  Rawlins  and  sometimes  making  him  to 
take  in  all  his  sails,  and  sometimes  causing  him  to  hoist  them 
all  out,  as  the  Witch  findeth  by  his  book  and  presages. 

Then  have  they  two  arrows  and  a  curtleaxe  lying  on  a 
pillow,  naked.  The  arrows  are,  one  for  the  Turks,  and  the 
other  for  the  Christians.  Then  the  Witch  readeth,  and  the 
Captain  or  some  other,  taketh  the  arrows  in  their  hand  by  the 
heads,  and  if  the  arrow  for  the  Christians  cometh  over  the 


?Mar.i622,]  RaWLINS  BEGINS  TO  PLOT  THE  RECAPTURE.    26 1 

head  of  the  arrow  for  the  Turks,  then  do  they  advance  their 
sails,  and  will  not  endure  the  fight,  whatsoever  they  see ; 
but  if  the  arrow  of  the  Turks  is  found,  in  the  opening  of  the 
hand,  upon  the  arrow  of  the  Christians,  they  will  then  stay 
and  encounter  with  any  ship  whatsoever. 

The  curtleaxe  is  taken  up  by  some  child  that  is  innocent, 
or  rather,  ignorant  of  the  ceremony  ;  and  so  laid  down  again. 
Then  they  do  observe  whether  the  same  side  is  uppermost, 
which  lay  before :  and  so  proceed  accordingly. 

They  also  observe  lunatics  and  changlings,  and  the  Con- 
jurer writeth  down  their  sayings  in  a  book,  grovelling  on  the 
ground,  as  if  he  whispered  to  the  Devil,  to  tell  him  the  truth  : 
and  so  expoundeth  the  Letter,  as  it  were,  by  inspiration. 

Many  other  foolish  rites  they  have,  whereon  they  do  dote 
as  foolishly ;  and  whereof,  I  could  entreat  more  at  large,  but 
this  shall  suffice  at  this  time. 

Whilst  he  was  thus  busied,  and  made  demonstration  that  all 
was  finished ;  the  people  in  the  ship  gave  a  great  shout,  and 
cried  out  "  A  sail !  "  "  a  sail !  "  :  which,  at  last,  was  discovered 
to  be  another  Man  of  War  of  Turks.  For  he  made  towards 
us,  and  sent  his  boat  aboard  us ;  to  whom,  our  Captain 
complained  that  being  becalmed  by  the  Southern  Cape  [?  of 
Portugal,  i.e.,  Cape  St.  Vincent] ;  and  having  "  made"  no  voyage, 
the  Turks  denied  to  go  any  further  northward ;  but  the  Cap- 
tain resolved  not  to  return  to  Argier,  except  he  could  obtain 
some  prize  worthy  his  endurances  ;  but  rather  to  go  to  Salle, 
and  sell  his  Christians  to  victual  his  ship.  Which  the  other 
Captain  apprehended  for  his  honour;  and  so  persuaded  the 
Turks  to  be  obedient  unto  him  :  whereupon  followed  a  pacifi- 
cation amongst  us  ;  and  so  that  Turk  took  his  course  for  the 
Straits,  and  we  put  up  northward,  expecting  the  good  hour 
of  some  beneficial  booty. 

All  this  while  our  slavery  continued ;  and  the  Turks,  with 
insulting  tyranny,  set  us  still  on  work  in  all  base  and  servile 
actions ;  adding  stripes  and  inhuman  revilings,  even  in  our 
greatest  labour.  Whereupon  John  Rawlins  resolved  to  ob- 
tain his  liberty  and  surprise  the  ship,  providing  ropes  with 
broad  specks  of  iron,  and  all  the  iron  crows,  with  which  he 
knew  a  way,  upon  the  consent  of  the  rest,  to  ram  up  or  tie 
fast  their  scuttles,  gratings,  and  cabins  ;  yea,  to  shut  up  the 
Captain  himself  with  all  his  consorts  :  and  so  to  handle  the 


262    The  noise  of  Rawlins's  crowbar.  [ 


?  Mar.  1623. 


matter,  that,  upon  the  watchword  given,  the  English  being 
masters  of  the  Gunner  Room,  ordnance  and  powder,  they 
would  either  blow  them  into  the  air;  or  kill  them,  as  they 
adventured  to  come  down,  one  by  one,  if  they  should,  by  any 
chance,  open  their  cabins. 

But  because  he  would  proceed  the  better  in  his  enterprise, 
as  he  had  somewhat  abruptly  discovered  himself  to  the  nine 
English  slaves,  so  he  kept  the  same  distance  with  the  four 
Hollanders  that  were  free  men  :  till  finding  them  coming 
somewhat  towards  them  ;  he  acquainted  with  them  the  whole 
conspiracy ;  and  they  affecting  the  plot,  offered  the  adventure 
of  their  lives  in  the  business. 

Then,  very  warily,  he  undermined  the  English  Renegado 
which  was  the  Gunner ;  and  three  more,  his  associates  :  who, 
at  first,  seemed  to  retract. 

Last  of  all,  were  brought  in  the  Dutch  Renegadoes,  who 
were  also  in  the  Gunner  Room  ;  for  always  there  lay  twelve 
there,  five  Christians,  and  seven  English  and  Dutch  Turks. 

So  that,  when  another  motion  had  settled  their  resolutions, 
and  John  Rawlins's  constancy  had  put  new  life,  as  it  were, 
into  the  matter  :  the  four  Hollanders  very  honestly,  according 
to  their  promise,  sounded  the  Dutch  Renegadoes  ;  who,  with 
easy  persuasion,  gave  their  consent  to  so  brave  an  enterprise. 

Whereupon  John  Rawlins,  not  caring  whether  the  Eng- 
lish Gunners  would  yield  or  not,  resolved,  in  the  Captain's 
morning  watch,  to  make  the  attempt. 

But,  you  must  understand  that  where  the  English  slaves  lay 
[in  the  Gun  Room],  there  hung  up  always  four  or  five  crows  of 
iron  ;  being  still  under  the  carriages  of  the  pieces.  And,  when 
the  time  approached,  being  very  dark:  because  John  Rawlins 
would  have  his  crow  of  iron  ready,  as  other  things  were,  and 
other  men  prepared,  in  their  several  places ;  in  taking  it  out  of 
the  carriage,  by  chance,  it  hit  on  the  side  of  the  piece,  making 
such  a  noise,  that  the  soldiers  hearing  it,  awaked  the  Turks, 
and  bade  them  come  down.  Whereupon,  the  Boatswain  of 
the  Turks  descended,  with  a  candle,  and  presently  searched 
all  the  slaves'  places,  making  much  ado  of  the  matter:  but 
finding  neither  hatchet,  nor  hammer,  nor  anything  else  to 
move  suspicion  of  the  enterprise  more  than  the  crow  of  iron, 
which  lay  slipped  down  under  the  carriages  of  the  pieces ; 
they  went  quietly  up  again,  and  certified  the  Captain,  what 


tMJ.i622.]  His  SUBSEQUENT  FRIGHT  FROM  A  Turk.    263 

had  chanced,  who  satisfied  himself  that  it  was  a  common 
thing  to  have  a  crow  of  iron  sHp  from  his  place. 

But  by  this  occasion,  we  made  stay  of  our  attempt;  yet 
were  resolved  to  take  another  or  a  better  opportunity. 

Only  I  must  tell  you,  what  John  Rawlins  would  have  done, 
if  this  accident  had  not  happened.  He  was  fully  minded,  with 
some  others,  with  their  naked  knives  in  their  hands,  to  press 
upon  the  Gunner's  breast  and  the  other  English  Renegadoes, 
and  either  force  them  to  consent  to  their  designs,  or  to  cut 
their  throats ;  first  telling  them  plainly  that  "They  had  vowed 
to  surprise  the  ship,  and,  by  GOD's  assistance,  to  obtain  their 
liberty ;  and  therefore  Die !  or  Consent  (when  you  hear  the 
watchword  given,  For  GOD  I  and  King  James  !  and  St. 
George  for  England  I )  [that]  you  presently  keep  your  places  ! 
and  advise  to  execute  what  you  are  commanded  !  " 

But  as  you  have  heard,  GOD  was  the  best  physician  to 
our  wounded  hearts ;  and  used  a  kind  of  preventing  physic, 
rather  than  to  cure  us  so  suddenly.  So  that,  out  of  His 
Providence,  perceiving  some  danger  in  this  enterprise,  He 
both  caused  us  to  desist ;  and,  at  last,  brought  our  business 
to  a  better  period,  and  fortunate  end. 

For  we  sailed  still  more  northward,  and  Rawlins  had 
more  time  to  tamper  with  his  Gunners,  and  the  rest  of  the 
English  Renegadoes :  who  very  willingly,  when  they  con- 
sidered the  matter,  and  perpended  the  reasons,  gave  way  unto 
the  project ;  and  with  a  kind  of  joy  seemed  to  entertain  the 
motives.  Only  they  made  a  stop  at  [as  to]  the  first  onset,  who 
should  begin  the  enterprise,  which  was  no  way  fit  for  them 
to  do ;  because  they  were  no  slaves,  but  Renegadoes,  and 
so  had  always  beneficial  entertainment  amongst  them :  but 
when  it  was  once  put  in  practice,  they  would  be  sure  not  to 
fail  them;  but  venture  their  lives  for  GOD  and  their  country. 

When  Rawlins  had  heard  them  out,  he  much  liked  their 
contradiction  [reservation]  ;  and  told  them  plainly,  "  He  did 
require  no  such  thing  at  their  hands !  but  the  slaves  and 
himself  would  first  sound  the  channel,  and  adventure  the 
water."  And  so,  after  reciprocal  oathstaken,  and  hands  given  ; 
Rawlins,  once  again,  lay  in  wait  for  the  fittest  opportunity. 
But  once  again  he  was  disappointed ;  and  a  suspicious 
accident  brought  him  to  re-collect  his  spirits  anew,  and  study 
on  the  danger  of  the  enterprise  :  and  thus  it  was. 


264      A  BARQUE  FROM   TORBAY  CAPTURED.  [ 


?  Mar.  162a 


After  the  Renegado  Gunner  had  protested  secrecy,  by  all 
that  might  induce  a  man  to  bestow  some  behef  upon  him; 
he  presently  went  up  the  scottle  [scuttle] ;  but  stayed  not 
aloft  a  quarter  of  an  hour.  Nay,  he  came  sooner  down  ;  and 
in  the  Gunner  Room  sat  by  Rawlins,  who  tarried  for  him, 
where  he  left  him. 

He  was  no  sooner  placed,  and  entered  into  some  conference, 
but  there  entered  into  the  place,  a  furious  Turk,  with  his 
knife  drawn,  and  presented  it  to  Rawlins's  body :  who  verily 
supposed  he  intended  to  kill  him ;  as  suspicious  that  the 
Gunner  had  discovered  something.  Whereat  Rawlins  was 
much  moved;  and  so  hastily  asked,  "What  the  matter 
meant  ?  or  whether  he  would  kill  him  or  not  ?  "  observing  his 
countenance  ;  and  (according  to  the  nature  of  jealous}^)  con- 
ceiting that  his  colour  had  a  passage  of  change,  whereloy  his 
suspicious  heart  condemned  him  for  a  traitor ;  but  that,  at 
more  leisure,  he  sware  the  contrary,  and  afterwards  proved 
faithful  and  industrious  in  the  enterprise.  And  for  the  pre- 
sent, he  answered  Rawlins,  in  this  manner,  '*  No,  Master ! 
be  not  afraid  !  I  think,  he  doth  but  jest !  " 

With  that,  John  Rawlins  gave  back  a  little,  and  drew 
out  his  knife ;  stepping  also  to  the  Gunner's  sheath,  and 
taking  out  his,  whereby  he  had  two  knives  to  one  :  which, 
when  the  Turk  perceived,  he  threw  down  his  knife,  saying, 
"  He  did  but  jest  with  him  !  " 

But,  as  I  said,  when  the  Gunner  perceived,  Rawlins  took 
it  so  ill,  he  whispered  something  in  his  ear,  that,  at  last, 
satisfied  him  :  calling  heaven  to  witness  that  "  He  never 
spake  a  word  of  the  enterprise,  nor  ever  would  I  either  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  business,  or  danger  of  his  person." 

Notwithstanding,  Rawlins  kept  the  knives  in  his  sleeve, 
all  night,  and  was  somewhat  troubled ;  for  that  he  had  made 
so  many  acquainted  with  an  action  of  such  importance  :  but, 
the  next  day,  when  he  perceived  the  coast  clear,  and  that 
there  was  no  further  cause  for  fear,  he  somewhat  comforted 
himself;  and  grew  bolder  and  bolder  in  disposing  the  affairs 
of  the  ship.  Only  it  grieved  him  that  his  enterprises  were 
thus  procrastinated  :  whereby  the  Mahomedan  tyranny  in- 
creased, and  the  poor  slaves  even  groaned  again  under  the 
burden  of  their  bondage;  and  thought  every  day  a  year,  till 
somethingwasputinexecution  for  their  deliverance.  For  it  was 
now  full  five  weeks,  since  Rawlins  first  projected  the  matter. 


jmJ. i622.]  Its  Master  is  informed  of  the  Plot.   265 

All  this  while,  Rawlins  drew  the  Captain  to  lie  for  the 
Northern  Cape  [  ?  Cape  Finisterre],  assuring  him,  that  thereby 
he  should  not  miss  purchase  ;  which  accordingly  fell  out,  as  a 
wish  would  have  it:  but  his  drift  was,  in  truth,  to  draw  him  from 
any  supply  or  second  [reinforcement]  of  Turks,  if  GOD  should 
give  way  to  their  enterprise,  or  success  to  the  victory. 

Yet,  for  the  present,  the  6th  of  February,  being  twelve 
leagues  from  the  Cape,  we  descried  a  sail ;  and  presently,  took 
the  advantage  of  the  wind  in  chasing  her,  and  at  last  fetched 
her  up,  making  her  strike  all  her  sails :  whereby  we  knew 
her  to  be  a  bark  belonging  to  Torbay,  near  Dartmouth,  that 
came  from  Averare,  laden  with  salt. 

Ere  we  had  fully  despatched,  it  chanced  to  be  foul  weather ; 
so  that  we  could  not,  or  at  least  would  not  make  out  our 
boat ;  but  caused  the  Master  of  the  bark  to  let  down  his,  and 
come  aboard  with  his  company  ;  there  being  in  the  bark  but 
nine  men,  and  one  boy. 

And  so  the  Master,  leaving  his  Mate  with  two  men  in  the 
same,  came  himself,  with  five  men  and  the  boy  unto  us ; 
whereupon  our  Turkish  Captain  sent  ten  Turks  to  man  her: 
amongst  whom,  were  two  Dutch  and  one  English  Renegado, 
who  were  of  our  confederacy,  and  acquainted  with  us. 

But  when  Rawlins  saw  this  partition  of  his  friends,  before 
they  could  hoist  out  their  boat  for  the  bark ;  he  made  means 
to  speak  with  them,  and  told  them  plainly  that  "  He  would 
prosecute  the  matter,  either  that  night,  or  the  next :  and 
therefore,  whatsoever  came  of  it,  they  should  acquaint  the 
English  with  his  resolution,  and  make  towards  England; 
bearing  up  the  helm,  whiles  the  Turks  slept  and  suspected 
no  such  matter.  For,  by  GOD's  grace,  in  his  first  watch, 
about  midnight,  he  would  shew  them  a  light ;  by  which 
they  might  understand  that  the  enterprise  was  begun,  or,  at 
least,  in  a  good  forwardness  for  the  execution." 

So  the  boat  was  let  down,  and  they  came  to  the  bark  of 
Torbay ;  where  the  Master's  Mate  being  left,  as  before  you 
have  heard,  apprehended  quickly  the  matter,  and  heard  the 
discourse  with  amazement. 

But  time  was  precious,  and  not  to  be  spent  in  disputing  or 
casting  of  doubts,  whether  the  Turks  that  were  with  them 
were  able  to  master  them  or  not ;  being  seven  to  six  :  con- 
sidering they  had  the  helm  of  the  ship,  and  the  Turks  being 


266  Rawlins  persuades  the  Captain  to  keep  [ 


?  Mar.  162a 


soldiers,  and  ignorant  of  sea  affairs,  could  not  discover 
whether  they  went  to  Argier  or  not ;  or,  if  they  did,  they 
resolved,  by  Rawlins's  example,  to  cut  their  throats,  or  cast 
them  overboard.  And  so  I  leave  them  to  make  use  of  the 
Renegadoes'  instructions  :  and  return  to  Rawlins  again. 

The  Master  of  the  bark  of  Torbay  and  his  company  were 
quickly  searched,  and  as  quickly  pillaged,  and  dismissed  to 
the  liberty  of  the  ship ;  whereby  Rawlins  had  leisure  to 
entertain  him  with  the  lamentable  news  of  their  extremities, 
and  the  adventure  of  their  voyages :  whereby  he  understood  of 
his  first  setting  out  from  the  West  country,  of  his  taking  and 
surprising  at  sea  by  Villa  Rise  ;  of  his  twice  being  sold  as  a 
slave,  and  so  continuing  to  his  heart-burning  and  excruciation ; 
of  the  making  [of  j  the  Exchange  of  Bristol,  a  Man  of  War, 
which  they  were  now  in  ;  of  the  Captain  and  Master,  who 
were  both  English  Renegadoes  ;  of  the  cruelty  of  the  Turks 
in  general,  and  his  own  fortunes  in  particular ;  of  his 
admission  into  the  ship  as  a  Pilot ;  of  the  friendship  which 
passed  between  him  and  the  Hollanders  ;  of  the  imparting  of 
the  secret  of  surprising  the  ship,  both  to  the  slaves  and  Christian 
Renegadoes  ;  of  their  consent  and  courageous  apprehension 
of  the  matter ;  of  the  first  attempt,  and  their  twice  disappoint- 
ing; of  his  still  resolution  presently  [at  once]  to  put  it  in 
practice ;  of  his  last  acquainting  [of]  the  Dutch  Renegadoes 
who  went  aboard  his  bark  ;  and  in  a  word,  of  every  particular 
which  was  befitting  to  the  purpose. 

"  Yea,"  he  told  him,  that  "that  night,  he  should  lose  the 
the  sight  of  them,  for  they  would  make  the  helm  for  Eng- 
land ;  "  and  that  he  "  would,  that  night,  and  evermore,  pray 
for  their  good  success  and  safe  deliverance." 

When  the  Master  of  the  Bark  of  Torbay  had  heard  him 
out,  and  that  his  company  were  partakers  of  his  story ; 
they  all  became  silent :  not  either  diffident  of  his  discourse 
or  afraid  of  the  attempt ;  but  as  wondering  at  the  goodness 
of  GOD,  and  His  mercy  in  choosing  out  such  weak  instru- 
ments to  set  forth  His  glory. 

"True,"  quoth  Rawlins,  when  he  found  them  coming 
towards  him,  "  it  is  so  !  For  mark  but  the  circumstance  of 
the  matter!  and  you  shall  see  the  very  finger  of  GOD  to 
point  us  out  our  deliverance  !  When  we  came  into  the  main 
ocean  to  hunt  after  prizes,  according  to  the  nature  of  pirates, 


♦  Mar.  i622.]  THE  TuRKISH  SOLDIERS  AFT  OF  THE  SHIP.     267 

and  that  I  resolved  on  the  enterprise,  there  were  sixty-five 
Turks  in  our  ship,  and  only  seventeen  of  our  confederacy. 
Then  it  pleased  GOD  to  abate  us  ten  of  the  Turks,  who  were 
sent  with  the  Polacca  before  recited.  And  when  we  were 
disappointed  again  of  our  purposes ;  you  see  now  what  hath 
chanced  !  We  are  rid  of  more  Turks,  and  welcome  you,  as  a 
new  supply !  so  that,  if  you  please,  we  shall  be  twenty-four 
strong ;  and  they,  in  all,  are  but  forty-five.  Be  therefore 
courageous  !  and  let  us  join  heart,  hand,  and  foot  together 
that  we  may  execute  this  brave  attempt  for  GOD's  glory, 
our  country's  honour,  the  good  example  to  others,  our  own 
deliverance,  and  (if  we  may  not  be  counted  vainglorious)  our 
everlasting  memory." 

By  that  time  he  had  finished  this  discourse  also,  the  Master 
of  the  Bark  and  his  company  resolved  to  assist  him  :  as  pro- 
jeciing[foreseem£-]thQ  misery  and  wretchedness  they  should 
endure  by  being  slaves  to  the  Turks,  and  the  happiness  of 
their  liberty  besides  the  reputation  of  the  enterprise.  As  for 
death,  it  was  in  community  to  all  men  :  and  so  in  the  hands 
of  GOD  to  dispose,  at  His  pleasure ;  and  either  could  not 
happen  before  the  hour  of  limitation,  or  could  not  be  pre- 
vented. For  human  policy  must  submit  to  Divine  Providence. 

Yet  to  shew  himself  an  understanding  man,  he  demanded 
of  Rawlins,  "  What  weapons  he  had?  and  in  what  manner 
he  would  execute  the  business  ?  " 

To  which,  he  answered,  that  "  He  had  ropes  and  iron 
hooks,  to  make  fast  the  scottels,  gratings,  and  cabins.  He 
had  also  in  the  Gunner  Room  two  curtleaxes,  andthe  slaves  had 
five  crows  of  iron  before  them.  Besides,  in  the  scuffling,  they 
made  no  question  [of  taking]  of  some  of  the  soldiers'  weapons." 

Then  for  the  manner,  he  told  them,  "  They  were  sure  of 
the  ordnance,  the  Gunner  Room,  and  the  powder  :  and  so 
blocking  them  up,  would  either  kill  them,  as  they  came 
down ;  or  turn  the  ordnance  against  their  cabins,  or  blow 
them  into  the  air  by  one  stratagem  or  other."  Thus  were 
they  contented,  on  all  sides  ;  and  resolved  to  the  enterprise. 

The  next  morning,  being  the  7th  of  February,  the  prize  of 
Torbay  was  not  to  be  seen  or  found  ;  whereat  the  Captain 
began  to  storm  and  swear,  commanding  Rawlins  to  search 
the  seas  up  and  down  for  her  :  who  bestowed  all  that  day  in 
that  business,  but  to  little  purpose ;  whereupon,  when  the 


268  James   Roe  gives  the  signal.  [ 


?  Mar,  162a. 


humour  was  spent,  the  Captain  pacified  himself,  as  conceiting 
he  should  be  sure  to  find  her  at  Argier.  But,  by  the  per- 
mission of  the  Ruler  of  all  actions,  that  Argier  was  England  ! 
and  all  his  wickedness  frustrated. 

For  Rawlins  beingnowstartled,  lest  he  should  return  in  this 
humour,  for  the  Straits;  the  8th  of  February  went  down  into  the 
hold,  and  finding  a  great  deal  of  water  below ;  told  the  Captain 
of  the  same  :  adding  that  "  It  did  not  come  to  the  pump  !  " 
which  he  did  very  politicly,  that  he  might  remove  the  ordnance. 

For  when  the  Captain  asked  him  the  reason,  he  told  him, 
"  the  ship  was  too  far  after  the  head." 

Then,  he  commanded  to  use  the  best  means  he  could,  to 
bring  her  in  order. 

"  Sure,  then,"  quoth  Rawlins,  we  must  quit  our  cables,  and 
bring  lour  pieces  of  ordnance  after  [abaft] ;  and  that  would  bring 
the  water  to  the  pump."   Which  was  presently  put  in  practice. 

So  the  pieces  being  usually  made  fast  thwart  the  ship,  we 
brought  two  of  them,  with  their  mouths  right  before  the 
biticle  [binnacle].  And  because  the  Renegado  Flemings 
would  not  begin  [i.e.,  the  fight];  it  was  thus  concluded. 

That  the  ship  having  three  decks ;  we  that  did  belong  to 
the  Gunner  Room  should  be  all  there,  and  break  up  the 
lower  deck.  The  English  slaves,  who  always  lay  in  the 
middle  deck  should  do  the  like,  and  watch  the  scuttles. 
Rawlins  himself  prevailed  with  the  Gunner,  for  so  much 
powder  as  should  prime  the  pieces  :  and  so  told  them  all,  there 
was  no  better  watchword,  nor  means  to  begin,  than,  upon 
the  report  of  the  piece,  to  make  a  cry  and  screech  [shout],  "For 
GOD,  and  King  James  !  "  and  "  St.  George  for  England  !  " 

When  all  things  were  prepared,  and  every  man  resolved, 
as  knowing  what  he  had  to  do ;  and  the  hour  when  it  should 
happen,  to  be  two  in  the  afternoon  :  Rawlins  advised  the 
Master  Gunner  to  speak  to  the  Captain,  that  the  soldiers 
might  attend  on  the  poop,  which  would  bring  the  ship  after 
[more  aft].  To  which  the  Captain  was  very  willing;  and 
upon  the  Gunner's  information,  the  soldiers  gat  themselves 
to  the  Poop  to  the  number  of  twenty ;  and  five  or  six  went 
into  the  Captain's  cabin,  where  always  lay  divers  curtleaxes 
and  some  targets  [shields]. 

And  so  we  fell  to  work  to  pump  the  water;  and  carried  the 
matter  fairly  till  the  next  day,  which  was  spent  as  the  former  ; 


T  Mar, 


1,62..]  Desperate  FIGHTING,  WITHOUT  QUARTER.  269 


being   the  9th  of  February,  and,  as  GOD  must  have  the 
praise  !  the  triumph  of  our  victory. 

For  by  that  time,  all  things  were  prepared,  and  the 
soldiers  got  upon  the  Poop  as  the  day  before.  To  avoid  sus- 
picion, all  that  did  belong  to  the  Gunner  Room  went  down ; 
and  the  slaves  in  the  middle  deck,  attended  [to]  their  business. 
So  that  we  may  cast  up  our  account  in  this  manner. 

First,  nine  English  slaves,  besides  John  Rawlins  ;  five 

of  the  Torbay  men  and  one  boy  ;  four  English  Renegadoes 

and  two  Dutch ;    four   Hollanders :    in    all,   four   and 

twenty  and  a  boy. 

So  that  lifting  up  our  hearts  and  hands  to  GOD,  for  the 

success  of  the  business ;  we  were  wonderfully  encouraged, 

and  settled  ourselves  till  the  report  of  the  piece  gave  us 

warning  of  the  enterprise. 

Now,  you  must  consider  that,  in  this  company,  were  two 
of  Rawlins's  men,  James  Roe  and  John  Davies,  whom  he 
brought  out  of  England  ;  and  whom  the  fortune  of  the  sea 
brought  into  the  same  predicament  with  their  Master. 

These  were  employed  about  noon,  being,  as  I  said,  the  9th 
of  February,  to  prepare  their  matches;  while  all  the  Turks, 
or  at  least  most  of  them,  stood  on  the  Poop,  to  weigh  down 
the  ship  as  it  were,  to  bring  the  water  forward  to  the  pump, 
the  one  brought  his  match  lighted  between  two  spoons,  the 
other  brought  his,  in  a  little  piece  of  a  can.  And  so,  in  the 
name  of  GOD  !  the  Turks  and  Moors  being  placed  as  you 
have  heard,  and  five  and  forty  in  number ;  and  Rawlins 
having  proined  the  touchholes  :  James  Roe  gave  fire  to  one 
of  the  pieces,  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon ;  and  the 
confederates,  upon  the  warning,  shouted  most  cheerfully. 

The  report  of  the  piece  did  tear  and  break  down  all  the 
biticle  and  compasses  ;  and  the  noise  of  the  slaves  made  all 
the  soldiers  amazed  at  the  matter  :  till  seeing  the  quarter  of 
the  ship  rent  and  feeling  the  whole  body  to  shake  under  them  ; 
understanding  the  ship  was  surprised,  and  the  attempt  tended 
to  their  utter  destruction,  never  bear  robbed  of  her  whelps 
was  so  fell  and  mad  ! 

For  they  not  only  called  us  "Dogs!"  and  cried  out  "  Usance 
de  la  mar,'"  which  is  as  much  as  to  say,  "  The  fortune  of  the 
wars !  "  but  attempted  to  tear  up  the  planks,  setting  a  work 
hammers,  hatchets,  knives,  the  oars  of  the  boat,  boat-hook, 


2^0    A  GLORIOUS  VICTORY,  WITHOUT  LOSS.    [ 


?  Mar.  1622, 


their  curtleaxes,  and  what  else  came  to  hand  ;  besides  stones 
and  bricks  in  the  Cook  Room  :  all  which  they  threw  amongst 
us;  attempting  still  and  still,  to  break  and  rip  up  the  hatches 
and  boards  of  the  steering,  not  desisting  from  their  former 
execrations,  and  horrid  blasphemies  and  revilings. 

When  John  Rawlins  perceived  them  so  violent,  and 
understood  how  the  slaves  had  cleared  the  decks  of  all  the 
Turks  and  Moors  beneath ;  he  set  a  guard  upon  the  powder, 
and  charged  their  own  muskets  against  them  :  killing  them 
from  divers  scout  holes,  both  before  and  behind ;  and  so 
lessened  their  number,  to  the  joy  of  all  our  hearts. 

Whereupon  they  cried  out,  and  called  for  the  Pilot :  and 
so  Rawlins,  with  some  to  guard  him,  went  to  them  ;  and 
understood  them,  by  their  kneeling,  that  they  cried  for  mercy 
and  to  have  their  lives  saved ;  and  they  would  come  down  ; 
which  he  bade  them  do.  And  so  they  were  taken  one  by  one, 
and  bound ;  yea,  killed  with  their  own  curtleaxes.  Which, 
when  the  rest  perceived,  they  called  us,  "  English  dogs  !  " 
and  reviled  us  with  many  opprobrious  terms  ;  some  leaping 
overboard,  saying,  "  It  was  the  chance  of  war !  "  Some  were 
manacled,  and  so  thrown  overboard  :  and  some  were  slain 
and  mangled  with  the  curtleaxes  ;  till  the  ship  was  well 
cleared,  and  ourselves  assured  of  the  victory. 

At  the  first  report  of  our  piece,  and  the  hurly  burly  in  the 
decks ;  the  Captain  was  writing  in  his  cabin  :  and  hearing 
the  noise,  thought  it  some  strange  accident ;  and  so,  came 
out  with  his  curtleaxe  in  his  hand,  presuming  by  his  authority 
to  pacify  the  mischief. 

But  when  he  cast  his  eyes  upon  us,  and  saw  that  we  were 
like  to  surprise  the  ship  ;  he  threw  down  his  curtleaxe,  and 
begged  to  save  his  life  :  intimating  to  Rawlins,  "how  he  had 
redeemed  him  from  Villa  Rise  ;  and  ever  since  admitted 
him  to  place  of  command  in  the  ship;  besides  honest  usage 
in  the  whole  course  of  the  voyage." 

All  which  Rawlins  confessed ;  and  at  last,  condescended 
[agreed]  to  mercy  :  and  brought  the  Captain  and  five  more  into 
England. 

The  Captain  was  called  Ramtham  Rise  ;  but  his  Christian 
name,  Henry  Chandler:  and,  as  they  say,  a  chandler's 
son  in  Southwark.  John  Goodale  was  also  an  English 
Turk.  Richard  Clarke,  in  Turkish,  J  afar;  George  Cooke, 


t  Mar 


r.1622.]  The  Torbay  bark  gets  to  Penzance.    271 


Ramedam  ;  John  Browne,  Mamme  ;  William  Winter, 
Mustapha  :  besides  all  the  slaves  and  Hollanders ;  with 
other  Renegadoes,  who  were  willing  to  be  reconciled  to  their 
true  Saviour,  as  being  formerly  seduced  with  the  hopes  of 
riches,  honour  preferment,  and  such  like  devilish  baits  to 
catch  the  souls  of  mortal  men  and  entangle  frailty  in  the 
tarriers  of  horrible  abuses  and  imposturing  deceit. 

When  all  was  done,  and  the  ship  cleared  of  the  dead 
bodies ;  John  Rawlins  assembled  his  men  together,  and 
with  one  consent  gave  the  praise  to  GOD:  using  the  ac- 
customed Service  on  ship  board  ;  and,  for  want  of  books, 
lifted  up  their  voices  to  GOD,  as  He  put  into  their  hearts  or 
renewed  their  memories.  Then,  did  they  sing  a  Psalm ;  and, 
last  of  all,  embraced  one  another,  for  playing  the  men  in  such 
a  deliverance,  whereby  our  fear  was  turned  into  joy,  and 
trembling  hearts  exhilarated ;  that  we  had  escaped  such  in- 
evitable dangers,  and  especially  the  slavery  and  terror  of 
bondage,  worse  than  death  itself ! 

The  same  night,  we  washed  our  ship,  put  everything  in  as 
good  order  as  we  could,  repaired  the  broken  quarter,  set  up 
the  biticle,  and  bore  up  the  helm  for  England:  where,  by 
GOD's  grace  and  good  guiding,  we  arrived  at  Plymouth,  the 
13th  of  February  [1622] ;  and  were  welcomed  like  the 
recovery  of  the  lost  sheep,  or  as  you  read  of  a  loving  mother 
that  runneth,  with  embraces  to  entertain  her  son  from  along 
voyage  and  escape  of  many  dangers. 

Not  long  after,  we  understood  of  our  confederates  that 
returned  home  in  the  bark  of  Torbay,  that  they  arrived  in 
Penzance  in  Cornwall,  the  nth  of  February. 

And  if  any  ask  after  their  deliverance,  considering  there 
were  ten  Turks  sent  to  man  her,  I  will  tell  you  that  too. 

The  next  day  after  they  lost  us  [  i.e.,  yth],  as  you  have 
heard,  the  three  Renegadoes  had  acquainted  the  Master's 
Mate  and  the  two  English  in  her,  with  Rawlins'  determina- 
tion ;  and  that  they  themselves  would  be  true  to  them,  and 
assist  them  in  any  enterprise  :  then,  if  the  worst  came,  there 
were  but  seven  to  six. 

But,  as  it  fell  out,  they  had  a  more  easy  passage  than 
turmoil  and  manslaughter.  For  they  made  the  Turks  believe 
the  wind  was  come  fair,  and  that  they  were  sailing  to  Argier, 
till  they  came  within  sight  of  England  :  which  one  of  them 


272  The  Moral  of  the  Story. [ 


1  Mar.  1622. 


amongst  the  rest  discovered,  saying  plainly,  *'  that  land  was 
not  like  Cape  St.  Vincent !  " 

"  Yes  !  "  saith  he  that  was  at  the  helm,  "  and  [if]  you  will 
be  contented,  and  go  down  into  the  hold  ;  and  turn  the  salt 
over  to  windward,  whereby  the  ship  may  bear  full  sail :  you 
shall  know  and  see  more  to-morrow  !  " 

Whereupon  five  of  them  went  down  very  orderly,  the 
Renegadoes  feigning  themselves  asleep  ;  who  presently  start 
up,  and  with  the  help  of  the  two  English,  nailed  down  the 
hatches.  Whereat  the  principal  amongst  them  much  re- 
pined ;  and  began  to  grow  into  choler  and  rage,  had  it  not 
quickly  been  overpassed.  For  one  stepped  to  him,  and  dashed 
out  his  brains  ;  and  threw  him  overboard. 

The  rest  were  brought  to  Exeter :  either  to  be  arraigned 
according  to  the  punishment  of  delinquents  in  that  kind,  or 
disposed  of  as  the  King  and  Council  shall  think  meet. 

And  this  is  the  story  of  this  Deliverance,  and  end  of  John 
Rawlins's  voyage. 

Now,  gentle  Reader  !  I  hope  you  will  not  call  in  question 
the  power  and  goodness  of  GOD,  who,  from  time  to  time, 
extendeth  His  mercy  to  the  miraculous  preservation  of  His 
servants ;  nor  make  any  doubt  that  He  hath  still  the  same 
arm  and  vigour  as  He  had  in  times  past,  when  Gideon's  three 
hundred  men  overcame  the  Midianites  :  and  many  ancient 
stratagems  are  recorded  to  have  had  a  passage  of  success, 
even  within  our  memories,  to  execute  as  great  a  wonder  as 
this.  Nor  do  I  think  you  will  be  startled  at  anything  in  the 
discourse  touching  the  cruelty  and  inhumanity  of  Turks  and 
Moors  themselves:  who,  from  a  native  barbarousness,  do  hate 
all  Christians  and  Christianity ;  especially  if  they  grow  into 
the  violent  rages  of  piracy,  or  fall  into  that  exorbitant  course 
of  selling  of  slaves,  or  enforcing  of  men  to  be  Mahomedans. 

Nor  can  I  imagine,  you  will  call  in  question  our  natural 
desire  of  liberty,  and  saving  of  our  lives,  when  you  see,  from 
instinct  of  nature,  all  the  creatures  of  the  world  come  to  the 
law  of  preservation  :  and  our  Saviour  Himself,  alloweth  the  fly- 
ing out  of  one  city  into  another,  in  the  time  of  persecution  ;  and 
Paul,  by  saying  "  He  was  a  Roman  !  "  procured  his  delivery. 

Well,  then,  it  is  only  the  truth  of  the  story  that  you  are 
amazed  at  :  making  doubt  whether  your  belief  of  the  same 
may  be  bestowed  to  your  own  credit !     I   can  say  no  more. 


r Man  1622.]      Final   admonitions.  273 

The  actors  in  this  comic  tragedy  are  most  of  them  alive. 
The  Turks  are  in  prison  !  the  ship  is  to  be  seen !  and 
Rawlins  himself  dare  justify  the  matter !  For  he  hath  pre- 
sented it  to  the  Marquis  !  a  man  not  to  be  dallied  withal  in 
these  things  ;  nor  any  way  to  be  made  partaker  of  deceit. 

Nay,  I  protest  I  think  he  durst  not,  for  his  ears !  publish 
(concerning  the  substance)  such  a  discourse  to  open  over- 
looking, if  it  were  not  true  !  As  for  illustration,  or  cementing 
the  broken  pieces  of  well-tempered  mortar,  blame  him  not  in 
that !  For  precious  stones  are  worn  enamelled  and  wrought 
in  gold  ;  which  otherwise  would  still  be  of  value  and  estima- 
tion ;  but  published  and  receiving  the  addition  of  art  and 
cunning,  who  doth  not  account  [them]  the  better,  and 
esteemeth  himself  the  ruler  for  their  possession. 

So,  then,  entertain  it  for  a  true  and  certain  discourse  ! 
Apply  it !  make  use  of  it !  and  put  it  to  thy  heart  for  thy 
comfort !  It  teacheth  the  acknowledgment  of  a  powerful, 
provident,  and  merciful  GOD,  vho  will  be  known  in  His 
wonders,  and  make  weak  things  the  instruments  ot  His  glory ! 
It  instructeth  us  in  the  practice  of  thanksgiving  when  a 
a  benefit  is  bestowed,  a  mercy  shown,  and  a  deliverance 
perfected.  It  maketh  us  strong  and  courageous  in  adversity, 
like  cordial  restoratives  to  a  sick  heart ;  and  our  patience 
shall  stand  like  a  rock,  against  the  impetuous  assaults  of 
affliction.  It  is  a  glorious  sun  to  dissipate  the  clouds  of 
desperation  ;  and  cheer  us  thus  far  that  GOD  can  restore  us, 
when  we  are  under  the  pressure  of  discomfort  and  tribulation  : 
for  preferment  comes  neither  from  the  East,  nor  the  West ; 
but  from  Him  that  holdeth  the  winds  in  His  hands,  and  puts 
a  hook  in  the  nostrils  of  Leviathan. 

So  that  if  He  do  not  give  way  to  our  contentment,  it  is  be- 
cause He  will  supply  us  with  better  graces,  or  keep  us  from 
the  adder's  hole  of  Temptation,  whereat,  if  we  tarry,  we  shall 
be  sure  to  be  stung  unto  death. 

In  a  word,  it  is  a  Mirror  to  look  Virtue  in  the  face !  and 
teach  men  the  way  to  industry  and  noble  performances ;  that 
a  brave  spirit  and  honest  man  shall  say,  with  Nehemiah, 
**  Shall  such  a  man  as  I !  fly  ?  Shall  I  fear  death  or  some 
petty  trial ;  when  GOD  is  to  be  honoured  !  my  country  to  be 
terved  !  my  King  to  be  obeyed  !  Religion  to  be  defended  ! 
the  Commonwealth  supported  !  honour  and  renown  obtained  ! 

and,  in  the  end,  the  crown  of  immortality  purchased  ?  " 

S  3 


274  LfMar.  i622. 

n{*^  nN^ /sN^  n^Un  n^I^  ns^ 


He  names  of  those  [four]  English  Renegadoes  as  con- 
sented, and  joined  with  the  Slaves,  in  the  recovery 
of  the  Ship,  were  these  : 
Richard  Clarke,  the  Gunner;   called   in  Turkish, 

J  AFAR. 

George  Cooke,  Gunner's  Mate ;  called  in  Turkish, 
Ram  EDAM. 
William    Winter,    Carpenter;    in   Turkish,    Mus- 

TAPHA. 

John  Browne,  in  Turkish,  Memme. 

One  Dutch  Renegade. 

Four  Dutch  Slaves. 

One  French  Slave. 

Five  Englishmen  and  a  boy,  taken  but  three  days  before. 

Nine  English  Slaves,  which  they  took  with  them  from 
Argier. 

In  all  twenty-four  men  and  a  boy :  which  were  all  safely 
landed  at  Plymouth,  the  13th  of  February,  1621  [i^e.,  1622]. 

They  saved  alive,  of  the  forty-five  Turks  and  Moors,  the 
Captain,  one  Henry  Chandler  (born  in  Southwark),  an 
English  Renegade  :  and  five  Turks  more,  who  are  at  this 
present  in  Plymouth  Gaol,  &c. 

nO^  «s!^ /=sli:^  rK!i:\ /a\^ 

y"        "t  "t  "y         "t  "t  "y  t*  t*        "t  T*  T*  T*  T*  T*  T*  T*  T*        **"        *T 

•^     *T-     •T*     *T*     "^     "^     ^T"     "^     ^T"     "^     *3S     *T"     "^     oS     "dS     "dS     "JS     ^jt^     "Js     'Js 


Three  to  One. 

Being  an  English-Spanish  combat  performed 

by  a  Western  Gentleman  of  Tavistock 
in  Devonshire,  with  an  English  quarterstaff, 
against  three  Spaniards  [at  once]  with  rapiers 
and  poniards;  at  Sherries  \_JL'eres'j  in  Spain, 

the  15  th  day  of  November  1625: 

in  the  presence  of  Dukes,  Condes,  Marquises, 

and  other  great  Dons  of  Spain  ;   being 

the  Council  of  War. 

The   author    of  this   book,   and   the 
actor  in   this  encounter  ; 

R[i  chard]    Peeke. 


Printed  at  London  for  I   T.  and  are 
to  be  sold  at  his  shop. 


277 


a 

rP^ 

TO 
THE    KING'S 

MOST  EXCELLENT   MAJESTY. 

Gracious   Sovereign, 

F  I  were  again  in  Spain,  I  should  think  no  happiness 
on  earth  so  great  as  to  come  into  England  ;  and  at 
your  royal  feet,  to  lay  down  the  story  of  my  dangers 
and  peregrination:  which  I  tell,  as  a  late  sea- 
wrecked  man,  tossed  and  beaten  with  many  misfortunes ; 
yet,  setting  my  weary  body  at  last  on  a  blessed  shore:  my 
hands  now  lay  hold  on  your  altar,  which  is  to  me  a  sanctuary. 
Here  I  am  safe  in  harbour. 

That  psalm  of  kingly  David,  which  I  sang  in   my  Spanish 
captivity, 

When  as  we  sate  in  Babylon  &c.  [Psal.  cxxxvii.] 
I  have  now  changed  to  another  tune ;  saying,  with  the  same 
prophet. 

Great  is  Thy  mercy  towards  me,  0  LORD  !  for  Thou  hast 
delivered  my  soid  from  the  lowest  grave!    [Psal.  xvi.  i6.] 
And,  as  your  Majesty  hath  been  graciously  pleased  both  to  let 


278 


The  Epistle  Dedicatory,     [f^^y^tt. 


your  poor  soldier  and  subject  behold  your  royal  person,  and 
to  hear  him  speak  in  his  rude  language :  so  if  your  Majesty 
vouchsafe  to  cast  a  princely  eye  on  these  his  unhandsome 
papers :  new  sunbeams  shall  spread  over  him,  and  put  a 
quickening  soul  into  that  bosom,  which  otherwise  must  want 
life  for  want  of  comfort.  Those  graces  from  your  excellent 
clemency  already  received  being  such,  that  I  am  ashamed 
and  sorry  not  to  have  endured  and  to  have  done  more  in 
foreign  countries  for  the  honour  of  Yours  :  when  from  so  high 
a  throne,  my  Sovereign  deigns  to  look  down  on  a  creature  so 
unworthy,  whose  life  he  prostrates  before  your  Highness. 
Ever  resting  Your  Majesty's 

Most  humble  and  loyal  subject. 

Richard  Peeke. 


279 


Three  to  One. 


BEING 


AN    ENGLISH-SPANISH  COMBAT 


OviNG  Countrymen  !  Not  to  weary  you 
with  long  preambles,  unnecessary  for  you 
to  read  and  troublesome  for  me  to  set 
down  ;  I  will  come  roundly  to  the  matter  : 
entreating  you,  not  to  cast  a  malicious 
eye  upon  my  actions  nor  rashly  to 
condemn  them,  nor  to  stagger  in  your 
opinions  of  my  performance ;  since  I  am 
ready  with  my  life  to  justify  what  I  set  down,  the  truth  of 
this  relation  being  warranted  by  noble  proofs  and  testimonies 
not  to  be  questioned. 

I  am  a  Western  man ;  Devonshire  my  country,  and 
Tavistock  my  place  of  habitation. 

I  know  not  what  the  Court  of  a  King  means,  nor  what  the 
fine  phrases  of  silken  Courtiers  are.  A  good  ship  I  know,  and 
a  poor  cabin ;  and  the  language  of  a  cannon  :  and  therefore 
as  my  breeding  has  been  rough,  scorning  delicacy;  and  my 
present  being  consisteth  altogether  upon  the  soldier  (blunt, 
plain  and  unpolished)  so  must  my  writings  be,  proceeding 
from  fingers  fitter  for  the  pike  than  the  pen.  And  so,  kind 
Countrymen  !   I  pray  you  to  receive  them. 

Neither  ought  you  to  expect  better  from  me,  because  I  am 
but  the  chronicler  of  my  own  story. 

After  I  had  seen  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  Algiers' 
voyage ;  I  came  home  somewhat  more  acquainted  with  the 
world,  but  little  amended  in  estate  :  my  body  more  wasted 
and  weather-beaten ;  but  my  purse,  never  the  fuller,  nor  my 
pockets  thicker  lined. 

Then  the  drum  beating  up  for  a  new  expedition,  in  which 


28o     The  Convertine  attacks  Punthal.   [f^ij"^; 


R.  Peeke. 
626. 


many  noble  gentlemen  and  heroical  spirits  were  to  venture 
their  honours,  lives  and  fortunes  ;  cables  could  not  hold  me  : 
for  away  I  would,  and  along  I  vowed  to  go  ;  and  did  so. 

The  design  opening  itself  at  sea  for  Cadiz,  proud  I  was  to 
be  employed  there;  where  so  many  gallants  and  English 
worthies  did  by  their  examples  encourage  the  common 
soldiers  to  honourable  darings. 

The  ship  I  went  in  was  called  the  Convertine,  one  of  the 
Navy  Royal.     The  captain,  Thomas  Portar. 

On  the  two  and  twentieth  day  of  October,  being  a 
Saturday,  1625  ;  our  fleet  came  into  Cadiz,  about  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  :  we,  being  in  all,  some  no  sail. 

The  Saturday  night,  some  sixteen  sail  of  the  Hollanders, 
and  about  ten  White  Hall  Men  (who  in  England  are  called 
Colliers)  were  commanded  to  fight  against  the  Castle  of 
Punthal,  standing  three  miles  from  Cadiz:  who  did  so 
accordingly;  and  discharged  in  that  service,  at  the  least, 
1,600  shot. 

On  the  Sunday  morning  following,  the  Earl  of  Essex  going 
up  very  early,  and  an  hour  at  least  before  us,  to  the  fight ; 
commanded  our  ship,  the  Convertine,  being  of  his  squadron, 
to  follow  him  :  the  Castle  playing  hard  and  hotly  upon  his 
Lordship. 

Captain  Portar  and  the  Master  of  our  ship  whose  name 
is  Master  Hill,  having  upon  sight  of  so  fierce  an  encounter 
an  equal  desire  to  do  something  worthy  of  themselves  and 
their  country  ;  came  up  so  close  to  the  Castle  as  possibly  men 
in  such  a  danger  either  could  or  durst  adventure,  and  there 
fought  bravely.  The  Castle  bestowed  upon  us  a  hot  salutation 
(and  well  becoming  our  approach)  with  bullets ;  whose  first 
shot  killed  three  of  our  men,  passing  through  and  through 
our  ship ;  the  second  killed  four ;  and  the  third  two  more  at 
least;  with  great  spoil  and  battery  [battering]  to  our  ship :  the 
last  shot  flying  so  close  to  Captain  Portar  that  with  the 
windage  of  the  bullet,  his  very  hands  had  almost  lost  the 
sense  of  feeling,  being  struck  into  a  sudden  numbness. 

Upon  this,  Captain  Portar  perceiving  the  danger  we  and 
our  ship  were  in,  commanded  a  number  of  us  to  get  upon  the 
upper  deck;  and  with  our  small  shot  [musketry  fire]  to  try  if 
we  could  not  force  the  cannoniers  from  their  ordnance. 

We  presently  advanced  ourselves,  fell  close  to  our  work 


fuiyTeS         The  hot  musketry  fire.  281 

and  plied  them  with  pellets  [bullets].  In  which  hot  and 
dangerous  service,  one  Master  William  Jewell  behaved 
himself  both  manly  and  like  a  noble  soldier,  expressing 
much  valour,  ability  of  body,  and  readiness  :  with  whom  and 
some  few  more  (I,  among  the  rest)  stood  the  brunt  which 
continued  about  three  hours. 

Our  ship  lay  all  this  while  with  her  starboard  side  to  the 
fort ;  which  beat  us  continually  with  at  least  two  hundred 
muskets,  whose  bullets  flew  so  thick  that  our  shrouds  were 
torn  in  pieces,  and  our  tacklings  rent  to  nothing  :  and  when 
she  came  off,  there  were  to  be  seen  five  hundred  bullets,  at 
the  least,  sticking  in  her  side.  I,  for  my  part  (without  vain- 
glory be  it  spoken)  discharged  at  this  time,  some  threescore 
and  ten  shot ;  as  they  recounted  to  me,  who  charged  my  pieces 
for  me. 

In  the  heat  of  this  fight.  Sir  William  Saint  Leger,  whether 
called  up  by  my  Lord  of  Essex  or  coming  of  himself  I  know 
not,  seeing  us  so  hardly  beset;  and  that  we  had  but  few  shot 
upon  our  deck  in  regard  of  the  enemy's  numbers  which  played 
upon  us  :  came,  with  a  valiant  and  noble  resolution,  out  of 
another  ship  into  ours;  bringing  some  forty  soldiers  with  him. 
Who  there  with  us,  renewed  a  second  fight  as  hot  or  hotter 
than  the  former :  where  in  this  fight,  one  of  our  bullets 
[cannon-balls]  was  shot  into  the  mouth  of  a  Spanish  cannon ; 
where  it  sticketh  fast  and  putteth  that  roarer  to  silence. 

Upon  this  bravery,  they  of  the  fort  began  to  wax  calmer 
and  cooler  :  and  in  the  end,  most  part  of  their  gunners  being 
slain,  gave  over  shooting ;  but  yielded  not  the  fort  until 
night. 

Whilst  this  skirmish  continued,  a  company  of  Spaniards 
within  the  castle,  by  the  advantage  of  a  wall  whose  end 
jutted  out,  they  still  as  they  discharged  retired  behind  it, 
saving  themselves  and  extremely  annoying  us  :  I  removed 
into  the  forecastle  of  our  ship,  and  so  plied  them  with 
hailshot,  that  they  forsook  their  stand. 

What  men  on  our  own  part  were  lost  by  their  small  shot  I 
cannot  well  remember,  but  sure  I  am,  not  very  many  :  yet  the 
Spaniards  afterwards  before  the  Governor  of  Cadiz,  confessed 
they  lost  about  fifty;  whose  muskets  they  cast  into  a  well 
because  [in  order  that]  our  men  should  not  use  them,  throwing 
the  dead  bodies  in  after. 


282    The   castle   of   Punthal  surrenders,     [f^i^^; 


R.  Peake. 
626. 


My  hurts  and  bruises  here  received,  albeit  they  were  neither 
many  nor  dangerous,  yet  were  they  such  that  when  the  fjght 
was  done;  many  gentlemen  in  our  ship,  for  my  encouragement, 
gave  me  money. 

During  this  battle  the  Hollanders  and  White  Hall  Men, 
you  must  think,  were  not  idle  ;  for  their  great  pieces  went  off 
continually  from  such  of  their  ships  as  could  conveniently 
discharge  their  fire,  because  our  ship  lay  between  them  and 
the  fort :  and  they  so  closely  plied  their  work  that  at  this 
battery,  were  discharged  from  their  ordnance,  at  least  four 
thousand  bullets  [cajmon  balls]. 

The  castle  being  thus  quieted,  though  as  yet  not  yielded ;  the 
Earl  of  Essex,  about  twelve  at  noon,  landed  his  regiment 
close  by  the  fort,  the  Spaniards  looking  over  the  walls  to 
behold  them.  Upon  the  sight  of  which,  many  of  those 
within  the  castle  (to  the  number  of  six  score)  ran  away  ;  we 
pursuing  them  with  shouts,  halloings  and  loud  noises,  and 
now  and  then  a  piece  of  ordnance  overtook  some  of  the 
Spanish  hares,  and  stayed  them  from  running  further. 

Part  of  our  men  being  thus  landed,  they  marched  up  not 
above  a  slight  [musket]  shot  off,  and  there  rested  themselves. 
Then,  about  six  at  night,  the  castle  yielded  upon  composition 
to  depart  with  their  arms  and  colours  flying,  and  no  man  to 
offend  them  ;  which  was  performed  accordingly. 

The  Captain  of  the  fort,  his  name  was  Don  Francisco 
Bustamente;  who,  presently  upon  the  delivery,  was  carried 
aboard  the  Lord  General's  ship,  where  he  had  a  soldierly 
welcome  :  and  the  next  day,  he  and  all  his  company  were  put 
over  to  Puerto  Real  upon  the  mainland,  because  they  should 
not  go  to  Cadiz,  which  is  an  island. 

On  the  Monday  [October  24th],  having  begun  early  in 
the  morning ;  all  our  forces,  about  noon,  were  landed :  and 
presently  marched  up  to  a  bridge  between  Punthal  and  Cadiz. 
In  going  up  to  which,  some  of  our  men  were  unfortunately 
and  unmanly  surprised ;  and  before  they  knew  their  own 
danger,  had  there  their  throats  cut.  Some  had  their  brains 
beaten  out  with  the  stocks  of  muskets;  others,  their  noses 
sliced  off;  whilst  some  heads  were  spurned  up  and  down 
the  streets  like  footballs ;  and  some  ears  worn  in  scorn  in 
Spanish  hats.  For  when  I  was  in  prison  in  Cadiz,  whither 
some    of    these    Spanish  picaroes    [robbers]    were    brought 


fuiytS     ^^^  Author's  journey  after  oranges.    283 

in  for    flying    from    the    castle,    I    was    an    eyewitness    of 
Englishmen's  ears  being  worn  in  that  despiteful  manner. 

What  the  forces  being  on  shore  did  or  how  far  they  went 
up  I  cannot  tell,  for  I  was  no  land  soldier ;  and  therefore 
all  that  while  kept  aboard.  Yet  about  twelve  o'clock,  when 
they  were  marched  out  of  sight,  I  (knowing  that  other 
Englishmen  had  done  the  like,  the  very  same  day)  ventured 
on  shore  likewise,  to  refresh  myself:  with  my  sword  only 
by  my  side ;  because  I  thought  that  the  late  storms 
had  beaten  all  the  Spaniards  in,  and  therefore  I  feared  no 
danger. 

On  therefore  I  softly  walked,  viewing  the  desolation  of 
such  a  place  :  for  I  saw  nobody.  Yet  I  had  not  gone  far 
from  the  shore,  but  some  Englishmen  were  come  even  almost 
to  our  ships;  and  from  certain  gardens  had  brought  with 
them  many  oranges  and  lemons.  The  sight  of  these 
sharpened  my  stomach  the  more  to  go  on;  because  I  had 
a  desire  to  present  some  of  those  fruits  to  my  Captain. 
Hereupon  I  demanded  of  them,  "  what  danger  there  was  in 
going?  "  They  said,  "  None,  but  that  all  was  hushed;  and 
not  a  Spaniard  stirring."  We  parted  ;  they  to  the  ships,  I 
forward. 

And  before  I  had  reached  a  mile,  I  found  (for  all  their 
talking  of  no  danger)  three  Englishmen  stark  dead ;  being 
slain,  lying  in  the  way,  it  being  full  of  sandy  pits,  so  that  I 
could  hardly  find  the  passage  :  and  one,  some  small  distance 
from  them,  not  fully  dead.  The  groans  which  he  uttered  led 
me  to  him  ;  and  finding  him  lying  on  his  belly ;  I  called  to 
him,  and  turning  him  on  his  back  saw  his  wounds,  and  said, 
"Brother!  what  villain  hath  done  this  mischief  to  thee  ?  " 
He  lamented  in  sighs  and  doleful  looks;  and  casting  up  his 
eyes  to  heaven,  but  could  not  speak.  I  then  resolved,  and 
was  about  it,  for  Christian  charity's  sake  and  for  country's 
sake ;  to  have  carried  him  on  my  back  to  our  ships,  far  off 
though  they  lay;  and  there,  if  by  any  possible  means  it  could 
have  been  done,  to  have  recovered  him. 

But  my  good  intents  were  prevented.  For  on  a  sudden, 
came  rushing  in  upon  me,  a  Spanish  horseman,  whose  name, 
as  afterwards  I  was  informed,  was  Don  Juan  of  Cadiz,  a 
Knight.  I  seeing  him  make  speedily  and  fiercely  at  me  with 
his  drawn  weapon,  suddenly  whipped  out  mine,  wrapping  my 


284       Encounter   with    Don  Juan.       [fuiySi 


cloak  about  mine  arm.     Five  or  six  skirmishes  we  had  ;  and 
for  a  pretty  while,  fought  off  and  on. 

At  last,  I  getting,  with  much  ado,  to  the  top  of  a  sandy 
hillock,  the  horseman  nimbly  followed  up  after.  B}'  good 
fortune  to  me  (though  bad  to  himself)  he  had  no  petronel  or 
pistols  about  him  :  and  there  clapping  spurs  to  his  horse's 
sides ;  his  intent,  as  it  seemed,  was  with  full  career  to  ride 
over  me,  and  trample  me  under  his  horse's  feet.  But  a 
providence  greater  than  his  fury,  was  my  guard. 

Time  was  it  for  me  to  look  about  warily  and  to  lay  about 
lustily ;  to  defend  a  poor  life  so  hardly  distressed.  As 
therefore  his  horse  was  violently  breaking  in  upon  me,  I 
struck  him  in  the  eyes  with  a  flap  of  my  cloak.  Upon  which, 
turning  sideward,  I  took  my  advantage;  and,  as  readily  as  I 
could,  stepping  in,  it  pleased  GOD  that  I  should  pluck  my 
enemy  down,  and  leave  him  at  my  mercy  for  life  :  which 
notwithstanding  I  gave  him,  he  falling  on  his  knees,  and 
crying  out  in  French  to  me.  Pardonnez-moi,  je  vous  prie,  je 
suis  un  hon  Chretien.  "  Pardon  me,  Sir !  I  am  a  good 
Christian." 

I,  seeing  him  brave,  and  having  a  soldier's  mind  to  rifle 
him,  I  searched  for  jewels  but  found  none,  only  five  pieces  of 
eight  about  him  in  all,  amounting  to  twenty  shillings  English. 
Yet  he  had  gold,  but  that  I  could  not  come  by.  For  I  was 
in  haste  to  have  sent  his  Spanish  knighthood  home  on  foot, 
and  to  have  taught  his  horse  an  English  pace. 

Thus  far  my  voyage  for  oranges  had  sped  well ;  but  in 
the  end,  it  proved  a  sour  sauce  to  me  :  and  it  is  harder  to 
keep  a  victory  than  to  obtain  one.  So  here  it  fell  out  with 
mine. 

For  fourteen  Spanish  musketeers  spying  me  so  busy 
about  one  of  their  countrymen,  bent  [aimed]  all  the  mouths 
of  their  pieces  to  kill  me ;  which  they  could  not  well  do, 
without  endangering  Don  Juan's  life.  So  that  I  was 
enforced  (and  glad  I  escaped  so  too)  to  yield  myself  their 
prisoner. 

True  valour,  I  see,  goes  not  always  in  good  clothes.  For 
he,  whom  before  I  had  surprised,  seeing  me  fast  in  the  snare; 
and  as  the  event  proved,  disdaining  that  his  countrymen 
should  report  him  so  dishonoured  ;  most  basely,  when  my 
hands  were  in   a   manner  bound  behind  me,  drew  out  his 


fuiyTe^e]      Author  a  prisoner  at  Cadiz.    285 

weapon,  which  the  rest  had  taken  from  me  to  give  him,  and 
wounded  me  through  the  face,  from  ear  to  ear:  and  had  there 
killed  me  had  not  the  fourteen  musketeers  rescued  me  from 
his  rage. 

Upon  this,  I  was  led  in  triumph  into  the  town  of  Cadiz  : 
an  owl  not  more  wondered  and  hooted  at ;  a  dog  not  more 
cursed. 

In  my  being  led  thus  along  the  streets,  a  Fleming  spying 
me,  cried  out  aloud  "Whither  do  you  lead  this  English  dog? 
Kill  him!  Kill  him!  he  is  no  Christian."  And  with  that, 
breaking  through  the  crowd,  in  upon  those  who  held  me ;  ran 
me  into  the  body  with  a  halbert,  at  the  reins  [groin]  of  my 
back,  at  the  least  four  inches. 

One  Don  Fernando,  an  ancient  Gentleman,  was  sent  down 
this  summer  from  the  King  at  Madrid,  with  soldiers :  but 
before  our  fleet  came,  the  soldiers  were  discharged  ;  they  of 
Cadiz  never  suspecting  that  we  meant  to  put  in  there. 

Before  him,  was  I  brought  to  be  examined  :  yet  few  or  no 
questions  at  all  were  demanded  of  me ;  because  he  saw  that 
I  was  all  bloody  in  my  clothes,  and  so  wounded  in  my  face 
and  jaws  that  I  could  hardly  speak.  I  was  therefore 
committed  presently  to  prison,  where  I  lay  eighteen  days : 
the  noble  gentleman  giving  express  charge  that  the  best 
surgeons  should  be  sent  for :  lest  being  so  basely  hurt 
and  handled  by  cowards,  I  should  be  demanded  at  his 
hands. 

I  being  thus  taken  on  the  Monday  when  I  went  on  shore ; 
the  fleet  departed  the  Friday  following  from  Cadiz,  at  the  same 
time  when  I  was  there  a  prisoner.  Yet  thus  honestly  was  I 
used  by  my  worthy  friend  Captain  Portar.  He,  above  my 
deserving,  complaining  that  he  feared  that  he  had  lost  such 
a  man;  my  Lord  General,  by  the  solicitation  of  Master  John 
Glanville,  Secretary  to  the  Fleet,  sent  three  men  on  shore  to 
enquire  in  Cadiz  for  me;  and  to  offer,  if  I  were  taken,  any 
reasonable  ransom.  But  the  town  thinking  me  to  be  a 
better  prize  than  indeed  I  was;  denied  me,  and  would  not  pari 
from  me. 

Then  came  a  command  to  the  Terniente  or  Governor  of 
Cadiz  to  have  me  sent  to  Sherrys,  otherwise  called  Xerez, 
lying  three  leagues  from  Cales. 

Wondrously  unwilling,    could  I  otherwise    have    chosen, 


286        Is    CARRIED     TO     XeRES    FOR    TRIAL.        [fulyS: 

was  I  to  go  to  Xerez,  because  I  feared  I  should  then  be  put 
to  torture. 

Having  therefore  a  young  man  (an  Englishman  and  a 
merchant,  whose  name  was  Goodrow),  my  fellow  prisoner 
who  lay  there  for  debt,  and  so  I  thinking  there  was  no 
way  with  me  but  one  (that  I  must  be  sent  packing  to  my 
long  home) ;  thus  I  spake  unto  him,  "  Countryman  !  what  my 
name  is,  our  partnership  in  misery  hath  made  you  know  ; 
and  with  it,  know  that  I  am  a  Devonshire  man  born,  and 
Tavistock  the  place  of  my  once  abiding.  I  beseech  you  !  if 
GOD  ever  send  you  liberty,  and  that  you  sail  into  England; 
take  that  country  [Tavistock]  in  your  way.  Commend  me  to 
my  wife  and  children,  made  wretched  by  me ;  an  unfortunate 
husband  and  father.  Tell  them  and  my  friends  (I  entreat 
you,  for  GOD's  cause)  that  if  I  be,  as  I  suspect  I  shall  be, 
put  to  death  in  Sherris  [Xerez],  I  will  die  a  Christian  soldier: 
noway,  I  hope,  dishonouring  my  King,  country,  or  the  justice 
of  my  cause,  or  my  religion." 

Anon  after,  away  was  I  conveyed  with  a  strong  guard  by 
the  Governor  of  Cadiz  and  brought  to  Xerez  on  a  Thursday 
about  twelve  at  night. 

On  the  Sunday  following,  two  friars  were  sent  to  me ;  both 
of  them  being  Irishmen,  and  speaking  very  good  English. 
One  of  them  was  called  Padre  Juan  (Father  John).  After 
a  sad  and  grave  salutation,  "  Brother,"  quoth  he,  "  I  come 
in  love  to  you  and  charity  to  your  soul  to  confess  you ;  and 
if  to  us,  as  your  spiritual  ghostly  fathers,  you  will  lay  open 
your  sins,  we  will  forgive  them  and  make  your  way  to  heaven  : 
for  to-morrow  you  must  die." 

I  desired  them  that  they  would  give  me  a  little  respite  that 
I  might  retire  into  a  private  chamber ;  and  instantly  I  would 
repair  to  them,  and  give  them  satisfaction.  Leave  I  had ; 
away  I  went ;  and  immediately  returned.  They  asked  me  "if 
I  had  yet  resolved,  and  whether  I  would  come  to  confession  ?  " 
I  told  them,  that  "I  had  been  at  confession  already."  One  of 
them  answered  "  With  whom  ?  "  I  answered,  "  With  GOD 
the  Father."  "  And  with  nobody  else,"  said  the  other. 
"  Yes,"  quoth  I,  "  and  with  Jesus  Christ  my  Redeemer;  who 
hath  both  power  and  will  to  forgive  all  men  their  sins,  that 
truly  repent.  Before  these  Two  have  I  fallen  on  my  knees, 
and  confessed  my  grievous  offences ;  and  trust  They  will  give 
me  a  free  absolution  and  pardon." 


fui^iSe:]  Examination  before  the  Dons  at  Xerez.  287 

"  What  think  you  of  the  Pope  ? "  said  Father  John.  I 
answered  "  I  knew  him  not."  They,  hereupon,  shaking  their 
heads  ;   told  me  "they  were  sorry  for  me:"  and  so  departed. 

Whilst  thus  I  lay  at  Xerez,  the  Captain  of  the  fort  [at 
Punthal],  Don  Francisco  Bustamente,  was  brought  in 
prisoner  for  his  life,  because  he  delivered  up  the  castle ;  but 
whether  he  died  for  it  or  not,  I  cannot  tell. 

My   day  of   trial   being   come ;    I    was  brought   ^j"'^^  °f 
from  prison  into  the  town  of  Xerez,  by  two  drums   Duke  of' 
[drummers]  and  a  hundred  shot  [musketeers],  before   cifke^FKR- 
three  Dukes,  four  Condes  or  Earls,  four  Marquises  :    »'nando 

1  •    1  1  ATA1  1  •  .  OlRON, 

besides  other  great  persons.  The  town  havmg  m  Marquis  de 
it,  at  least,  five  thousand  soldiers.  alquenezes 

At  my  first  appearing  before  the  Lords  ;  my  sword  lying 
before  them  on  a  table,  the  Duke  of  Medina  asked  me,  "  if  I 
knew  that  weapon."  It  was  reached  to  me.  I  took  it  and 
embraced  it  with  mine  arms  ;  and,  with  tears  in  mine  eyes, 
kissed  the  pummel  of  it.  He  then  demanded,  "  how  many 
men  I  had  killed  with  that  weapon  ?"  I  told  him,  "  If  I  had 
killed  one,  I  had  not  been  there  now  before  that  princely 
assembly  :  for  when  I  had  him  at  my  foot,  begging  for  mercy, 
I  gave  him  life :  yet  he,  then  very  poorly,  did  me  a  mischief." 
Then  they  asked  Don  John  (my  prisoner)  "what  wounds  I 
gave  him?"  He  said  "None."  Upon  this  he  was  rebuked 
and  told  "  That  if  upon  our  first  encounter,  he  had  run  me 
through  ;  it  had  been  a  fair  and  noble  triumph  :  but  so  to 
wound  me,  being  in  the  hands  of  others,  they  held  it  base." 

Then  said  the  Duke  of  Medina  to  me,  "Come  on! 
Englishman  !  what  ship  came  you  in  ?  "  I  told  him  "  The 
Convertine."  *'  Who  was  your  Captain  ?  "  *'  Captain  Portar." 
"  What  ordnance  carried  your  ship?  "  I  said  "  Forty  pieces." 
But  the  Lords  looking  all  this  while  on  a  paper,  which  they 
held  in  their  hands ;  the  Duke  of  Medina  said,  "  In  their  note, 
there  were  but  thirty-eight." 

In  that  paper — as  after  I  was  informed  by  my  two  Irish 
interpreters — there  was  set  down  the  number  of  our  ships ; 
their  burden,  men,  munition,  victuals,  captains,  &c.,  as 
perfect  as  we  ourselves  had  them  in  England. 

"  Of  what  strength,"  quoth  another  Duke,"  is  the  fort  at 
Plymouth  ?  "  I  answered,  "  Very  strong."  What  ordnance 
in  it?     "  Fifty,"  said  I.     "  That  is  not  so,"  said  he,  "there 


2  88  Spaniards'  knowledge  of  the  expedition.  [J^jiy 


Peake. 

1626. 


are  but  seventeen."  "  How  many  soldiers  are  in  the  fort  ?  "  I 
answered,  "Two  hundred/'  "That  is  not  so,"  quoth  a 
Conde,  "there  are  but  twenty." 

The  Marquis  Alquenezes  asked  me  "  Of  what  strength 
the  little  island  was  before  Plymouth  ?  "  I  told  him,  "  I 
knew  not."     "  Then,"  quoth  he,  "  we  do." 

"  Is  Plymouth  a  walled  town  ?  "  "  Yes,  my  Lords."  "And 
a  good  wall  ?  "  "  Yes,"  said  I,  "  a  very  good  wall."  "  True," 
says  a  Duke,  "to  leap  over  with  a  staff!  "  "And  hath  the 
town,"  said  the  Duke  of  Medina,  "  strong  gates  ?"  "  Yes." 
"  But,"  quoth  he,  "  there  was  neither  wood  nor  iron  to  those 
gates;  but  two  days  before  your  fleet  came  away." 

Now  before  I  go  any  further,  let  me  not  forget  to  tell  you, 
that  my  two  Irish  confessors  had  been  here  in  England  the 
last  summer;  and  when  our  fleet  came  from  England,  they 
came  for  Spain:  having  seen  our  King  at  Plymouth  when  the 
soldiers  there  showed  their  arms,  and  did  then  diligently 
observe  what  the  King  did,  and  how  he  carried  himself. 

"How  did  it  chance,"  said  the  Duke  Giron, that  "you 
did  not  in  all  this  bravery  of  the  fleet,  take  Cadiz  as  you  took 
Punthal  ?  "  I  replied,  "  That  the  Lord  General  might  easily 
have  taken  Cadiz,  for  he  had  near  a  thousand  scaling  ladders 
to  set  up,  and  a  thousand  men  to  lose  ;  but  he  was  loth  to  rob 
an  almshouse,  having  a  better  market  to  go  to."  "Cadiz,"  I 
told  them,  "  was  held  poor,  unmanned  and  unmunitioned." 
"  What  better  market?"  said  Medina,  I  told  him,  "  Genoa 
or  Lisbon."  And  as  I  heard  there  was  instantly,  upon  this, 
an  army  of  six  thousand  soldiers  sent  to  Lisbon. 

"Then,"  quoth  one  of  the  Earls,  "when  thou  meetest  me 
in  Plymouth,  wilt  thou  bid  me  welcome  ?  "  I  modestly  told 
him,  "  I  could  wish  they  would  not  too  hastily  come  to 
Plymouth ;  for  they  should  find  it  another  manner  of  place, 
than  as  now  they  slighted  it." 

Many  other  questions  were  put  to  me  by  these  great  Dons  ; 
which  so  well  as  GOD  did  enable  me  I  answered.  They 
speaking  in  Spanish,  and  their  words  interpreted  to  me  by 
those  two  Irishmen  laefore  spoken  of;  who  also  related  my 
several  answers  to  the  Lords. 

And  by  the  common  people,  who  encompassed  me  round, 
many  jeerings,  mockeries,  scorns  and  bitter  jests  were  to 
my  face  thrown  upon  our  nation  :  which  I  durst  not  so  much 


fuiy^eie.]  The  human  bull-fight  begins.  289 

as  bite  my  lip  against,  but  with  an  enforced  patient  ear  stood 
still,  and  let  them  run  on  in  their  revilings. 

At  the  length,  amongst  many  other  reproaches  and  spiteful 
names;  one  of  the  Spaniards  called  Englishmen,  Gallmas 
(hens).  At  which  the  great  Lords  fell  a  laughing.  Hereupon 
one  of  the  Dukes,  pointing  to  the  Spanish  soldiers  ;  bade  me 
note  how  their  King  kept  them — and  indeed  they  were  all 
wondrously  brave  in  apparel ;  hats,  bands,  cuffs,  garters, 
&c.  :  and  some  of  them  in  chains  of  gold — and  asked  further, 
"  If  I  thought  these  would  prove  such  hens  as  our  English; 
when  next  year  they  should  come  into  England  ?  "  I  said, 
"  No."  But  being  somewhat  emboldened  by  his  merry 
countenance,  I  told  him  as  merrily,  "  I  thought  they  would 
be  within  one  degree  of  hens."  "  What  meanest  thou  by 
that  ?  "  said  a  Conde.  I  replied,  '*  They  would  prove  pullets 
or  chickens."  "  Darest  thou  then,"  quoth  the  Duke  of 
Medina,  with  a  brow  half  angry,  "fight  with  one  of  these 
Spanish  pullets  ?  " 

"O  my  Lord!"  said  I,  "I  am  a  prisoner  and  my  life  at 
stake ;  and  therefore  dare  not  to  be  so  bold  as  to  adventure 
upon  any  such  action.  There  were  here  of  us  English,  some 
fourteen  thousand;  in  which  number,  there  were  above  twelve 
thousand  better  and  stouter  men  than  ever  I  shall  be :  yet 
with  the  license  of  this  princely  assembly,  I  dare  hazard  the 
breaking  of  a  rapier."  And  withal  told  him,  '*  He  is  unworthy 
of  the  name  of  an  Englishman,  that  should  refuse  to  fight 
with  one  man  of  any  nation  whatsoever."  Hereupon  my 
shackles  were  knocked  off;  and  my  iron  ring  and  chain  taken 
from  my  neck. 

Room  was  made  for  the  combatants;  rapier  and  dagger 
were  the  weapons.  A  Spanish  champion  presented  himself, 
named  Signior  Tiago  :  when,  after  we  had  played  some 
reasonable  good  time,  I  disarmed  him,  as  thus.  I  caught 
his  rapier  betwixt  the  bars  of  my  poniard  and  there  held  it, 
till  I  closed  with  him;  and  tripping  up  his  heels,  I  took  his 
weapons  out  of  his  hands  and  delivered  them  to  the  Dukes. 

I  could  wish  that  all  you,  my  dear  Countrymen!  who  read 
this  relation  had  either  been  there,  without  danger,  to  have 
beheld  us :  or  that  he  with  whom  I  fought  were  here  in 
prison,  to  justify  the  issue  of  that  combat. 

I  was  then  demanded,  "  If  I  durst  fight  against  another  ?  " 

T  2 


290     Three  Spaniards  to  one  Englishman,    [j^uiylte! 

I  told  them,  "  My  heart  was  good  to  adventure;  but  humbly 
requested  them  to  give  me  pardon,  if  I  refused." 

For  to  myself  I  too  well  knew  that  the  Spaniard  is 
haughty,  impatient  of  the  least  affront ;  and  when  he  receives 
but  a  touch  of  any  dishonour,  disgrace  or  blemish  (especially 
in  his  own  country,  and  from  an  Englishman)  his  revenge  is 
implacable,  mortal  and  bloody. 

Yet  being  by  the  nobleman  pressed  again  and  again,  to 
try  my  fortune  with  another;  I  (seeing  my  life  in  the  lion's 
paw,  to  struggle  with  whom  for  safety  there  was  no  way  but 
one,  and  being  afraid  to  displease  them)  said  "that  if  their 
Graces  and  Greatnesses  would  give  me  leave  to  play  at  mine 
own  country  weapon  called  the  quarterstaff ;  I  was  then 
ready  there,  an  opposite  against  any  comer,  whom  they 
would  call  forth:  and  would  willingly  lay  down  my  life  before 
those  Princes  to  do  them  service ;  provided  my  life  might  by 
no  foul  means,  be  taken  from  me." 

Hereupon,  the  head  of  an  halbert,  which  went  with  a 
screw,  was  taken  off,  and  the  steel  [handle]  delivered  to  me; 
the  other  butt  end  of  the  staff  having  a  short  iron  pike  in  it. 
This  was  my  armour :  and  in  my  place  I  stood,  expecting  an 
opponent. 

At  the  last,  a  handsome  and  well -spirited  Spaniard  steps 
forth,  with  his  rapier  and  poniard.  They  asked  me  "  What 
I  said  to  him  ? "  I  told  them,  "  I  had  a  sure  friend  in  my 
hand  that  never  failed  me,  and  therefore  made  little  account 
of  that  one  to  play  with:  and  should  show  them  no  sport." 

Then  a  second,  armed  as  before,  presents  himself.  I 
demanded,  "If  there  would  come  no  more?"  The  Dukes 
asked,  "  How  many  I  desired  ?  "  I  told  them,  *'  Any  number 
under  six."  Which  resolution  of  mine,  they  smiling  at  in  a 
kind  of  scorn;  held  it  not  manl}',  it  seemed,  not  fit  for  their 
own  honours,  and  the  glory  of  their  nation,  to  worry  one 
man  with  a  multitude  :  and  therefore  appointed  three  only, 
so  weaponed,  to  enter  into  the  lists. 

Now,  Gentlemen!  if  here  you  condemn  me  for  plucking, 
with  mine  own  hands,  such  an  assured  danger  upon  mine 
own  head  ;  accept  of  these  reasons  for  excuse. 

To  die,  I  thought  it  most  certain;  but  to  die  basely,  I 
would  not.  For  three  to  kill  one  had  been  to  me  no  dishonour; 
to   them,   weapons   considered,   no   glory.      An    honourable 


juiyleS    One  Spaniard  killed;  two  disarmed.       291 

subjection,  I  esteemed  better  tlian  an  ignoble  conquest. 
Upon  these  thoughts  I  fell  to  it. 

The  rapier  men  traversed  their  ground ;  I,  mine.  Dangerous 
thrusts  were  put  in,  and  with  dangerous  hazard  avoided. 
Shouts  echoed  to  heaven  to  encourage  the  Spaniards :  not  a 
shout  nor  hand  to  hearten  the  poor  Englishman.  Only 
heaven  I  had  in  mine  eye,  the  honour  of  my  country  in  my 
heart,  ray  fame  at  the  stake,  my  life  on  a  narrow  bridge,  and 
death  both  before  me  and  behind  me. 

It  was  not  now  a  time  to  dally.  They  still  made  full  at 
me;  and  I  had  been  a  coward  to  myself,  and  a  villain  to  my 
nation,  if  I  had  not  called  up  all  that  weak  manhood  which 
was  mine  to  guard  my  own  life,  and  overthrow  my  enemies. 

Plucking  up  therefore  a  good  heart,  seeing  myself  faint 
and  wearied ;  I  vowed  to  my  soul  to  do  something,  ere  she 
departed  from  me :  and  so  setting  all  upon  one  cast,  it  was 
my  good  fortune  (it  was  my  GOD  that  did  it  for  me),  with 
the  butt  end,  where  the  iron  pike  was,  to  kill  one  of  the  three ; 
and  within  a  few  bouts  after,  to  disarm  the  other  two  ;  causing 
the  one  of  them  to  fly  into  the  army  of  soldiers  then  present, 
and  the  other  for  refuge  fled  behind  the  bench. 

I  hope,  if  the  braving  Spaniards  set  upon  England  as  they 
threaten ;  we  shall  every  One  of  us,  give  repulse  to  more 
than  Three.  Of  which  good  issue  for  the  public,  I  take  this 
my  private  success  to  be  a  pledge. 

Now  was  I  in  greater  danger,  being,  as  I  thought,  in 
peace;  than  before  when  I  was  in  battle.  For  a  general 
murmur  filled  the  air,  with  threatenings  at  me  :  the  soldiers 
especially  bit  their  thumbs,  and  was  it  possible  for  me  to 
escape  ? 

Which  the  noble  Duke  of  Medina  Sidonia  seeing,  called 
me  to  him;  and  instantly  caused  proclamation  to  be  made 
that  none,  on  pain  of  death,  should  meddle  with  me  :  and  by 
his  honourable  protection  I  got  off,  not  only  with  safety  but 
with  money.  For  by  the  Dukes  and  Condes  were  given  me 
in  gold,  to  the  value  of  four  pounds,  ten  shillings  sterling  : 
and  by  the  Marquis  Alquenezes  himself,  as  much ;  he, 
embracing  me  in  his  arms,  and  bestowing  upon  me  that  long 
Spanish  russet  cloak  I  now  wear ;  which  he  took  from  one  of 
his  men's  backs,  and  withal,  furnished  me  with  a  clean  band 
and  cuffs.     It  being  one  of  the  greatest  favours  a  Spanish 


292     Nobleness  of  Marqjis  de  Alquenezes.     [fuiy"26: 

Lord  can  do  to  a  mean  man  to  reward  him  with  some 
garment,  as  recompense  of  merit. 

After  our  fight  in  Xerez,  I  was  kept  in  the  Marquis 
Alquenezes'  house;  who,  one  day,  out  of  his  noble  affability, 
was  pleasant  in  speech  with  me  :  and,  by  my  interpreter, 
desired  I  would  sing.  I,  willing  to  obey  him  (whose  goodness 
I  had  tasted),  did  so  :  and  sang  this  psalm, 

WJien  as  we  sate  in  Babylon,  S-c. 

The  meaning  of  which  being  told;  he  said  to  me  "Englishman 
comfort  thyself!  for  thou  art  in  no  captivity." 

After  this,  I  was  sent  to  the  King  of  Spain,  lying  at 
Madrid.  My  conduct  [guard]  being  four  gentlemen  of  the 
Marquis  Alquenezes':  he  allowing  unto  me  in  the  journey 
twenty  shillings  a  day  when  we  travelled,  and  ten  shillings  a 
day  when  we  lay  still. 

At  my  being  in  Madrid,  before  I  saw  the  King,  my 
entertainment  by  the  Marquis  Alquenezes'  appointment, 
was  at  his  own  house ;  where  I  was  lodged  in  the  most 
sumptuous  bed  that  ever  I  beheld:  and  had  from  his  noble 
Lady  a  welcome  far  above  my  poor  deserving,  but  worthy  the 
greatness  of  so  excellent  a  woman.  She  bestowed  upon  me 
whilst  I  lay  in  her  house  a  very  fair  Spanish  shirt,  richly  laced: 
and  at  my  parting  from  Madrid,  a  chain  of  gold  and  two 
jewels  for  my  wife,  and  other  pretty  things  for  my  children. 

And  now  that  her  noble  courtesies,  with  my  own  thankful- 
ness, lead  me  to  speak  of  this  honourable  Spanish  Lady ;  I 
might  very  justly  be  condemned  of  ingratitude,  if  I  should 
not  remember  with  like  acknowledgement,  another  rare 
pattern  of  feminine  goodness  to  me  a  distressed  miserable 
stranger:  and  that  was  the  Lady  of  Don  Juan  of  Cadiz. 
She,  out  of  a  respect  she  bare  me  for  saving  her  husband's 
life,  came  along  with  him  to  Xerez ;  he  being  there  to  give 
evidence  against  me  :  and,  as  before  when  I  lay  prisoner  in 
Cadiz,  so  in  Xerez,  she  often  relieved  me  with  money  and 
other  means.     My  duty  and  thanks  ever  wait  upon  them  both! 

Upon  Christmas  Day,  I  was  presented  to  the  King,  the 
Queen,  and  Don  Carlos  the  Infante. 

Being  brought  before  him :  I  fell,  as  it  was  fit,  on  my  knees. 
Many  questions  were  demanded  of  me ;  which,  so  well  as  my 
plain  wit  directed  me,  I  resolved. 


fuiy!626.']    The   Author   reaches  England.      293 

In  the  end,  His  Majesty  offered  me  a  yearly  pension  (to  a 
good  value)  if  I  would  serve  him  either  at  land  or  at  sea.  For 
which  his  royal  favours,  I  (confessing  myself  infinitely  bound 
and  my  life  indebted  to  his  mercy)  most  humbly  intreated, 
that  with  his  Princely  leave,  I  might  be  suffered  to  return 
unto  mine  own  country  :  being  a  subject  only  to  the  King  of 
England,  my  Sovereign, 

And  besides  that  bond  of  allegiance,  there  was  another 
obligation  due  from  me  to  a  wife  and  children  :  and  therefore 
I  most  submissively  begged  that  His  Majesty  would  be  so 
Princely  minded  as  to  pity  my  estate,  and  let  me  go.  To 
which  he,  at  last,  granted;  bestowing  upon  me  one  hundred 
pistolets  [  =  ^^25  =  ^^150  in  present  value]  to  bear  my  charges. 

Having  thus  left  Spain,  I  took  my  way  through  some  part 
of  France.  Where  by  occasion,  happening  into  company  of 
seven  Spaniards ;  their  tongues  were  too  lavish  in  speeches 
against  our  nation.  Upon  which,  some  high  words  flying  up 
and  down  the  room;  I  leaped  from  the  table,  and  drew.  One 
of  the  Spaniards  did  the  liJce,  none  of  the  rest  being  weaponed  ; 
which  was  more  than  I  knew.  Upon  the  noise  of  this  bustling, 
two  Englishmen  more  came  in :  who,  understanding  the 
abuses  offered  to  our  country;  the  Spaniards,  in  a  short  time, 
recanted  on  their  knees,  their  rashness. 

And  so  hoisting  sail  for  England,  I  landed  on  the  three 
and  twentieth  day  of  April  1626,  at  Foy  in  Cornwall. 

And  thus  endeth  my  Spanish  pilgrimage.  With  thanks  to 
my  good  GOD,  that  in  this  extraordinary  manner  preserved 
me,  amidst  these  desperate  dangers. 

Therefore  most  gracious  GOD  !  Defender  of  men  abroad! 
and  Protector  of  them  at  home  !  how  am  I  bounden  to  thy 
Divine  Majesty,  for  thy  manifold  mercies  ? 

On  my  knees  I  thank  Thee!  with  my  tongue  will  I  praise 
Thee !  with  my  hands  fight  Thy  quarrel !  and  all  the  days  of 
my  life  serve  Thee  ! 

Out  of  the  Red  Sea  I  have  escaped  ;  from  the  lion's  den 
been  delivered,  aye  rescued  from  death  and  snatched  out  of 
the  jaws  of  destruction,  only  by  Thee  I  0  my  GOD!  Glory 
be  to  Thy  Name  for  ever  and  ever  !     Amen. 


294 


Cert  am   Verses  written  by  a  friend 
in  commendation  of  the  Author ^ 
Richard    Peeke. 


Eldom  do  clouds  so  dim  the  day, 
But  Sol  will  once  his  beams  display; 
Though  Neptune  drives  the  surging  seas. 
Sometimes  he  gives  them  quiet  ease  : 
And  so  few  projects  speed  so  ill , 
But  somewhat  chanceth  at  our  will. 

I  will  not  instance  in  the  great, 

Placed  in  Honour's  higher  seat ; 

Though  virtue  in  a  noble  line 

Commends  it,  and  the  more  doth  shine. 
Yet  this  is  proved  by  sword  and  pen, 
Desert  oft  dwells  in  private  men. 

My  proof  is  not  far  hence  to  seek  ; 

There  is  at  hand  brave  Richard  Peeke, 

Whose  worth  his  foes  cannot  revoke  : 

Born  in  the  town  of  Tavistock 

In  Devon  ;  where  Minerva  sits 
Shaping  stout  hearts,  and  pregnant  wits. 

This  well-resolved  and  hardy  spark 

Aiming  at  fame,  as  at  a  mark  ; 

Was  not  compelled  against  his  will, 

In  Mars  his  field  to  try  his  skill : 
As  voluntary  he  did  go 
To  serve  his  King  against  his  foe. 


July  1626. 


^63^;]    The    Story   afresh    in   verse.     295 


If  he  had  pleased,  he  might  have  spent 
His  days  at  home  in  safe  content ; 
But  nursing  valour  in  his  breast 
He  would  adventure  with  the  best : 

Willing  to  shed  his  dearest  blood, 
To  do  his  Prince  and  Country  good. 

Thus  bent,  he,  adding  wings  to  feet, 

Departed  with  the  English  fleet. 

There  was  no  rub,  no  stay  at  all, 

The  ships  sailed  with  a  pleasant  gale  : 
In  setting  forth  they  by  their  hap, 
Seemed  lulled  in  Amphitrite's  lap. 

At  length  they  did  arrive  at  Cales  ; 

Where  restless  Peeke  against  the  walls 

Made  fourscore  shot  towards  the  shore. 

Making  the  welkin  wide  to  roar: 

He  kept  his  standing  in  this  strife, 
Setting  a  straw  by  loss  of  life. 

Into  a  vineyard  afterward 

He  marched,  and  stood  upon  his  guard; 

There  he  an  horseman  did  dismount. 

By  outward  port  of  good  account : 
But  did  on  him  compassion  take, 
And  spared  his  life,  for  pity's  sake. 

The  next  assault  uneven  he  felt. 
For  with  twelve  Spaniards  he  dealt 
At  once,  and  held  them  lusty  play  ; 
Until  through  odds,  theirs  was  the  day  : 
From  ear  to  ear,  they  pierced  his  head. 
And  to  the  town  him  captive  led. 


296   The   Story    afresh    in    verse.    [j^iyleFe. 

In  prison,  they  him  shut  by  night, 
Laden  with  chains  of  grievous  weight ; 
All  comfortless,  in  dungeon  deep, 
Where  stench  annoys,  and  vermin  creep : 
He  grovelled  in  this  loathsome  cell, 
Where  ghastly  frights  and  horrors  dwell. 

Yet  nothing  could  his  courage  quail, 
Hunger,  nor  thirst,  nor  wound,  nor  gaol  j 
For  being  brought  before  a  Don, 
And  asked  "Why  England  did  set  on 

A  scraping,  no  a  pecking  hen  ? 

He  answered  "  Stain  not  Englishmen  I 

*'  That  England  is  a  nation  stout, 
And  till  the  last  will  fight  it  out; 
Myself  could  prove  by  chivalry. 
If  for  a  captive  this  were  free." 

"  Why,"  quoth  the  Duke,  "  durst  thou  to  fight 

With  any  of  my  men  in  sight  ?  " 

"  Of  thousands  whom  in  war  you  use  ; 
Not  one,"  quoth  Peeke,  "  do  I  refuse." 
A  chosen  champion  then  there  came ; 
Whose  heels  he  tripped,  as  at  a  game  : 

And  from  his  hand  his  rapier  took, 

Presenting  it  unto  the  Duke. 

Then  Three  at  once  did  him  oppose; 

They  rapiers,  he  a  long  staff  chose  : 

The  use  whereof  so  well  he  knows. 

He  conquered  them  with  nimble  blows : 
One  that  beside  him  played  his  round 
He  threw  as  dead  unto  the  ground. 


July 


{■^f^-]  The   Story   afresh    in   verse.   297 

The  noble  Duke  who  this  did  see, 
Commended  Peeke,  and  set  him  free. 
He  gave  him  gifts,  and  did  command 
That  none  should  wrong  him  in  their  land. 
So  well  he  did  him  entertain, 
And  sent  him  to  the  Court  of  Spain. 

There  he  was  fed  with  no  worse  meat 

Than  which  the  King  himself  did' eat  ; 

His  lodging  rich,  for  he  did  lie 

In  furniture  of  tapestry. 

The  King  what  of  him  he  had  heard, 
Did  with  his  treasure  well  reward. 

Our  then  Ambassador  was  there, 
Peeke's  pike  and  praise  he  doth  declare  : 
At  Spanish  Court  while  he  attends. 
He  thrives  for  virtue's  sake  :  as  friends. 
Foes  sent  him  in  triumphant  sort, 
Home  from  a  foe  and  foreign  port. 

If  thus  his  very  foes  him  loved, 
And  deeds  against  themselves  approved  ; 
How  should  his  friends  his  love  embrace 
And  yield  him  countenance  and  grace  ? 

The  praise  and  worth  how  can  we  cloke 

Of  manly  Peeke  of  Tavistock. 

FINIS, 


A 

TRUE    RELATION 

OF  A  BRAVE    ENGLISH 

STRATAGEM    PRACTISED 

lately  upon  a  sea  town  in  Galicia,  one  of 

the  kingdoms  in  Spain  ;  and  most  vali- 
antly and  successfully  performed  by  one  English 
ship   alone  of  thirty  tons,  with   no 
more  than  2S  ii"^en  in  her. 

AS    ALSO 
With  two  other  remarkable 

Accidents  between  the  English 

and  Spaniards,  to  the  glory  of  our 
Nation. 


im& 


M^j^Rp 


UJil 


Printed  tor  Mercurius  Brita?ticus, 
1626. 


30I 

-n-  ■■n--ri--h--ii--n- -jij--n- -n  -33- n  -n- •■«  ••5b--rj--n--33- ••rj--n-n--n- -n-n- ■■K--!3--5ij--J2-n" 


A    True    Relation    of  a    Brave    English 

Stratagem  practised  lately  upon  a  sea  town  in  Galicia,  one  of 
the  kingdoms  in  Spain ;  and  most  valiantly  and  success- 
fully performed  by  one  English  ship  alene   of  thirty 
tons,  with  no  more  than  35  ?nen  in  her. 

With  two  other  remarkable  Accidents  between  the 

English  and  Spaniards^  to  the  glory 

of  our  Nation. 

Ou  SHALL  here,  loving  Countrymen!  receive 
a  plain,  full  and  perfect  relation  of  a 
stratagem  bravely  attempted,  resolutely 
seconded  with  bold  English  spirits,  and  by 
them  as  fortunately  executed  upon  our 
enemies,  the  Spaniards :  who,  albeit  upon 
what  kingdom  soever  they  once  set  but 
footing,  they  write  Plus  ultra;  devouring  it 
up  in  conceit,  and  feeding  their  greedy  ambition  that  it  is  all 
their  own.  Yet  this  golden  faggot  of  dominion  may  have 
many  sticks  plucked  out  of  it,  if  cunning  fingers  go  about  to 
undo  the  band  :  as  by  this  Galician  enterprise  may  appear. 

A  pregnant  testimony  hereby  being  given,  that  if  the  great 
warriors  of  the  sea  would  join  together,  and  thunder  all  along 
the  Spanish  coasts;  the  Castilian  kingdoms  might  easily  be 
shaken:  when  so  poor  a  handful  of  our  English  being  spread 
before  one  of  their  sea  towns,  was  the  forerunner  of  so  terrible 
a  storm  to  all  the  inhabitants. 

Such  a  brave  mustering  of  all  the  gods  of  the  Ocean  into 
one  conjoined  army,  would  quickly  make  the  great  Dons  to 
alter  their  proud  and  insolent  poesy  of  Non  sufficit  orbis,  "the 


302    Appeal  to  the  gods  of  the  ocean.   [Ma/1626. 

world  is  too  little  "  to  fill  their  belly  (when  the  East  Indies 
lies  upon  one  of  their  trenchers,  and  the  West  Indies  upon 
another),  yea,  and  compel  them  to  dwell  quietly  at  home  in 
their  own  hot  barren  country  of  Spain ;  contented  with  a 
dinner  of  a  few  olives,  a  handful  of  raisins,  and  such  poor 
trash :  not  intruding  into  other  King's  territories  (especially 
these  fruitful  ones  of  ours)  to  eat  up  our  fat  beefs  [oxen],  veals 
[calves],  muttons  [sheep]  and  capons;  victuals  too  good  for  such 
insatiable  feeders,  when  whole  countries — might  they  swallow 
down  their  fill — are  nothing  to  be  devoured  at  one  meal. 

Come  forth,  therefore,  you  renowned  English  !  and  by  the 
example  of  a  few  countrymen  of  3'ours,  plough  up  the  furrows 
of  your  enemy's  seas !  and  come  home  ladened,  as  we  have 
done,  with  spoils,  honours,  victory  and  richly  purchased  prizes. 

Fear  not  to  fight !  albeit  five  Kings  bring  their  men  of  war 
into  the  field :  for  you  have  a  Joshua  [?  Charles  I.]  to  stand 
up  in  your  defence,  and  to  bid  them  to  battle. 

And  when  you  go  to  draw  your  swords,  or  to  discharge  your 
cannon  against  the  iron  ribs  of  the  Armadas  of  this  potent 
and  bloody  Enemy :  pray  unto  the  LORD  toward  the  way  of  the 
city  which  he  hath  chosen  !  and  toward  the  house  which  'u\ 
that  place  is  built  for  His  name !  and  He  in  heaven  will  hear 
your  prayers  and  supplications,  and  judge  your  cause  ;  and 
deliver  these  wild  boars  and  bulls  of  Tarifa  into  your  toils. 

To  arm  you  for  action  for  your  country,  for  your  fames,  for 
wealth,  and  the  credit  of  your  nation  :  whensoever  it  pleaseth 
GOD  that  you  put  to  sea,  may  you  be  prosperous!  and  speed 
no  worse  than  these  have  done!  whose  story  I  am  now  going 
to  set  down. 

One  Captain  Quaile,  born  in  Portsmouth,  desiring  to 
attempt  something  for  the  honour  of  England  and  the  benefit 
of  himself  and  followers  :  by  the  license  and  authority  of  those 
in  England,  who  might  give  him  leave;  got  a  bark  of  Plymouth, 
which  by  him  and  his  friends,  was  sufficiently  furnished  with 
men,  victuals  and  munition.  The  bark  being  but  of  thirty 
tons,  and  the  men  in  her  to  the  number  of  34  or  35. 

This  captain  and  the  resolute  gang  with  him.,  went 
merrily  to  sea,  and  sailed  to  and  fro ;  without  fastening  on 
any  purchase  answerable  to  their  expectation  or  defraying 
such  a  charge  as  they  and  their  ship  had  been  at.  Their 
fortunes  in  England  were  not  great,  and  if  they  should  return 


May'i626.J     QuAILE    AND    HIS    PINNACE    OFF    CrIS.      3O3 

home  without  some  exploits,  their  estates  would  be  less. 
Hereupon,  the  Captain  discovering  his  mind  to  his  Lieutenant, 
whose  name  was  Frost;  they  two,  after  consultation  between 
themselves,  persuaded  the  rest  of  their  company  to  try  their 
uttermost  adventures  rather  than  like  cowards  to  go  back : 
who,  hearing  the  Captain's  resolution,  were  on  fire  to  follow 
him  through  all  dangers,  happen  whatsoever  could.  And  so 
they  clapped  hands  upon  this  desperate  bargain,  yet  protesting 
and  seriously  vowing  not  to  turn  pirates ;  thereby  to  make 
booty  either  of  their  own  countrymen  or  friends  to  the  State. 

Good  hope  thus,  and  a  prosperous  wind  filling  their  sails  ; 
they  hovered  along  the  coast  of  Galicia,  which  lies  upon  the 
head  of  Portugal  to  the  northward.  In  passing  by  which, 
the  ship  being  clear  [  ?  of  enemies]  and  the  shores  quiet ;  the 
Captain  commanded  them  to  cast  anchor  before  a  certain  town 
called  Cris,  which  had  a  platform  or  fort  with  ordnance  to 
defend  it.     And  this  was  done  at  noon  day. 

Then  he,  being  perfect  in  the  French  tongue,  wrote  a  letter 
in  that  language  to  the  Governor  or  Captain  of  the  fort, 
importing  thus  much.  "  That  they  were  poor  distressed 
Frenchmen,  driven  thither  by  some  Turkish  Men  of  War ;  and 
flying  to  them  (as  to  their  friends)  for  succour :  pretending 
their  greatest  want  to  be  wood  for  firing,  and  fresh  water  to 
relieve  them.  Of  both  which  necessaries,  they  knew  that 
place  to  be  abundantly  stored ;  and  for  which  they  would  give 
any  reasonable  content."  Thus  riding  at  anchor  in  sight  of 
the  town,  and  their  cock-boat  being  lost  in  a  storm;  they  had 
no  other  device  to  convey  the  letter  to  the  Spanish  Commander, 
than  by  sending  a  sailor  upon  an  empty  hogshead,  with  an 
oar  in  his  hand  to  guide  him  to  land ;  he  being  very  skilful 
both  in  French,  and  in  swimming. 

The  Spaniards  seeing  a  man  making  to  them  in  that 
strange  manner,  thought  verily  they  were  men  distressed 
indeed :  and  thereupon  manning  out  a  skiff  to  meet  and 
receive  him,  they  took  him  in. 

The  letter  spake  his  business  to  the  Spanish  Captain,  who 
talking  further  in  French  to  the  mariner,  and  being  thereupon 
certainly  assured  of  their  distress;  determined  to  sell  to  them 
such  commodities  as  they  wanted  at  as  dear  a  rate  as  he 
could :  and  for  that  purpose  commanded  another  skiff  to  be 
manned  out  with  certain  Spaniards;  who,  suspecting  nothing, 


304    The  Spaniards  surprised  in  the  ship.     [Ma/ 1626. 

hastened  to  go  aboard  the  Pinnace,  with  their  Captain  in 
company. 

In  the  meantime,  Captain  Quaile  had  shut  his  portholes 
close  and  hid  his  ordnance  ;  discovering  not  above  five  men 
above  the  hatches,  who  seemed  to  carry  sickly  faces  and  weak 
bodies,  and  were  all  unarmed.  The  Spaniards  were  joyfully 
embraced  and  welcomed.  Such  poor  victuals  as  they  had 
aboard,  were  with  arguments  of  much  love  set  before  them. 
Holland  cheeses  were  cut  in  the  middle ;  and  such  wine  and 
beer  offered  them,  as  they  were  furnished  with. 

This  entertainment  carrying  away  all  suspicion  with  it  : 
Captain  Quaile  invited  the  Spanish  Captain  and  the  rest  of 
his  company  to  his  cabin.  In  passing  into  which,  the  Spanish 
commander  espied  a  piece  of  ordnance  :  at  which,  starting 
back,  and,  not  half  well  pleased,  demanding  "  why  it  lay 
there;"  Quaile  excused  it  and  said  "that  it  was  all  the 
protection  they  carried  about  them  to  defend  them  from 
dangers  :  "  and  so,  with  much  cunning  as  he  could,  he  drew 
by  compliment  and  disguised  fair  language  all  the  Spaniards 
into  his  cabin.  Whither  with  good  words  he  welcomed  them, 
and  saluted  them  with  cans  of  wine  :  which,  while  they  were 
tossing — albeit  the  Spaniard  is  the  most  temperate  drinker 
in  the  world — Captain  Quaile,  with  his  foot  giving  a  knock 
for  more;  that  sign  of  the  foot  was  a  watchword  to  fetch  up  all 
mariners.  Who,  crying  "St.  George  !"  appeared  in  their  full 
number,  every  man  armed  with  a  charged  pistol  and  a  short 
sword  drawn  in  his  hand. 

The  Spaniards,  astonished  at  this  unexpected  surprisal, 
seeing  no  remedy,  yielded  themselves  ;  and  so  were  all  taken 
prisoners  :  an  assurance  being  given  them  by  the  English 
Captain — upon  the  oath  of  a  soldier  (his  honour)  and  the 
faith  of  an  Englishman  (which  to  an  enemy  he  scorns  to 
break) — that  not  a  Spaniard  there  should  be  in  an}'  danger 
for  his  life,  so  they  would  be  quiet  and  silent ;  otherwise 
death ! 

Certain  fishermen  were  all  this  while  round  about  them,  at 
their  labour  ;  yet  perceived  nothing. 

With  all  speed  therefore  that  possibly  could  be  used. 
Captain  Quaile  and  his  Lieutenant,  making  their  prisoners 
sure;  manned  out  the  two  Spanish  skiffs  with  his  English 
musketeers  :  every  one  of  them  lying  down  in  the  skiffs  flat 


Mayi626.]         ThE    EnGLISH    PILLAGE    THE    TOWN.        305 

on  his  belly ;  none  that  might  be  mistrusted  being  seen,  but 
such  only  as  rowed  the  two  skiffs. 

Then,  with  great  circumspection  (attended  upon  by  a 
resolution  to  meet  death  face  to  face)  they  landed  themselves  ; 
and,  active  as  fire,  suddenly,  with  little  or  no  danger  at  all, 
surprised  the  platform,  and,  with  the  same  dexterity,  were 
masters  of  the  fort.  For  the  act  being  quick  as  lightning,  so 
amazed  the  Spaniards:  that  it  took  from  them  all  apprehen- 
sion not  only  of  fear,  but  of  prevention  or  acknowledgment 
of  that  danger  which  trod  upon  their  heels.  So  that  Captain 
QuAiLE,  what  with  his  own  success  and  the  others'  astonish- 
ment, in  a  short  time,  and  without  resistance,  seized  upon 
the  ordnance  of  the  platform,  which  turning  and  discharging 
upon  the  town,  and  his  own  bark  likewise  giving  fire  to  her 
pieces  on  the  other  side:  away  ran  the  people,  to  the  number 
of  two  hundred  persons,  besides  women  and  children.  At 
the  noise  of  these  sudden  terrors,  the  fishermen  likewise, 
cutting  their  nets,  hastened  as  fast  as  they  could  to  the 
shore;  having  more  care  to  save  themselves  than  to  catch  any 
fish.  And  so  the  people  flying  up  into  the  country,  the 
town  was  left  naked,  and  let  to  new  landlords. 

Who,  meeting  no  Spaniards  willing  to  be  their  tenants ; 
and  the  Englishmen  themselves  being  loth  to  tarry  among 
such  bad  neighbours  :  they  rifled  both  the  fort  and  the  town, 
and  had  the  pillaging  of  both  for  eight  hours  together.  In 
which  time,  they  hurried  to  their  ship  anything  that  was  of 
value  :  and  besides  the  abundance  of  much  riches ;  they 
brought  away  the  ordnance  of  the  fort,  the  bell  out  of  the 
church,  and  the  chalice.  And  so,  without  wrong  to  their 
persons,  putting  their  Spanish  prisoners  into  their  own  skiffs; 
to  shore  they  sent  them  :  with  a  warlike  triumphing  farewell 
from  their  own  pieces ;  and  are  now  with  much  honour 
arrived  in  England. 

If  this  example,  noble  Countrymen !  cannot  give  you 
sufficient  encouragement:  do  but  look  back  into  the  former 
ages,  and  take  a  brief  survey  what  honourable  attempts, 
exploits,  undertakings  and  stratagems  have  in  foreign 
countries  been  enterprized  and  achieved  by  the  English. 
When  brave  John  of  Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lancaster,  &c.,  being 
but  a  subject,  without  borrowing  or  charging  of  the  King's 

U  2 


3o6     The  mighty  acts  of  Englishmen.     [u-Jte^e. 

treasures  ;  out  of  his  own  purse  and  coffers,  and  assisted  by 
his  friends  and  such  voluntary  gentlemen  as  craved  depen- 
dence upon  his  fortunes,  without  press  or  compelling  any 
man,  beating  up  his  drums,  levied  so  sufficient  an  army  that 
with  it  he  conquered  all  Spain,  removed  the  usurper  and 
reinstated  the  expulsed  Don  Pedro  :  and  after  by  inter- 
changeable marriages,  made  himself  and  successive  issue, 
competitors  and  allies  to  the  Crown  and  Dignity  Imperial. 

Of  what  honours  our  nation  have  purchased  from  the 
French,  even  their  own  Chronicles  without  the  flattery  of 
ours,  give  ample  and  sufficient  testimony.  Witness  the 
battles  of  Poitiers  and  Cressy,  fought  by  "the  Invincible 
Soldier  "  (for  the  great  terror,  which  he  brought  into  France) 
called  the  Black  Prince ;  who,  with  inimitable  valour, 
courage  undaunted,  and  expedition  almost  beyond  human 
apprehension,  against  infinite  odds,  and  nothing  in  his  own 
party  to  encourage  him,  save  want  of  numbers  and  disadvan- 
tage of  place  :  yet  notwithstanding,  not  only  disrouted  their 
mighty  armies,  killing  many  and  defeating  all,  but  brought 
the  King,  Dauphin,  and  all  the  Prince  Peers  of  the  land, 
prisoners,  and  presented  them  at  the  feet  of  his  father. 

The  Scotch  King,  taking  the  advantage  of  the  King  of 
England  then  being  in  France,  who  lay  at  Calais ;  made 
inroads  and  excursions  into  this  land  :  whom  the  Queen 
Philippa — then  destitute  of  all  her  nobility  and  gentry,  as 
being  then  with  the  King  her  husband  in  France — met  with 
an  army  of  priests,  husbandmen,  artificers  and  some  few 
gentlemen  ;  gave  him  battle,  vanquished  his  army,  took  him 
prisoner,  and  added  one  thing  more  to  the  eternising  of  her 
husband's  and  son's  famous  and  renowned  valours. 

I  omit  the  great  battle  fought  by  Henry  V.  at  Agincourt, 
with  many  others  :  and  lest  I  be  taxed  of  [with]  too  great  a 
degression,  return  to  the  former  discourse;  by  me  promised, 
and  I  make  no  question  by  you  expected. 

In  Lisbon,  not  long  since,  a  young  merchant,  who  for 
divers  respects  desires  to  have  his  name  concealed,  being  in 
the  company  of  certain  Dons,  and  falling  into  discourse 
about  the  valour  of  several  nations,  they  so  far  exceeded  in 
the  hyperboles  of  their  own  praise,  that  they  blushed  not  to 
affirm  that  one  Spaniard  was  able  to  beat  two  Englishmen 


Mayle^e.]  Captain  Warner  and  the  Dunkirk  ship.    307 

out  of  the  field,  which  they  in  their  braggadesme  [brag- 
gadacio]  enforced  so  far;  that  though  the  rest  were  silent,  this 
young  gentleman,  not  able  to  conceal  a  true  English  spirit, 
after  some  retort  of  language,  there  made  a  protestation, 
"  That  if  it  pleased  the  Governor  to  give  him  leave,  he 
himself  would  undertake  (making  choice  of  his  weapon)  to 
fight  singly  against  three  of  the  proudest  champions  they 
could  produce  against  him."  To  cut  off  circumstance ;  the 
challenge  was  accepted.  The  Governor  prepared  the  com- 
batants, with  the  time  and  place  appointed.  A  great 
confluence  of  people  assembled  :  where  one  young  merchant, 
armed  only  with  his  sword  and  a  Spanish  pike,  in  the  lists 
appeared,  who  by  the  three  adversaries  was  boldly  and 
resolutely  charged.  But  GOD  and  his  good  cause  defended 
him  so  well,  that  the  combat  continued  not  long  till  one  of 
them  he  had  laid  dead  at  his  foot ;  and  having  received  from 
them  some  few  scratches  with  the  loss  of  a  small  quantity  of 
blood  and  without  danger,  he  so  actively  and  resolutely 
behaved  himself  against  the  survivors  that  they,  after  divers 
wounds  from  him  received,  began  to  quail  in  their  former 
courage  and  fight  more  faintly  and  further  off:  which  the 
Governor  perceiving,  commanded  the  combat  to  cease,  and 
withal  to  guard  the  Englishman  from  the  fury  of  the 
displeased  multitude  who  could  have  found  in  their  hearts  to 
have  plucked  him  in  pieces.  There  calling  him  up  to  him, 
conveyed  him  safe  to  his  house  and,  after  much  commenda- 
tion of  his  valour,  very  nobly  secured  him  to  his  ship;  wishing 
him  for  his  own  safety  to  be  seen  no  more  ashore :  whose 
counsel  he  followed ;  and  since  with  much  envy  from  them 
and  great  honour  to  us,  he  is  arrived  in  his  own  country. 

I  desire  to  be  tedious  in  nothing,  but  will  acquaint  you 
with  another  exploit ;  no  less  remarkable  than  the  former, 
performed  in  the  beginning  of  this  last  month,*  April :  and 
thus  it  was. 

A  worthy  gentleman,  one  Captain  Warner,  with  two  small 
Pinnaces,  was  bound  towards  some  part  of  the  West  Indies  : 
neither  of  them  being  of  above  thirty  tons  burthen.  He,  being 

*  It  is  clear  from  this,  that  this  tract  was  written  in  May,  1626.  The 
foregoing  incident  is  a  confused  and  inaccurate  account  of  R.  Peeke's 
brave  act,  which  will  be  found,  narrated  by  himself,  on  pages  621-643. 


3o8    Warner's  most  daring  stratagem,    [nay ',626. 

thus  at  sea,  was  chased  by  a  tall  Man  of  War,  a  Dunkirker 
[coining  from  Dunkirk]  ;  who  came  towards  them,  as  if  she 
meant  to  overrun  them  at  once  and  bury  i\\e\vr\x\x\s[fragments\ 
in  the  bottom  of  the  ocean.  Which  Warner  perceiving, 
pretended  to  make  away  with  one  of  his  Pinnaces;  as  if  he 
purposed  to  save  a  stake,  and  leave  the  other  to  the  enemy's 
fury  and  spoils.  The  Dunkirker,  not  able  to  fasten  on  both 
at  once,  took  the  advantage  of  the  first;  intending  when  he 
had  seized  her  to  make  like  prize  of  the  other:  hails  her, 
boards  her  ;  his  sailors  and  soldiers,  being  all  greedy  of  booty, 
neglect  their  own  ship;  only  busying  themselves  in  the  rifling 
of  the  other,  where  I  leave  them  all  busy  at  work. 

Which  Warner  perceiving,  and  not  willing  to  slack  so  good 
an  opportunity,  takes  advantage  of  the  wind,  suddenty  casteth 
about  [tacks]  and  seizeth  upon  the  Dunkirk's  ship,  whose 
men  were,  most  of  them,  aboard  the  other  pinnace;  boards 
her,  takes  her,  mans  her:  and  now  being  armed  with  her 
strength  ;  commands  both  his  other  Pinnace  and  all  the 
enemies  aboard  her.  By  which  stratagem,  he  not  only 
ransomed  his  own,  but  subdued  his  enemies;  made  prize  both 
of  ship  and  goods,  and  took  all  the  men  prisoners.  A  noble 
encouragement  to  all  the  brave  captains  and  commanders  of 
our  nation  to  try  to  imitate  him  in  his  resolution  and  valour. 

And  thus,  worthy  Countrymen!  youseethat  notwithstanding 
the  proud  braves  [bravados]  of  the  Public  Enemy,  their 
scandals  and  calumnies  with  all  the  aspersions  of  disgrace 
that  their  malice  can  devise,  to  cast  upon  our  Kingdom  and 
country;  maugre  their  invasions  threatened  on  land  or  their 
naval  triumphs  boasted  at  sea :  how  the  great  Creator  of  all 
things  (in  whose  sight  pride,  vainglory  and  ambition  are 
abominable)  can  when  He  pleases,  by  the  hand  of  the  young 
man  David  stoop  the  stiff  neck  of  the  strongest  Goliath. 
And,  noble  countrymen!  may  these  few  encouragements  put 
into  you  the  ancient  courage  of  your  ancestors ;  whose 
memories  through  all  seas,  nations  and  languages,  have  been 
and  ever  shall  be  sacred  to  all  posterities.  Now  is  the  time 
of  acting,  and  to  show  yourselves  as  you  have  been  ever 
held  and  esteemed;  brave  in  attempting,  and  bold  in  per- 
forming. And  so,  without  question,  your  expeditions  shall 
be  successful,  as  the  fame  of  your  virtues  immortal. 

FINIS. 


309 


The  Sequestration  of 

Archbishop  Abbot  from  all  his 

Ecclesiastical  Offices^  in 

1627. 

John   Rushworth,   Esq.,  of 
Lincoln's   Inn. 


[Historical  Collections,  \.  435.     Ed.  1659.] 

RcHBiSHOP  Abbot,  having  been  long 
slighted  at  Court,  now  fell  under  the 
King's  high  displeasure  ;  for  refusing  to 
license  Doctor  Sibthorp's  sermon,  en- 
tituled  Apostolical  Obedience,  as  he  was 
commanded ;  and,  not  long  after,  he  was 
sequestered  from  his  Office,  and  a  Com- 
mission was  granted  to  the  Bishops  of 
London,     Durham,     Rochester,     Oxford,    and    Doctor, 


3TO  The  Royal  Commission  sequestrating  [gOct. 

Laud,   Bishop   of    Bath  and  Wells,  to    exercise  archi- 

episcopal  jurisdiction. 

The  Commission  is  followeth — 

Charles,  by  the  grace  of  GOD,  King  of  England, 
Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland ;  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c. 
To  the  Right  Reverend  Father  in  GOD,  George  [Mon- 
taigne], Bishop  of  London  ;  and  to  the  Right  Reverend 
Father  in  GOD,  our  trusty  and  well  beloved  Councillor, 
Richard  [Neyle],  Lord  Bishop  of  Durham  ;  and  to  the 
Right  Reverend  Father  in  GOD,  John  [Buckeridge], 
Lord  Bishop  of  Rochester  ;  and  to  the  Right  Reverend 
Father  in  GOD,  John  [Howson],  Lord  Bishop  of  Ox- 
ford; and  to  the  Right  Reverend  Father  in  GOD,  our 
Right  Trusty  and  Well  Beloved  Councillor,  William 
[Laud],  Lord  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells. 

Hereas  George,  now  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 

in   the  right  of  the  Archbishopric,  hath  several  and 
distinct  A  rchiepiscopal,  Episcopal,  and  other  Spiritual 
and  Ecclesiastical  Powers  and  Jurisdictions,  to  be 
exercised   in  the  Government  and  Discipline  of  the 
Church  within  the  Province  of  Canterbury,  and  in  the  Administra- 
tion of  Justice  in  Causes  Ecclesiastical  within  that  Province,  which 
are  partly  executed  by  himself  in  his  own  person,  and  partly  and 
more  generally  by  several  persons  nominated  and  authorised  by  him, 
being  learned  in  the  Ecclesiastical  Laws  of  this  Realm,  in  those 
several  places  whereunto  they  are  deputed  and  appointed  by  the 
said  Archbishop :  which  several  places,  as  We  are  informed,  they 
severally  hold  by  several  Grants  for  their  several  lives,  as  namely. 
Sir  Henry  Martin  Knight  hath  and  holdcth  by  the 
grants  of  the  said  Archbishop,  the  Offices  and  Places  of  the 
Dean  of  the  Arches,  and  Judge  or  Master  of  the  Prerogative 
Court,  for  the  natural  life  of  the  said  Sir  Henry  Martin. 
Sir  Charles  Cmsar  Knight  hath  and  holdeth  by  grants 
of  the  said  Archbishop,  the  Places  or  Offices  of  the  Judge  of 
the  Audience,  and  Master  of  the  Faculties,  for  the  term  of  the 
natural  life  of  the  said  Sir  CHARLES  C/ESAR. 

Sir  Thomas  Ridley  Knight  hath  and  holdeth  by  the 
grant  of  the  said  Archbishop,  the  Place  or  Office  of  Vicar 
General  to  the  said  Archbishop. 
And  Nathaniel  Brent,  Doctor  of  the  Laws,  hath  and 


i6j7.]  Archbishop  Abbot  from  his  functions.  3 1 1 

holdeth  by  grant  of  the  said  Archbishop,  the  Office  or  Place 
of  Commissary  to  the  said  Archbishop,  as  of  his  proper  and 
pectdiar  diocese  of  Canterbury. 

And  likewise  the  several  Registrars  of  the  Arches,  Prero- 
gative, Audience,  Facidties,  and  of  the  Vicar  General  and 
Commissary  of  Canterbury,  hold  their  places  by  grants  by  the 
said  Archbishop  respectively. 

Whereas  the  said  Archbishop,  in  some  or  all  of  these  several 
Places  and  Jurisdictions,  doth  and  may  sometimes  assume  unto  his 
personal  and  proper  Judicature,  Order,  or  Direction,  some  parti- 
cular Causes,  Actions,  or  Cases,  at  his  pleasure.  And  forasmtich 
as  the  said  Archbishop  cannot,  at  this  present,  in  his  own  person, 
attend  these  services  whicli  are  otherwise  proper  for  his  Cognisance 
and  Jurisdiction  ;  and  ivhich  as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  he 
might  and  ought  in  his  own  person  to  have  performed  and  executed 
in  Causes  and  Matters  Ecclesiastical,  in  the  proper  function  of 
Archbishop  of  the  Province. 

We,  therefore,  of  Our  regal  power,  and  of  Our  princely  care 
and  providence,  that  nothing  shall  be  defective  in  the  Order 
Discipline,  Government,  or  Right  of  the  Church,  have  thought  fit 
by  the  service  of  some  other  learned  and  reverend  Bishops,  to  be 
named  by  Us,  to  supply  those  which  the  said  Archbishop  ought  01 
might,  in  the  cases  aforesaid,  to  have  done  ;  but,  for  this  present, 
cannot  perform  the  same. 

Know  ye,  therefore,  That  We,  reposing  special  trust  and  con- 
fidence in  your  approved  wisdoms,  learning,  and  integrity,  have 
nominated,  authorised,  and  appointed,  and  do,  by  these  presents, 
nominate,  authorise,  and  appoint  You,  the  said  George,  Lord 
Bishop  of  London ;  Richard,  Lord  Bishop  of  Durham ; 
John,  Lord  Bishop  of  Rochester;  John,  Lord  Bishop  of 
Oxford;  and  William,  Lord  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells, 
or  any  four,  three,  or  two  of  you,  to  do,  execute,  and  perform  all 
and  every  those  acts,  matters,  and  things  any  way  touching  or 
concerning  the  Power,  Jurisdiction,  or  Authority  of  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury  in  Causes  or  Matters  Ecclesiastical,  as  amply, 
fully,  and  effectually,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  the  said  Arch- 
bishop himself  might  have  done. 

And  We  do  hereby  Command  you,  and  every  of  you,  to  attend, 
perform,  and  execute  this  Our  Royal  Pleasure  in  and  touching 
the  premises,  until  We  shall  declare  Our  Will  and  Pleasure  to 
the  contrary. 


312  A  FIT  Record  of  Arbitrary  Power. 

And  We  do  furiher  hereby  Will  and  Command  the  said  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  quietly  and  without  interruption,  to 
permit  and  suffer  you  the  said  George,  Bishop  of  London  ; 
Richard,  Bishop  of  Durham;  John,  Bishop  of  Rochester: 
John,  Bishop  of  Oxford;  and  William,  Bishop  of  Bath 
AND  Wells;  any  four,  three,  or  two  of  you,  to  execute  and 
perform  this  Our  Commissioji,  according  to  Our  Royal  Pleasure 
thereby  signified. 

And  We  do  further  Will  and  Command  all  and  every  other 
person  and  persons,  whom  it  may  any  way  concern  in  their  several 
Places  or  Offices,  to  be  attendant,  observant,  and  obedient  to  you 
and  every  of  you,  in  the  execution  and  performance  of  this  Our 
Royal  Will  and  Command;  as  they  and  every  of  them  will  answer 
the  contrary  at  their  utmost  perils. 

Nevertheless,  We  do  hereby  declare  Our  Royal  Pleasure  to  be 
That  they  the  said  Sir  Henry  Martin,  Sir  Charles  Cmsar, 
Sir  Thomas  Ridley,  and  Nathaniel  Brent,  in  their 
several  Offices  and  Places;  and  all  other  Registrars,  Officers,  and 
Ministers  in  the  several  Courts,  Offices,  and  Jurisdictions  apper- 
taining to  the  said  Archbishop,  shall,  quietly  and  without  inter' 
ruption,  hold,  use,  occupy,  and  enjoy  their  several  Offices  and 
Places,  which  they  now  hold  by  the  grant  of  the  said  Archbishop, 
or  of  any  other  former  Archbishop  of  CANTERBURY,  in  such 
manner  and  form,  and  with  those  benefits,  privileges,  powers,  and 
authorities  which  they  now  have,  hold,  and  enjoy  therein  or  there- 
out, severally  and  respectively :  they,  and  every  of  them,  in 
their  several  Places,  being  attendant  and  obedient  unto  you,  the 
said  George,  Bishop  of  London;  Richard,  Bishop  of 
Durham;  John,  Bishop  of  Rochester ;  John,  Bishop  of 
Oxford;  and  William,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells; 
or  to  any  four,  three,  or  two  of  you,  in  all  things  according  to 
the  tenour  of  this  our  Our  Commission  ;  as  they  should  or  ought 
to  have  been  to  the  said  Archbishop  himself,  if  this  Commission 
had  not  been  had  or  made. 

In  witness  whereof.   We  have  caused  these  our  Letters  to  be 
made  Patents.     Witness  Our  Self,  at  Westminster,  the  ninth  day 
of  October  [1627]  in  the  third  year  of  our  reign. 
Per  ipsum  Regem. 

Edmonds. 


313 
Archbishop  A  b  b  o  t's  own  Narrative. 

[RUSHWORTH.     Historical  Collections,  ideni.^ 

Pars  Prima. 

T  IS  an  example,  so  without  example,  that  in  the 
sunshine  of  the  Gospel ;  in  the  midst  of  profession 
of  the  true  religion  ;  under  a  gracious  King,  whom 
all  the  world  must  acknowledge  to  be  blemished 
with  no  vice ;  a  man  of  my  place  and  years,  who 
has  done  some  service  in  the  Church  and  Commonwealth,  so 
deeply  laden  with  some  furious  infirmities  of  body,  should  be 
removed  from  his  ordinary  habitation,  and,  by  a  kind  of 
deportation,  should  be  thrust  into  one  end  of  the  Island 
(although  I  must  confess  into  his  own  diocese),  that  I  hold 
it  fit  that  the  reason  of  it  should  be  truly  understood,  least  it 
may  someways  turn  to  the  scandal  of  my  person  and  calling. 
Which  Declaration,  notwithstanding,  I  intend  not  to  com- 
municate to  any,  but  to  let  it  lie  by  me  privately ;  that  it 
being  set  down  impartially,  whilst  all  things  are  fresh  in 
memory,  I  may  have  recourse  to  it  hereafter,  if  questions 
shall  be  made  of  anything  contained  in  this  Relation. 

And  this  I  hold  necessary  to  be  done,  by  reason  of  the 
strangeness  of  that,  which,  by  way  of  Censure,  was  inflicted 
upon  me ;  being  then  of  the  age  of  sixty-five  years,  encum- 
bered with  the  gout,  and  afflicted  with  the  stone :  having 
lived  so  many  years  in  a  Place  of  great  service,  and,  for 
ought  I  know,  untainted  in  any  of  my  actions ;  although  my 
Master,  King  James  (who  resteth  with  GOD)  had  both  a 
searching  wit  of  his  own  to  discover  his  servants,  whom  he 
put  in  trust,  whether  they  took  any  sinister  courses  or  not; 
and  wanted  not  some  suggesters  about  him,  to  make  the 
worst  of  all  men's  actions  whom  they  could  misreport. 

Yet  this  innocency  and  good  fame  to  be  overthrown  in  a 
month  !  and  a  Christian  Bishop  suddenly  to  be  made  fabula 
vulgi,  to  be  tossed  upon  the  tongues  of  friends  and  foes,  of 
Protestants  and  Papists,  of  Court  and  Country,  of  English 
and  Foreigners,  must  needs,  in  common  opinion,  presuppose 
some  crime,  open  or  secret ;  which,  being  discovered  by  the 


314  The  Archbishop  afflicted  with  [^'^Pj^-i^SJ: 

King,  albeit  not  fully  appearing  to  the  world,  must  draw  on 
indignation  in  so  high  a  measure. 

I  cannot  deny  that  the  indisposition  of  my  body  kept  me 
from  Court,  and  thereby  gave  occasion  to  maligners  to  traduce 
me,  as,  "  withdrawing  myself  from  public  services,  and  there- 
fore misliking  some  coursesthat  were  taken  "  :  which  abstain- 
ing, perhaps,  neither  pleased  the  King,  nor  the  Great  Man 
that  set  them  on  foot. 

It  is  true,  that  in  the  turbulency  of  some  things,  I  had  not 
great  invitements  to  draw  me  abroad  ;  but  to  possess  my  soul 
in  patience  till  GOD  sent  fairer  weather.  But  the  true  ground 
for  my  abstaining  from  solemn  and  public  places,  was  the 
weakness  of  my  feet,  proceeding  from  the  gout :  which 
disease  being  hereditary  unto  me,  and  having  possessed  me 
now  nine  years,  had  debilitated  me  more  and  more;  so  that 
I  could  not  stand  at  all,  neither  could  I  go  up  or  down  a  pair 
of  stairs  but,  besides  my  staff,  I  must  have  the  service  of 
one  at  least,  of  my  men,  who  were  not  fit  to  be  admitted  in 
every  place  where  I  was  to  come. 

And  although  I  was  oft  remembered  by  the  wisest  of  my 
friends,  that  "  I  might  be  carried,  as  the  old  Lord  Treasurer 
Burleigh  was  ! "  yet  I  did  not  think  my  service  so  neces- 
sary for  the  commonwealth,  as  his  Lordship's,  by  long  experi- 
ence, was  found  to  be.  I  did  not  value  myself  at  so  high  a 
rate  ;  but  remembered  that  it  was  not  the  least  cause  of 
overthrow  to  Robert  [Devereux],  Earl  of  Essex,  that  he 
prized  himself  so,  as  if  Queen  Elizabeth  and  the  Kingdom 
could  not  well  have  stood,  if  he  had  not  supported  both  the 
one  and  the  other. 

Now  for  me,  thus  enfeebled,  not  with  gout  only,  but  with 
the  stone  and  gravel,  to  wait  on  the  King  or  the  Council 
Table,  was,  by  me,  held  a  matter  most  inconvenient.  In  the 
Courts  of  Princes,  there  is  little  feeling  of  [for]  the  infirmities 
belonging  to  old  age.  They  like  them  that  be  young  and 
gallant  in  their  actions,  and  in  their  clothes.  They  love  not 
that  men  should  stick  too  long  in  any  room  of  greatness. 
Change  and  alteration  bringeth  somewhat  with  it ;  what  have 
they  to  do  with  kerchiefs  and  staves,  with  lame  or  sickly 
men  ?  It  is  certainly  true,  there  is  little  compassion  upon  the 
bodily  defects  of  any.  The  Scripture  speaketh  of  "  men  stand- 
ing before  Kings."  It  were  an  uncouth  sight  to  see  the  subject 


^?^' ji'iy SG  THE    Gout   and    the  Stone.     315 

sit  the  day  before  the  Coronation  :  when,  on  the  morrow,  I 
had  work  enough  for  the  strongest  man  in  England,  being 
weak  in  my  feet,  and  coming  to  Whitehall  to  see  things  in 
readiness  against  the  next  day.  Yet,  notwithstanding  the 
stone  and  gout,  I  was  not  altogether  an  inutile  servant  in  the 
King's  affairs  ;  but  did  all  things  in  my  house  that  were  ^o 
be  done:  as  in  keeping  the  High  Commission  Court,  doing 
all  inferior  actions  conducing  thereto;  and  despatching  refer- 
ences from  His  Majesty  that  came  thick  upon  me. 

These  Relations  which  are  made  concerning  me,  be  of 
certain  truth ;  but  reach  not  to  the  reason  I  was  discarded. 

To  understand  therefore  the  verity,  so  it  is,  that  the  Duke 
of  Buckingham  (being  still  great  in  the  favour  of  the  King; 
could  endure  no  man  that  would  not  depend  upon  him)  among 
other  men,  had  me  in  his  eye,  for  not  stooping  unto  him,  so 
asto  become  his  vassal. 

I  (that  had  learned  a  lesson,  which  I  constantly  hold,  To 
be  no  man's  servant,  hut  the  King's :  for  mine  old  royal  Master 
which  is  with  GOD,  and  mine  own  reason  did  teach  me  so) 
went  on  mine  own  ways ;  although  I  could  not  but  observe, 
that  as  many  as  walked  in  that  path  did  suffer  for  it  upon  all 
occasions,  and  so  did  I :  nothing  wherein  I  moved  my  Master 
taking  place  ;  which,  finding  so  clearly  (as  if  the  Duke  had 
set  some  ill  character  upon  me),  I  had  no  way  but  to  rest  in 
patience ;  leaving  all  to  GOD,  and  looking  to  myself  as 
warily  as  I  might.  But  this  did  not  serve  the  turn ;  his 
undertakings  were  so  extraordinary,  that  every  one  that  was 
not  with  him,  was  presently  [instantly]  against  him  :  and  if  a 
hard  opinion  were  once  entertained,  there  was  no  place  left 
for  satisfaction  or  reconciliation.  What  befell  the  Earl  of 
Arundel,  Sir  Randal  Carev^,  and  divers  others,  I  need  not 
to  report;  and  no  man  can  make  doubt  but  he  blew  the 
coals. 

For  myself,  there  is  a  gentleman  called  Sir  H.  S.,  who 
gave  the  first  light  what  should  befall  me. 

This  Knight,  being  of  more  livelihood  than  wisdom,  had 
married  the  Lady  D.,  sister  of  the  now  Earl  of  E. ;  and 
had  so  treated  her,  both  for  safeguard  of  her  honour,  blemished 
by  him  scandalously ;  and  for  her  alimonj^  or  maintenance, 
being  glad  to  get  from  him  ;  she  was  forced  to  endure  a  suit 
in  the  High  Commission  Court. 


3i6   Doctor  SiBTHORp's  Assize  Sermon  ON  [^Yj^^iy^^T;, 

So  to  strengthen  his  party,  he  was  made  known  to  the 
Duke ;  and,  by  means  of  a  dependent  on  his  Grace,  he  got  a 
letter  from  the  King,  that  "  The  Commissioners  should  pro- 
ceed no  further  in  hearing  of  that  cause ;  by  reason  that  it  being 
a  difference  between  a  Gentleman  and  his  "Wife,  the  King's 
Majesty  would  hear  it  himself."  The  solicitor  for  the  lady, 
findingthatthe  course  of  Justice  was  stopped,  did  so  earnestly, 
by  petition,  move  the  King,  that,  by  another  letter,  there  was 
a  relaxation  of  the  former  restraint,  and  the  Commissioners 
Ecclesiastical  went  on. 

But  now,  in  the  new  proceeding,  finding  himself  by  justice 
like[ly]  enough  to  be  pinched  ;  he  did  publicly  in  the  Court, 
refuse  to  speak  by  any  Counsel,  but  would  plead  his  cause 
himself:  wherein  he  did  bear  the  whole  business  so  disorderly 
and  tumultuously,  and  unrespectively  [disrespectfully],  that, 
after  divers  reproofs,  I  was  enforced,  for  the  honour  of  the 
Court  and  the  reputation  of  the  High  Commission,  to  tell 
him  openly  that  "  If  he  did  not  carry  himself  in  a  better 
fashion,  I  would  commit  him  to  prison  !  " 

This  so  troubled  the  young  gallant,  that,  within  few  days 
after,  being  at  dinner  or  supper  (where  some  wished  me  well), 
he  bolted  it  out  that  "  As  for  the  Archbishop,  the  Duke  had  a 
purpose  to  turn  him  out  of  his  Place,  and  that  he  did  but  wait 
the  occasion  to  effect  it."  Which  being  brought  unto  me, 
constantly,  by  more  ways  than  one  ;  I  was  now  in  expecta- 
tion, what  must  be  the  issue  of  this  Great  Man's  indignation  ; 
which  fell  out  to  be,  as  followeth. 

There  was  one  Sibthorp,  who,  not  being  so  much  as  a 
Bachelor  of  Arts  (as  it  hath  been  credibly  reported  unto  me), 
by  means  of  Doctor  Peirce,  Dean  of  Peterborough  (being 
Vice  Chancellor  of  Oxford),  did  get  to  be  confirmed  upon  him, 
the  title  of  a  Doctor. 

This  man  is  Vicar  of  Brackley,  in  Northamptonshire;  and 
hath  another  benefice  not  far  from  it,  in  Buckinghamshire  : 
but  the  lustre  of  his  honour  did  arise  from  being  the  son-in- 
law  of  Sir  John  Lamb,  Chancellor  of  Peterborough,  whose 
daughter  he  married ;  and  was  put  into  the  Commission  of 
Peace. 

When  the  Lent  Assizes  were,  in  February  last  [1627],  at 
Northampton,  the  man  that  preached  [on  the  22nd  of  the  month] 


t%y\li\]^^OSTOL/CAZ  ObEDIENCE.KI  NORTHAMPTON.  3  I  7 

before  the  Judf2:es  there,  was  this  worthy  Doctor :  where, 
magnifying  the  authority  of  Kings  (which  is  so  strong  in  the 
Scripture,  that  it  needs  no  flattery  any  ways  to  extol  it),  he 
let  fall  divers  speeches  which  were  distasteful  to  the  auditors, 
and  namely,  "  That  Kings  had  power  to  put  poll  money  upon 
their  subjects'  heads  "  :  when,  against  those  challenges,  men 
did  frequently  mourn. 

He,  being  a  man  of  low  fortune,  conceived  that  the  putting 
his  sermon  [entitled  "  Apostolical  Obedience  "]  in  print,  might 
gain  favour  at  Court  and  raise  his  fortune  higher,  on  he  goeth 
with  the  transcribing  of  his  sermon  ;  and  got  a  bishop  or  two 
to  prefer  this  great  service  to  the  Duke.  It  being  brought 
unto  the  Duke,  it  cometh  in  his  head,  or  was  suggested  to 
him  by  some  malicious  body,  that,  thereby,  the  Archbishop 
might  be  put  to  some  remarkable  strait.  For  if  the  King 
should  send  the  sermon  unto  him,  and  command  him  to  allow 
it  to  the  press,  one  of  these  two  things  would  follow  :  that, 
either  he  should  authorise  it,  and  so,  all  men  that  were  in- 
different should  discover  him  for  a  base  and  unworthy  beast; 
or  he  should  refuse  it,  and  so  should  fall  into  the  King's 
indignation,  who  might  pursue  it  at  his  pleasure  as  against 
a  man  that  was  contrary  to  his  service. 

Out  of  this  fountain  flowed  all  the  water  that  afterwards  so 
wet.  In  rehearsing  whereof,  I  must  set  down  divers  par- 
ticulars ;  which  some  man  may  wonder  how  they  should  be 
discovered  unto  me  :  but  let  it  suffice,  once  for  all,  that  in  the 
word  of  an  honest  man  and  a  Bishop,  I  recount  nothing  but 
whereof  I  have  good  warrant ;  GOD  Himself  working  means. 

The  matters  were  revealed  unto  me,  although  it  be  not 
convenient  that,  in  this  Paper,  I  name  the  manner  how  they 
came  unto  me;  lest  such  as  did,  by  well  doing,  farther  me, 
should  receive  blame  for  their  labour. 

Well,  resolved  it  is,  that  "  I  be  put  to  it  !  and  that,  with 
speed  !  "  and  therefore  Master  William  Murray  (nephew  as, 
I  think,  unto  Master  Thomas  Murray,  sometimes  Tutor  to 
Prince  Charles),  now  of  the  King's  Bedchamber,  is  sent  to 
me  with  the  written  Sermon  :  of  whom,  I  must  say,  that 
albeit  he  did  the  King  his  Master's  service  ;  yet  he  did  use 
himself  temperately  and  civilly  unto  me. 

For  avoiding  of  inquit  and  inquam,  as  Tully  saith,  /  said 


3 1 8 The  Archbp's  Chaplains  license  books.[^^jPj^i^S27.' 

this  and  he  said  that,  I  will  make  it  by  way  of  dialogue :  not 
setting  down  every  day's  conference  exactly  by  itself,  but 
mentioning  all  things  in  the  whole;  yet  distinguishing  of  times 
where,  for  the  truth  of  the  Relation,  it  cannot  be  avoided. 

Murray.  My  Lord  !  I  am  sent  unto  you  by  the  King,  to 
let  you  know  that  his  pleasure  is,  That  whereas  there  is 
brought  unto  him,  a  Sermon  to  be  printed  :  you  should  allow 
this  Sermon  to  the  press. 

Archbishop.  I  was  never  he  that  authorised  books  to  be 
printed  :  for  it  is  the  work  of  my  Chaplains  to  read  over  other 
men's  writings,  and  what  is  fit,  to  let  it  go ;  what  is  unfit,  to 
expunge  it. 

Murray.  But  the  King  will  have  you  yourself  to  do  this, 
because  he  is  minded  that  no  books  shall  be  allowed,  but  by 
you  and  the  Bishop  of  London  [then  George  Montaigne]  : 
and  my  Lord  of  London  authorised  one  the  other  day, 
CosENs's  book  ;  and  he  will  have  you  do  this. 

Archbishop.  This  is  an  occupation  that  my  old  Master,  King 
James,  did  never  put  me  to ;  and  yet  I  was  then  young,  and 
had  more  abilities  of  body  than  I  now  have  :  so  that  I  see  I 
must  now  learn  a  new  lesson.  But  leave  it  with  me  !  and 
when  I  have  read  it,  I  shall  know  what  to  say  unto  it.  A 
day  or  two  hence,  you  shall  understand  my  mind. 

When  I  had  once  or  twice  perused  it ;  I  found  some  words 
which  seemed  to  me  to  cross  that  which  the  King  intended, 
and,  in  a  sort,  to  destroy  it ;  and  therefore  upon  his  return  a 
day  or  two  after,  I  expressed  myself  thus  : 

Master  Murray  !  I  conceive  that  the  King  intended  that 
this  Sermon  shall  promote  the  service  now  in  hand  about 
the  Loan  of  Money:  but  in  my  opinion  he  much  crosseth 
it.  For  he  layeth  it  down  for  a  rule  (and  because  it  should 
not  be  forgotten,  he  repeateth  it  again)  that  Christians 
are  bound  in  duty  one  to  another,  especially  all  subjects  to 
their  Princes,  according  to  the  Laws  and  Customs  of  the 
Kingdom  wherein  they  live.  Out  of  this,  will  men  except 
this  Loan  ;  because  there  is  neither  Law  nor  Custom  for 
it,  in  the  Kingdom  of  England. 

Secondly.  In  myjudgement, there  followeth  a  dangerous 
speech,  Habemus  nccessitatem  vijidicandae  libertatis.   (For 


^)^'fuiy^^27^  A  TRAP  TO  CATCH  THE  Archbishop.    319 

this  was  all  that  was  then  quoted  out  of  Calvin,  no 
mention  being  made  of  any  the  other  words  which  are, 
now,  in  the  printed  copy.)  For  when,  by  the  former  rule 
he  hath  set  men  at  liberty  whether  they  will  pay  or  not ;  he 
imposeth  upon  them  a  necessity  to  vindicate  this  liberty ; 
and  vindicare  may  be  extended  to  challenge  with  violence, 
cum  vi.  But,  for  my  part,  I  would  be  most  unwilling  to 
give  occasion  to  Sedition  and  Mutiny  in  the  kingdom  ! 

Again,  here  is  mention  made  of  Poll  Money;  which, 
as  I  have  heard,  hath  already  caused  much  distaste 
where  the  Sermon  was  preached. 

Moreover,  what  a  speech  is  this  ?  That  he  observes  the 
forwardness  of  the  Papists  to  offer  double  according  to  an  Act 
of  Parliament  so  providing;  yea,  to  profess  that  they  would 
part  with  the  half  of  their  goods  :  where  he  quoteth  in  the 
margent.  Anno  i.  Caroli,  the  Act  for  the  Subsidy  of  the 
Laity,  whereby  Popish  Recusants  were  to  pay  double ;  when 
indeed  there  is  no  such  Act ! 

And  in  the  fifth  place,  it  is  said  in  this  Sermon,  that 
the  Princes  of  Bohemia  have  power  to  depose  their  Kings,  as 
not  being  hereditary.  Which  is  a  great  question  :  such  a 
one  as  hath  cost  much  blood  ;  and  must  not  in  a  word 
be  absolutely  defined  here,  as  if  it  were  without  con- 
troversy. 

I  pray  you,  make  His  Majesty  acquainted  with  these 
things  !  and  take  the  book  with  you  1 
Where  it  is  to  be  noted,  that,  all  this  time,  we  had  but  one 
single  copy  [manuscript]  ;  which  was  sometimes  at  the  Court, 
and  sometimes  left  with  me. 

Murray.  I  will  faithfully  deliver  these  things  to  the  King, 
and  then  you  shall  hear  further  from  me  ! 

Some  two  or  three  days  after,  he  returneth  again  unto  me, 
and  telleth  me.  That  he  had  particularly  acquainted  the  King 
with  my  objections ;  and  His  Majesty  made  this  answer. 

First.     For  the  Laws  and  Customs  of  the  Kingdom, 

he  did  not  stand  upon  that.     He  had  a  precedent  for 

that  which  he  did,  and  thereon  he  would  insist. 

Archbishop.  I  think  that  to  be  a  mistaking;  for  I  fear  there 

will  be  found  no  such  precedent.    King  Henry  VHI.,  as  the 

Chronicle  sheweth,  desired  but  a  Sixth  Part  of  men's  estates, 


320  Discussions  over  the  manuscript  [f")^ jliiyfeTj'. 

Ten  Groats  in  the  Pound  :  our  King  desireth  the  whole  six 
parts,  full  out;  so  much  as  men  are  set  at  in  the  Subsidy  Book. 
And  in  the  time  of  King  Henry,  although  he  were  a  powerful 
King;  yet,  for  that  taxation,  there  began  against  him  little 
less  than  a  rebellion  ;  so  that  he  held  it  wisdom  to  desist ; 
and,  laying  the  blame  upon  Cardinal  WoLSEY,  professed  that 
"  he  knew  nothing  of  the  matter." 

Murray.  Secondly.  The  King  saith  for  the  words, 
Habemns  necessitatem  vindicandae uUcnuus;  he  taketh  them 
to  be  for  him,  and  he  will  stand  upon  his  liberty. 
Thirdly.  For  Poll  Money,  he  thinketh  it  lawful. 
Fourthly.  It  is  true,  there  was  no  such  Act  passed  ; 
and  therefore  it  must  be  amended.  (And  yet  in  the 
printed  book,  it  is  suffered  still  to  stand!  Such  slight, 
and,  I  may  say,  slovenly  care  was  had,  by  them  that 
published  this  Sermon.) 

And  fifthly.  For  that  of  Bohemia  :  he  hath  crossed  it 
out  of  the  book. 
Some  other  matters  there  were,  against  which  I  took 
exception  ;  but  Master  Murray  being  a  young  gentleman, 
although  witty  and  full  of  good  behaviour  :  I  doubted  that, 
being  not  deeply  seen  in  Divinity,  he  could  not  so  well  con- 
ceive me  or  make  report  of  my  words  to  His  Majesty  :  and 
therefore  I,  being  lame  and  so  disabled  to  wait  on  the  King, 
did  move  him,  that  "  He  would,  in  my  name,  humbly  beseech 
His  Majesty  to  send  [William  Laud,  then]  the  Bishop  of 
Bath  and  Wells  unto  me ;  and  I  would,  by  his  means,  make 
known  my  scruples."  And  so  I  dismissed  Master  Murray; 
observing  with  myself,  that  the  Answers  to  my  five  Objections 
especially  to  two  or  three  [of  them],  were  somewhat  strange  ; 
as  if  the  King  were  resolved  (were  it  to  his  good,  or  to  his 
harm)  to  have  the  book  go  forth. 

After  one  or  two  days  more,  the  young  Gentleman  cometh 
to  me  again,  and  telleth  me,  that  "The  King  did  not  think  it 
fit  to  send  the  Bishop  of  Bath  unto  me  ;  but  that  expecteth 
I  should  pass  the  book." 

In  the  meantime,  had  gone  over  one  High  Commission 
day ;  and  this  Bishop  (who  used  otherwise  on  very  few  days, 
to  fail)  was  not  there  :  which  being  joined  to  His  Majesty's 
message,  made  me,  in  some  measure  to  smell  that  this  whole 


^'"■fc^K.']  o  !•'  Doctor  S  i  b  t  ii  o  r  p's  S  e  r  m  o  n.  321 

business  might  iiave  that  Bishop's  hand  in  it ;  especially  I 
knowing  in  general,  the  disposition  of  the  man. 

The  minds  of  those  that  were  Actors  for  the  publishing  of 
the  book,  were  not  quiet  at  the  Court,  that  the  thing  was  not 
despatched.  Therefore,  one  day,  the  Duke  said  to  the  King, 
**  Do  you  see  how  this  business  is  deferred  !  If  more  expe- 
dition be  not  used,  it  will  not  be  printed  before  the  end  of 
the  Term:  at  which  time,  it  is  fit  that  it  be  sent  down  into 
the  countreys  [counties]."  So  eager  was  he,  that  either  by  my 
credit,  his  undertakings  might  be  strengthened ;  or  at  least, 
I  might  be  contemned  and  derided,  as  an  unworthy  fellow. 

This  so  quickened  the  King,  that  the  next  message  which 
was  sent  by  Master  Murray,  was  in  some  degree  minatory, 
**  That  if  I  did  not  despatch  it,  the  King  would  take  some 
other  course  with  me  !  " 

When  I  found  how  far  the  Duke  had  prevailed  ;  I  thought 
it  my  best  way,  to  set  down  in  writing,  many  objections, 
wherefore  the  book  was  not  fit  to  be  published :  which  I  did 
modestly,  and  sent  them  to  the  King. 

1.  (Page  2.)  These  words  deserve  to  be  well  weighed. 
And  whereas  the  Prince  pleads  not  the  Power  of  Prerogative. 

2.  (Page  8.)  The  King's  duty  is  first  to  direct  and  make 
Laws.  There  is  no  law  made  till  the  King  assent  unto 
it ;  but  if  it  be  put  simply  to  make  Laws,  it  will  make 
much  startling  at  it. 

3.  (Page  10.)  If  nothing  may  excuse  from  Active 
Obedience,  but  what  is  against  the  Law  of  GOD,  or  of 
Nature,  or  impossible  ;  how  doth  this  agree  with  the  first 
fundamental  position :  (Page  5.)  That  all  subjects  are 
bound  to  all  their  Princes,  according  to  the  Laws  and  Customs 
of  the  Kingdom  wherein  they  live. 

4.  (Page  II.)  This  is  a  fourth  Case  of  Exception.  The 
Poll  Money,  mentioned  by  him  in  Saint  Matthew,  was 
imposed  by  the  Emperor  as  a  Conqueror  over  the  Jews : 
and  the  execution  of  it  in  England,  although  it  was  by 
a  Law,  produced  a  terrible  effect  in  King  Richard  II.'s 
time  ;  when  only  it  was  used,  for  ought  that  appeareth. 

5.  (Page  12.)  It  is,  in  the  bottom,  View  of  the  reign 
of  Henry  III. ;  and  whether  it  be  fit  to  give  such 
allowance  to  the  book  ;  being  surreptitiously  put  out  ? 

X  2 


322  William  Laud,  drawn  to  the  quick  !  [^^y^'j^'iy^e"?! 

6.  (In  the  same  page.)  Let  the  largeness  of  those 
words  be  well  considered  !  Yea,  all  Antiquity  to  be  absolutely 
for  A  bsolute  Obedience  to  Princes,  in  all  Civil  and  Teinporal 
things.  For  such  cases  as  Naboth's  Vineyard,  may  fall 
within  this. 

7.  (Page  14.)     SiXTUS  V.  was  dead  before  1580. 

8.  (In  the  same  page.)  Weigh  it  well,  How  this 
Loan  may  be  called  a  Tribute  !  and  when  it  is  said.  We 
are  promised,  it  sliall  not  be  immoderately  imposed,  how 
agreeth  that,  with  His  Majesty's  Commission  and  Pro- 
clamation, which  are  quoted  in  the  margent  ? 

It  should  seem  that  this  paper  did  prick  to  the  quick  ;  and 
no  satisfaction  being  thereby  accepted.  Bishop  Laud  is 
called,  and  he  must  go  to  answer  to  it  in  writing. 

This  man  is  the  only  inward  [intimate]  counsellor  with 
Buckingham  :  sitting  with  him,  sometimes,  privately  whole 
hours;  and  feeding  his  humour  with  malice  and  spite. 

His  life  in  Oxford  was  to  pick  quarrels  in  the  Lectures  of 
the  Public  Readers,  and  to  advertise  [denounce]  them  to  the 
then  Bishop  of  Durham  [?  T.  Matthew,  or  his  successor, 
W.  James],  that  he  might  fill  the  ears  of  King  James  with 
discontents  against  the  honest  men  that  took  pains  in  their 
Places,  and  settled  the  truth  (that  he  called  Puritanism)  in 
their  auditors. 

He  made  it  his  work,  to  see  what  books  were  in  the 
press ;  and  to  look  over  Epistles  Dedicatory,  and  Prefaces  to  the 
Reader,  to  see  what  faults  might  be  found. 

It  was  an  observation  what  a  sweet  man  this  was  like[ly] 
to  be,  that  the  first  observable  act  that  he  did,  was  the 
marrying  of  the  Earl  of  D[evonshire]  to  the  Lady  R[ich] 
[See  Vol.  I.  p.  483]  :  when  it  was  notorious  to  the  world, 
that  she  had  another  husband,  and  the  same  a  nobleman, 
who  had  divers  children  then  living  by  her. 

King  James  did,  for  many  years,  take  this  so  ill,  that  he 
would  never  hear  of  any  great  preferment  of  him  :  insomuch 
that  Doctor  Williams,  the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  (who  taketh 
upon  him,  to  be  the  first  promoter  of  him)  hath  many  times 
said  "That  when  he  made  mention  of  Laud  to  the  King, 
His  Majesty  was  so  averse  from  it,  that  he  was  constrained 


T^Jui^iS-]  ^  ^  WILL  UNDERWORK  ANY  MAN  IN  THE  WORLD  1323 

oftentimes  to  say  that  '  He  would  never  desire  to  serve  that 
Master,  which  could  not  remit  one  fault  unto  his  servant.'  " 

Well,  in  the  end,  he  did  conquer  it,  to  get  him  [on  the  10th 
October,  1621]  the  Bishopric  of  St.  Davids  :  which  he  had 
not  long  enjoyed  ;  hut  he  began  to  undermine  his  benefactor, 
as,  at  this  day,  it  appeareth. 

The  Countess  of  Buckingham  told  Lincoln,  that  "  St. 
Davids  was  the  man  that  undermined  him  with  her  son." 
And,  verily,  such  is  his  aspiring  nature,  that  he  will  under- 
work any  man  in  the  world  1  so  that  he  may  gain  by  it. 

This  man,  who  believeth  so  well  of  himself,  framed  an 
Answer  to  my  Exceptions. 

But  to  give  some  countenance  to  it ;  he  must  call  in  three 
other  Bishops,  that  is  to  say,  Durham,  Rochester,  and 
Oxford,  tried  men  for  such  a  purpose!  and  the  style  of  the 
Speech  runneth,  "We,  and  We."  This  seemed  so  strong  a 
Confutation,  that,  for  reward  of  their  service,  as  well  as  for 
hope  that  they  would  do  more,  Doctor  Neyle,  Bishop  of 
Durham,  and  the  Bishop  of  Bath,  were  sworn  of  the  Privy 
Council. 

The  very  day,  being  Sunday,  Master  Murray  was  sent 
unto  me,  with  a  writing  :  but  finding  me  all  in  a  sweat,  by 
a  fit  of  the  stone  which  was  then  upon  me,  he  forbore,  for 
that  time,  to  trouble  me,  and  said,  "That  on  the  morrow, 
he  would  repair  to  me  again." 

I  got  me  to  bed,  and  lying  all  that  night  in  pain  ;  I  held  it 
convenient  not  to  rise  the  next  day. 

And  on  the  Monday,  Master  Murray  came  unto  me; 
which  was  the  eighth  time  that  he  had  been  with  me,  so 
incessantly  was  I  plied  with  this  noble  work. 

I  had  shewed  it  [the  Apostolical  Obedience]  to  a  friend  or 
two  :  whereof  the  one  was  a  learned  Doctor  of  Divinity ;  and 
the  other  had  served  many  times  in  Parliament  with  great 
commendation.  We  all  agreed  that  it  was  an  idle  work  of 
a  man  that  understood  not  Logic,  that  evidently  crossed 
[contradicted]  himself,  that  sometimes  spake  plausibly ;  and, 
in  the  end  of  his  Sermon,  [it]  fell  so  poor  and  flat,  that  it 
was  not  worth  the  reading. 

Master  Murray  coming  to   my  bedside,  said,  "  That  he 


324  The  Arciibp.  ever  loved  a  learned  man !  [^''P-jJ^iy ^5°J; 

was  sent  again  by  the  King,  and  had  a  paper  to  be  shewed 
unto  me." 

Archbishop.  You  see  in  what  case  I  am,  having  slept 
Httle  all  this  last  night ;  but  nevertheless  since  you  come 
from  the  King,  I  will  take  my  spectacles,  and  read  it. 

Murray.  No,  my  Lord !  You  may  not  read  it,  nor 
handle  it ;  for  I  have  charge  not  to  suffer  it  to  go  out  of  my 
hands. 

Archbishop.  How  then,  shall  I  know  what  it  is  ? 

Murray.  Yes,  I  have  order  to  read  it  unto  you !  but  I 
may  not  part  with  it. 

Archbishop.  I  must  conceive,  that  if  I  do  not  assent  to  it, 
His  Majesty  will  give  me  leave  to  reply  upon  it ;  which  I 
cannot  do,  but  in  my  study,  for  there  are  my  books. 

Murray.  I  must  go  with  you  into  your  study ;  and  sit  by 
you,  till  you  have  done. 

Archbishop.  It  is  not  so  hasty  a  work.  It  will  require 
time;  and  I  have  not  been  used  to  study,  one  sitting  by  me. 
But  first  read  it,  I  pray  you  ! 

The  young  gentleman  read  it  from  the  one  end  to  the 
other ;  being  two  or  three  sheets  of  paper. 

Archbishop.  This  Answer  is  very  bitter;  but  giveth  me  no 
satisfaction.  I  pray  you  leave  the  writing  with  me ;  and  I 
shall  batter  it  to  pieces. 

Murray.  No,  my  Lord !  I  am  forbidden  to  leave  it 
with  you,  or  to  suffer  you  to  touch  it. 

Archbishop.  How  cometh  this  about?  Are  the  authors 
of  it  afraid  of  it,  or  ashamed  of  it  ?  I  pray  you  tell  His 
Majesty  that  I  am  dealt  with  neither  manly,  nor  scholar  like. 
Not  manly,  because  I  must  fight  with  adversaries  that  I 
know  not :  not  scholar  like,  because  I  must  not  see  what  it 
is  that  must  confute  me.  It  is  now  eight  and  forty  years 
ago  [i.e.,  in  1579],  that  I  came  to  the  University;  and,  since 
that  time,  I  have  ever  loved  a  learned  man.  I  have  disputed 
and  written  divers  books,  and  know  very  well  what  apper- 
taineth  to  the  Schools. 

This  is  a  new  kind  of  learning  unto  me.  I  have  formerly 
found  fault,  that  the  author  of  this  Sermon  quoteth  not  the 
places,  whereupon  he  grounds  his  doctrine:  and  when  I  have 
oft  called  for  them,  it  is  replied  to  me  that  "  I  must  take 
them  upon  the  credit  of  the  Writer,"  which  I  dare  not  do. 


^yi'j^ij^^gj-]  He  refuses  to  license  the  Sermon.  325 

For  I  have  searched  but  one  place,  which  he  quoted  in 
general,  but  sets  down  neither  the  words,  nor  the  treatise, 
nor  the  chapter;  and  I  find  nothing  to  the  purpose  for  which 
it  is  quoted :  and  therefore  I  have  reason  to  suspect  all  the 
rest. 

I  pray  you,  therefore,  in  the  humblest  manner,  to  com- 
mend my  service  to  the  King  my  Master,  and  let  him  know 
that,  unless  I  may  have  all  the  quotations  set  down,  that 
I  may  examine  them  :  and  may  have  that  Writing,  wherein 
I  am  so  ill  used  :  I  cannot  allow  the  book  ! 

Before  I  go  further,  it  shall  not  be  amiss  to  touch  some 
particulars  of  that  which  I  sent  in  writing  to  the  King. 

The  First  was  Page  2.     These  words  deserve  to  be 
well  weighed.   And  whereas  the  Prince  pleads  not  the  power 
of  Prerogative. 
To  this,  Master  Murray  said,  "  The  King  doth  not  plead 
it." 

But  my  reply  was,  "  But  what  then,  doth  he  coerce  those 
refractories  ?  for  I  have  not  heard  of  any  Law,  whereby  they 
are  imprisoned  ;  and  therefore  I  must  take  it  to  be  by  the 
King's  Prerogative." 

To  the  Second  (Page  8).      TJie  King's  duty  is  first  to 

direct  and  make  Laws.     There  is  no  Law  made  till  the 

King  assent  unto   it ;  but  if  it  be  put   simply  to  make 

Laws,  it  will  cause  much  startling  at  it. 

To  this  I  remember  not  any  material  thing  was  answered ; 

neither  to  the  Third. 

(Page  10.)  If  nothing  may  excuse  from  Active  Obedience, 
but  what  is  against  the  Law  of  GOD,  or  of  Nature,  or 
impossible;  how  doth  this  agree  with  the  first  fundamen- 
tal position :  (Page  5.)  That  all  stcbjects  are  bound  to  all 
their  Princes,  according  to  the  Laws  and  Customs  of  the 
kingdom  wherein  they  live. 

This  is  a  fourth  case  of  Exception. 
And  here,  before  I  go  to  the  rest,  the  Doctor  did  truly  hit 
upon  a  good  point,  in  looking  to  the  Laws  and  CiLstoms,  if  he 
could  have  kept  him  to  it. 

For  in  my  memory,  and  in  the  remembrance  of  manj^ 
Lords  and  others  that  now  live.  Doctor  Harsenet,  the  then 
Bishop  of  Chichester,   and  now  of  Norwich,  in   Parlia- 


326  Abp.  Abbot's  Exceptions  to  the  Sermon,  [^^^j^ji^iL"?.' 

ment  time,  preached  at  Whitehall,  a  sermon  (which  was 
afterwards  burned)  upon  the  text.  Give  unto  Cmsar,  the  things 
that  he  Cjesar's!  wherein  he  insisted  that  "Goods  and 
Mone}'  were  Cesar's  ;  and  therefore  they  were  not  to  be 
denied  unto  him." 

At  this  time,  when  the  whole  Parliament  took  main  offence 
thereat.  King  James  was  constrained  to  call  the  Lords  and 
Commons  into  the  Banquetting  House  at  Whitehall :  and 
there  His  ]\Iajesty  called  all,  by  saying  "  The  Bishop  only 
failed  in  this,  when  he  said  The  goods  were  Caesar's,  he  did 
not  add  They  ivere  his,  according  to  the  Laws  and  Customs  of 
the  Country  wherein  they  did  live." 

So  moderate  was  our  Cesar  then,  as  I  myself  saw  and 
heard,  being  then  an  Eye  and  Ear  Witness :  for  I  was  then 
Bishop  of  London. 

To  the  Fourth.  The  Poll  Money,  in  Saini  Matthew, 
was  imposed  by  the  Emperor,  as  a  Conqueror  over  the 
Jews :  and  the  execution  of  it  in  England,  although  it 
was  by  a  Law,  produced  a  terrible  effect  in  Richard  H.'s 
time ;  when  only  it  was  used,  for  ought  that  appeareth. 

Here  the  Bishop,  in  the  Paper,  excepted  divers  things 
"  That  sometimes  among  us,  by  Act  of  Parliament,  strangers 
are  appointed  to  pay  by  the  poll :"  which  agreeth  not  with 
the  Case  :  and  that  "  It  was  not  well  to  bring  examples  out 
of  weak  times ;  whereas  we  live  in  better  :  but  it  was  a 
marvellous  fault,  the  blame  was  not  laid  upon  the  rebels  of 
that  Age." 

Those  are  such  poor  things,  that  they  are  not  worth  the 
answering. 

But  my  Objection,  in  truth,  prevailed  so  far,  that  in  the 
printed  book,  it  was  qualified  thus :  Poll  money,  other  persons, 
and  upon  some  occasions. 

Where,  obiter,  I  may  observe  that  my  refusing  to  sign  the 
Sermon,  is  not  to  be  judged  by  the  printed  book:  for  many 
things  are  altered  in  one,  which  were  in  the  other. 

To  the  Fifth  (Page  12).  It  is  in  the  bottom.  View  of 
the  reign  of  Henry  III.,  whether  it  be  fit  to  give  such 
allowance  to  the  book ;  being  surreptitiously  put  out  ? 

To  this,  it  was  said,  "  That  being  a  good  passage  out  of  a 
blameworthy  book,  there  was  no  harm  in  it." 

But  before  the  question  of  Sibthorp's  treatise  ;  the  Bishop 


^?^j^i^i627."]  AND  Bishop  Laud's  Answers  to  them.  32; 

of  Bath  himself,  being  with  me,  found  much  fault  with  that 
Treatise,  as  being  put  out  for  a  scandalous  Parallel  of  those 
times. 

To  the  Sixth,  in  the  same  page.     Let  the  largeness  of 

those  words  be  well  considered  !    Yea,  all  Antiquity  to  be 

absolutely  for  A  bsohite  Obedience  to  Princes,  in  all  Civil  and 

Temporal  Things.    For  such  cases  as  Naboth's  Vineyard 

may  fall  within  this. 

Here  the  Bishop  was  as  a  man  in  a  rage,  and  said,  "  That 

it  was  an  odious  comparison  !  for  it  must  suppose,  that  there 

must  be  an  Arab,  and  there  must  be  a  Jezebel,  and  I  cannot 

tell  what  !  " 

But  I  am  sure  my  Exception  standeth  true  ;  and  reviling 
and  railing  doth  not  satisfy  my  argument.  All  Antiquity 
taketh  the  Scripture  into  it :  and  if  I  had  allowed  that 
proportion  for  good,  I  had  been  justly  beaten  with  my  own 
rod. 

If  the  King,  the  next  day,  had  commanded  me  to  send  him 
all  the  money  and  goods  I  had  ;  I  must,  by  mine  own  rule, 
have  obeyed  him  !  and  if  he  had  commanded  the  like  to  all 
the  clergymen  in  England,  by  Doctor  Sibthorp's  proportion 
and  my  Lord  of  Canterbury's  allowing  of  the  same  ;  they 
must  have  sent  in  all !  and  left  their  wives  and  children  in  a 
miserable  case. 

Yea,  the  words  extend  so  far,  and  are  so  absolutely  de- 
livered, that  by  this  Divinity,  If  the  King  should  send  to  the 
city  of  London,  and  the  inhabitants  thereof,  commanding 
them  '*  to  give  unto  him  all  the  wealth  which  they  have," 
they  are  bound  to  do  it  1 

I  know  our  King  is  so  gracious,  that  he  will  attempt  no 
such  matter :  but  if  he  do  it  not,  the  defect  is  not  in  these 
flattering  Divines!  who,  if  they  were  called  to  question  for 
such  doctrine,  they  would  scarce  be  able  to  abide  it. 

There  is  a  Meum  and  a  Tuum  in  Christian  commonwealths, 
and  according  to  Laws  and  Customs,  Princes  may  dispose  of  it. 
That  saying  being  true.  Ad  reges,  potestas  omnium pertinet,  ad 
singulos,  proprietas. 

To  the  Seventh  (p.  14.),  Pius  V.  was  dead  before  the 
year  1580 ;  they  make  no  reply,  but  mend  it  in  the 
printed  book:  changing  it  into  Gregory  XIII. 

To  the  last  (on    the  same  page).      Weigh    it    well  ! 


328  AbP.'s  sanction  coveted  for  bad  deeds.  [^^?Pj^iy^6°5! 

How  this  Loan  may  be  called  a  Tribute  ;  and  when  it 
is  said,    We   are  promised   it  shall   not   be   immoderately 
imposed.     How  that  agreeth  with  His  Majesty's  Com- 
mission   and    Proclamation,  which   are   quoted   in    the 
margent  ? 
They  make  no  answer  but  in  the  published  Sermon,  dis- 
tinguish   a   Tribute   from    a   Loan    or   Aid  :    whereby  they 
acknowledge  it  was  not  well  before,  and  indeed  it  was  im- 
proper and  absurd  :  worthy  of  none  but  Doctor  Sibthorp. 

I  have  now  delivered  the  grounds,  whereupon  I  refused  to 
authorise  this  book :  being  sorry  at  my  heart,  that  the  King, 
my  gracious  Master,  should  rest  so  great  a  building  upon  so 
weak  a  foundation  ;  the  Treatise  being  so  slender,  and  with- 
out substance,  but  that  it  proceeded  from  a  hungry  man. 

If  I  had  been  in  Council,  when  the  Project  for  this  Loan 
was  first  handled,  I  would  have  used  my  best  reasons  to  have 
had  it  well  grounded  ;  but  I  was  absent,  and  knew  not  where-- 
upon  they  proceeded  :  only  I  saw,  it  was  followed  with  much 
vehemency.  And  since  it  was  put  in  execution,  I  did  not 
interpose  myself  to  know  the  grounds  of  one,  nor  of  the 
other. 

It  seemed  therefore  strange  unto  me,  that,  in  the  upshot 
of  the  business,  I  was  called  in,  to  make  that  good  by 
Divinity,  which  others  had  done ;  and  must  have  no  other 
inducement  to  it,  but  Doctor  Sibthorp's  contemptible 
treatise  ! 

I  imagined  this,  for  the  manner  of  the  carriage  of  it,  to  be 
somewhat  like  unto  the  Earl  of  Somerset's  case ;  who 
having  abused  the  wife  of  the  Earl  of  Essex,  must  have  her 
divorced  from  her  husband,  and  must  himself  marry  her. 
And  this  must  not  be  done ;  but  that  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  must  ratify  all,  judicially  ! 

I  know  the  cases  are  different ;  but  I  only  compare  the 
manner  of  the  carriage. 


When  the  approbation  of  the  Sermon  was  by  me  refused,  it 
was  carried  to  the  Bishop  of  London,  who  gave  a  great  and 


^^^■jii^l'S-]  The  fright  of  Dr.  W0RRAL.329 

stately  allowance  of  it  [It  was  entered  at  Stationers'  Hall, 
under  his  authority,  on  the  ^rd  May,  1627]  :  the  good  man 
being  not  willing  that  anything  should  stick  which  was  sent 
unto  him  from  the  Court  ;  as  appeareth  by  the  book  which  is 
commonly  called  The  Seven  Sacraments,  which  was  allowed 
by  his  Lordship,  with  all  the  errors !  which  since  that  time 
have  been  expunged  and  taken  out  of  it. 

But  before  this  passed  the  Bishop's  file,  there  is  one 
accident  which  fitly  cometh  in  to  be  recounted  in  this  place. 

My  Lord  of  London  hath  a  Chaplain,  Doctor  Worral  by 
name ;  who  is  scholar  good  enough,  but  a  kind  of  free  fellow 
like  man,  and  of  no  very  tender  conscience. 

Doctor  SiBTHORP's  Sermon  was  brought  unto  him ;  and 
"  hand  over  head  "  as  the  proverb  is,  he  approved  it,  and 
subscribed  his  name  unto  it :  but  afterwards,  being  better 
advised,  he  sendeth  it  to  a  learned  gentleman  of  the  Inner 
Temple ;  and  writing  some  few  lines  unto  him,  craveth  his 
opinion  of  that  which  he  had  done. 

The  Gentleman  read  it ;  but  although  he  had  promised  to 
return  his  judgement  by  letter,  yet  he  refused  so  to  do  :  but 
desired  Doctor  Worral  would  come  himself.  Which  being 
done,  he  spake  to  this  purpose,  "  What  have  you  done?  You 
have  allowed  a  strange  book  yonder  !  which,  if  it  be  true, 
there  is  no  Meum  or  Tuwn  !  no  man  in  England  hath  any- 
thing of  his  own !  If  ever  the  tide  turns,  and  matters  be 
called  to  a  reckoning ;  you  will  be  hanged  for  publishing  such 
a  book  !  " 

To  which,  the  Doctor  answered,  *'  Yea,  but  my  hand  is  to 
it !     What  shall  I  do  ?  " 

For  that,  the  other  replied,  "  You  must  scrape  out  your 
name  !  and  do  not  suffer  so  much  as  the  sign  of  any  letter  to 
remain  in  the  paper  !  " 

Which,  accordingly  he  did  ;  and  withdrew  his  finger  from 
the  pie. 

But  what  the  Chaplain,  well  advised,  would  not  do ;  his 
Lord,  without  sticking,  accomplished :  and  so,  being  un- 
sensibly  hatched,  it  came  flying  into  the  world  ! 

But  in  my  opinion,  the  book  hath  persuaded  very  few 
understanding  men  ;  and  hath  not  gained  the  King,  sixpence. 


330      All  the  Keys  of  England  hang  [^yj^ui^S^t 


Pars  Secunda. 

Itherto,  I  have  declared,  at  length,  all  passages 
concernmg  the  Sermon  ;  and,  to  my  remembrance, 
I  have  not  quitted  anything  that  was  worthy  the 
knowing.  I  am  now,  in  the  second  place,  to  shew 
what  was  the  issue  of  this  not  allowing  the 
worth}'  and  learned  Treatise. 

In  the  height  of  this  question,  I  privately  understood  from 
a  friend  in  the  Court,  that  "for  a  punishment  upon  me,  it 
was  resolved  that  I  should  be  sent  to  Canterbury,  and  con- 
fined there."  I  kept  this  silently,  and  expected  GOD's 
pleasure,  yet  laying  it  up  still  in  my  mind  :  esteeming  the 
Duke  to  be  of  the  number  of  them,  touching  whom,  Tacitus 
observeth,  that  such  as  are  false  in  their  love,  are  true  in  their 
hate  !  But  whatsoever  the  event  must  be,  I  made  use  of  the 
report,  thsit  j acuta  prcevisp  minus  feriunt. 

The  Duke,  at  the  firsl  was  earnest  with  the  King,  that  I 
must  be  presently  sent  away  before  his  going  to  sea  [He  left 
Portsmouth,  on  the  Rochelle  Expedition,  on  the  zyth  June]. 
"  For,  saith  he,  "  if  I  were  gone,  he  would  be  every  day  at 
Whitehall,  and  at  the  Council  table  !  and  there,  will  cross  all 
things  that  I  have  intended." 

To  meet  with  this  objection,  I  got  me  away  to  Croydon,  a 
month  sooner  than,  in  ordinary  years,  I  have  used  to  do ;  but 
the  Term  was  ended  early,  and  my  main  [strong]  fit  of  the 
stone  did  call  upon  me  to  get  me  to  the  country,  that  there 
on  horseback,  I  might  ride  on  the  downs  :  which  I  afterwards 
performed,  and,  I  thank  GOD  !  found  great  use  of  it  in  re- 
covering of  my  stomach,  which  was  almost  utterly  gone. 

The  Duke  hastened  his  preparations  for  the  fleet :  but  still 
that  cometh  in  for  one  memorandum,  "  That  if  he  were  once 
absent,  there  should  no  day  pass  over  but  that  the  Arch- 
bishop would  be  with  the  King,  and  infuse  things  that  would 
be  contrary  to  his  proceedings." 

What  a  miserable  and  restless  thing  ambition  is  !  When 
one  talented,  but  as  a  common  person;  yet  by  the  favour  of 
his  Prince,  hath  gotten  that  Interest,  that,  in  a  sort,  all  the 


^j^'j^i^^i'g"?:]  AT  THE  Duke  of  Buckingham's  girdle. 


1 1 


Ke3'S  of  England  hang  at  his  girdle  (which  the  wise  Queen 
Elizabeth  would  never  endure  in  any  subject) ;  yet  standeth 
in  his  own  heart,  in  such  tickle  terms,  as  that  he  feareth 
every  shadow,  and  thinketh  that  the  lending  of  the  King's 
ear  unto  any  grave  and  well  seasoned  report,  may  blow  him 
out  of  all !  which  in  his  estimation,  he  thinketh  is  settled  on 
no  good  foundation,  but  the  affection  of  the  Prince  ;  which 
may  be  mutable,  as  it  is  in  all  men,  more  or  less.  If  a  man 
would  wish  harm  unto  his  enemy ;  could  he  wish  him  a 
greater  torment,  than  to  be  wrested  and  wringed  with  ambi- 
tious thoughts  1 

Well,  at  first,  it  went  current,  that  "  with  all  haste,  I  must 
be  doffed  !  "  but,  upon  later  consideration,  "  it  must  be  stayed 
till  the  Duke  be  at  sea,  and  then  put  in  execution  by  the 
King  himself ;  that,  as  it  seemeth,  Buckingham  might  be  free 
from  blame,  if  any  should  be  laid  upon  any  person." 

Hence  it  was,  that,  after  his  going,  there  was  a  new  prose- 
cution of  the  Yorkshire  men ;  and  the  refusing  Londoners 
were  pursued  more  fervently  than  before  :  and  it  is  very 
likely  that  the  arrow  came  out  of  the  same  quiver,  that  the 
Bishop  coming  to  the  election  at  Westminster,  was  driven 
back  so  suddenly  to  Bugden. 

Take  heed  of  these  things,  noble  Duke  I  You  put  your 
King  to  the  worst  parts !  whereof  you  may  hear,  one  day  ! 
So  when  your  Sovereign,  in  the  Parliament  time,  had  spoken 
sharply  to  both  Houses,  commanding  them  "  To  go  together 
again,  and  to  give  more  money !  "  and  commanding  them  to 
"  meddle  no  more  with  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  !  "  you 
came,  the  next  day,  and  thought  to  smooth  all,  taking  the 
glory  of  qualifying  disturbances  to  yourself!  Whereas,  if 
you  read  books  of  true  State  Government  (wherewithal  you 
are  not  acquainted !),  sweet  things  are  personally  to  be  acted 
by  Kings  and  Princes,  as  giving  of  honours,  and  bestowing  of 
noted  benefits  ;  and  those  things  that  are  sour  and  distasting, 
are  to  be  performed  by  their  Ministers.  You  go  the  contrary 
way! 

But  as  before  the  whole  house  falleth  on  fire,  some  sparks 
do  fly  out ;  so,  before  the  message  of  the  King  was  brought 
by  the  Secretary  [of  State],  there  were  some  inklings  that 
such  a  thing  would  follow.  And  upon  the  naming  of  me, 
by  occasion    [incidentally],   it  was  said  by  a  creature  of  the 


332  Conway  conveys  the  King's  command  [^Yfuiy^e^i'. 

Duke,  that  "  It  would  not  be  long,  before  the  Archbishop 
should  be  sequestered  !  "  that  was  the  word.  So  well  ac- 
quainted are  the  Duke's  followers,  with  great  actions  that  are 
likely  to  fall  out  in  State. 

Accordingly  on  Tuesday,  the  5th  of  July,  1627,  the  Lord 
Conway  [Secretary  of  State]  came  to  me  to  Croydon,  before 
dinner-time  ;  "  having  travelled,"  as  he  said,  "  a  long  journey 
that  morning,  even  from  Oatlands  thither." 

He  would  say  nothing  till  he  had  dined.  Then,  because 
he  was  to  return  to  Oatlands  that  night,  I  took  him  into  the 
gallery :  and  when  we  were  both  sat  down,  we  fell  to  it,  in 
this  manner. 

My  Lord  !  I  know  you,  coming  from  Court,  have  some- 
what to  say  to  me. 

Secretary.  It  is  true,  My  Lord  !  and  I  am  the  most  unwil- 
ling man  in  the  world,  to  bring  unpleasing  news  to  any 
Person  of  Quality,  to  whom  I  wish  well ;  and  especially  to 
such  a  one,  as  of  whose  meat  I  have  eaten,  and  been  merry 
at  his  house :  but  I  come  from  the  King,  and  must  deliver 
his  pleasure  (I  know  who  you  are  !  and  much  more)  with 
very  civil  language. 

Archbishop.  I  doubt  not,  my  Lord  !  but  you  have  some- 
what to  say  ;  and  therefore,  I  pray  you,  in  plain  terms,  let  me 
have  it ! 

Secretary.  It  is  then  His  Majesty's  pleasure,  that  you 
should  withdraw  yourself  unto  Canterbury!  for  which,  he 
will  afford  you  some  convenient  time. 

Archbishop.  Is  that  it !  Then  I  must  use  the  words  of 
the  Psalmist,  **  He  shall  not  be  afraid  of  any  evil  tidings ;  for 
his  heart  standeth  fast,  and  believeth  in  the  LORD  !  "  But, 
I  pray  you,  what  is  my  fault  that  bringeth  this  upon  me  ? 

Secretary.  The  King  saith,  you  know ! 

Archbishop.  Truly,  I  know  none,  unless  it  be  that  I  am 
lame ;  which  I  cannot  help.  It  is  against  my  will,  and  I  am 
not  proud  of  it. 

Secretary.  The  King  bade  me  tell  you,  "  That  if  any  expos- 
tulation were  used  " 

Archbishop.  No,  I  will  not  use  any  expostulation  !  If  it 
be  his  pleasure,  I  will  obey.  I  know  myself  to  be  an  honest 
jnan,   and  therefore  fear  nothing;  but,   my    Lord!    do  you 


^?'' ji'i^i627."]TO  THE  Archbishop,  to  imprison  himself!  333 

think  it  is  for  the  King's  service,  in  this  sort,  to  send  me 
away  ? 

Secretary.  No,  by  GOD  !  I  do  not  think  it :  and  so,  yester- 
day, I  told  the  King  with  an  oath ;  but  he  will  have  it  so. 

Archbishop.  I  must  say,  as  before,  "  He  shall  not  be  afraid  of 
any  evil  tidings;  for  his  heart  standeth  fast,  and  he  believeth  in 
the  LORD  ! "  But,  I  pray  you,  my  Lord  !  is  the  King  precisely 
set  upon  my  going  to  Canterbury.  There  are  questions  in 
law  between  me  and  that  town,  about  the  liberties  of  my 
Archbishopric  ;  which  I,  by  my  oath,  am  bound  to  maintain  : 
and  if  I  should  be  among  them,  I  have  many  adversaries  of 
the  citizens.  I  have  there  some  tenants,  and  the  Dean  and 
Chapter  are  interested  in  the  question.  I  would  be  unwilling 
that  my  servants  and  their  people  should  fall  together  by  the 
ears,  while  I  am  in  the  town. 

His  Majesty  knoweth  this  difference  to  be  between  us,  by 
the  token  that  a  suit,  which  I  lately  brought  against  them,  by 
a  Quo  Warranto  in  the  King's  Bench,  was  stopped :  justice 
being  denied  me,  which  is  not  usual  to  be  denied  to  any 
subject ;  and  the  King  well  knoweth,  by  whose  means  it 
was  stayed. 

I  have  therefore  another  house  called  Foord,  five  miles 
beyond  Canterbury,  and  more  out  of  the  way.  His  Majesty 
may  be  pleased  to  let  me  go  thither. 

Secretary.  I  can  say  nothing  to  that,  but  I  will  acquaint 
the  King  with  it;  and  I  conceive  nothing  to  the  contrary,  but 
that  His  Majesty  will  yield  so  much  unto  you. 

I  have  a  second  Charge  to  deliver  unto  you,  and  that  is 
that  "  His  Majesty  will  not  have  you,  from  henceforth,  to 
meddle  with  the  High  Commission.  He  will  take  care  that 
it  shall  be  done  otherwise." 

Archbishop.  I  do  not  doubt  but  it  shall  be  better  managed 
than  it  hath  been  by  me :  and  yet,  my  Lord !  I  will  tell  you, 
that,  for  these  many  years  that  I  have  had  the  direction  of 
that  Court,  the  time  is  to  come,  that  ever  honest  man  did  find 
fault  that  he  had  not  there  justice  done. 

Secretary.  It  is  now  Vacation  time,  and  so  consequently 
little  to  do ;  and  by  Michaelmas,  His  Majesty  may  set  all  in 
order. 

Archbishop.  I  am  sorry  the  King  proceedeth  thus  with  me, 
and  letteth  me  not  know  the  cause. 


334   The  Archbp.  comforted  at  knowing  ['^^?p-J;i^i6°5; 

Secretary.  Although  I  have  no  commission  to  tell  3-ou  so. 
It  is  for  a  book  which  you  would  not  allow,  which  concerned 
the  King's  service. 

Archbishop.  If  that  be  it;  when  I  am  questioned  for  it,  I 
doubt  not  but  to  give  an  honest  answer. 

Secretary.  You  will  never  be  questioned  for  it ! 

Archbishop.  Then  am  I  the  more  hardly  dealt  withal ;  to 
be  Censured,  and  not  called  to  my  answer. 

Secretary.  Well,  my  Lord  !  I  will  remember  that  of  Foord: 
and  will  your  Grace  command  me  any  more  service  ? 

Archbishop.  No,  my  Lord  !  but  GOD  be  with  you  !  Only 
I  end  where  I  began,  with  the  words  of  the  Prophet,  "  He 
shall  not  be  afraid  for  any  evil  tidings;  for  his  heart  standeth 
fast,  and  believeth  in  the  LORD  !  " 

It  comforted  me  not  a  little,  that  the  word  was  now  out : 
"  My  confining  must  be,  for  not  allowing  of  a  book  !  "  I  had 
much  ado  to  forbear  smiling  when  I  heard  it :  because  now 
it  was  clear,  it  was  not  for  felony  or  treason  that  was  laid  to 
my  charge,  nor  for  intelligence  with  the  Spaniards  or  French, 
nor  for  correspondency  [correspondence]  with  Jesuits  and 
Seminary  Priests  ;  I  thank  GOD  for  that  1 

I  had  almost  forgotten  that,  among  many  other  memorable 
speeches  that  passed  between  us,  I  used  this  one,  that  "  Per- 
adventure,  the  King  might  be  offended  at  me,  because  I  was 
no  more  present  at  the  matter  of  the  Loan;  but,"  said  I, 
"  my  lameness  hindered  me  therein  ;  and  I  hoped  thereby  to 
do  my  Master  better  service.  Because  if  ever  course  were 
taken  to  reconcile  the  King  and  his  people  (which  if  it  be 
not,  this  Kingdom  will  rue  it  in  the  end !),  I  would  hope, 
among  many  others,  to  be  a  good  instrument  therein,  since 
my  hand  hath  not  been  in  those  bitternesses,  which  have,  oi'' 
late,  fallen  out." 

"You  say  well!"  said  the  Secretary;  "would  you  that  1 
should  tell  the  King  so  much  ?  " 

"  Yea,"  said  I,  "  if  you  please,  I  hold  it  not  unfit  that  His 
Majesty  should  know  it." 

What  he  reported  therein,  I  know  not :  but  matters  pro- 
ceeded in  the  former  course,  as  if  there  were  no  regard  had 
of  any  such  thing. 


^?''j!i"lyi627'.] '^HE    CAUSE    OF    HIS    SEQUESTRATION.     335 

The  Lord  Conway  being  gone  from  me  for  two  or  three 
days ;  I  expected  to  hear  the  resolution  [as]  to  what  place  in 
Kent,  I  should  betake  myself.  And  receiving  no  news,  I 
tossed  many  things  in  my  mind,  as  perhaps  that  the  King 
desired  to  hear  somewhat  from  the  Duke,  how  he  sped  on 
his  journey  [expedition];  or  that  peradventure  he  might  alter 
his  purpose,  upon  report  of  my  ready  obeying;  or  that  it 
might  so  fall  out,  that  some  of  the  Lords  at  the  Court, 
understanding,  upon  the  Secretary's  return  from  Croydon, 
that  which  was  formerly  concealed  from  them,  might  infuse 
some  other  counsels  into  the  King. 

These  thoughts  I  revolved.  At  last, not  forgetting  the  courses 
of  the  Court,  and  imprinting  that  into  my  heart,  that  there 
was  no  good  intended  towards  me,  but  that  any  advantage  would 
be  taken  against  me,  I  sent  a  man  to  Whitehall,  whither  the 
King  was  now  come  for  a  night  or  two,  and  by  him,  I  wrote 
to  the  Lord  Conway,  in  these  words 


My    very   good    Lord, 

Do  not  forget  the  message,  which  you  brought  unto  me 
on  Thursday  last;  and  because  I  have  heard  nothing 
from  you  since  that  time,  I  send  this  messenger  on 
purpose  to  know  what  is  resolved  touching  the  house  or 
houses  where  I  mrist  remain.  There  belong  to  the  Archbishopric, 
three  houses  in  Kent :  one  at  Canterbury ;  another  five  miles 
beyond,  called  Foord;  and  a  third,  on  the  side  of  Canterbury, 
but  two  miles  off,  the  name  whereof  is  Beeksbu.rn. 

I  pray  your  Lordship  to  let  me  know  His  Majesty's  pleasure, 
whether  he  will  leave  the  choice  of  any  of  those  houses  to  reside  in, 
to  me  ? 

I  have  reason  to  know  the  resolution  thereof :  because  I  must 
make  my  provision  of  wood  and  coals  and  hay  for  some  definite 
place;  and  when  I  shall  have  brewed,  it  is  fit  I  shoidd  know 
where  to  put  it,  or  else  it  will  not  serve  the  turn.  It  is  an 
unseasonable  time  to  brew  now,  and  as  untimely  to  cut  wood  (it 
being  green  in  the  highest  degree),  and  to  make  coals  ;  without  all 
which,  my  House  cannot  be  kept.  But  when  I  shall  know  what 
must  be  my  habitation,  I  will  send  down  my  servants  presently  [at 
once]  to  make  the  best  provision  they  can. 


336  The  King  expects,  that  he  shall  not  ["^^^  j^i^^e";'". 

And  so,  expecting  your  Lordship's  answer,  I  leave  you  to  the 
Almighty,  and  remain, 

Your  Lordship's  very  loving  friend, 

G.    Cant. 
Croydon,  July  lo,  1627. 

He  made  my  servant  stay :  and  when  he  had  gone  up  to 
know  the  King's  pleasure,  he  returned  me  the  answer 
following. 

May  it  please   your  Grace, 

Am  ashamed,  and  do  confess  my  fault,  that  I  wrote  not 
to  your  Grace  before  I  received  your  reproof,  though  a 
gracious  one;  but,  in  truth,  I  did  not  neglect,  nor 
forget :  but  the  continual  oppression  of  business  would 
not  permit  me  to  advertise  to  your  Grace,  the  King's  Answer. 

His  Majesty  heard  seriously  your  professions  and  answers,  and 
commanded  me  to  signify  unto  you  that  "He  knew  not  the  present 
differences  between  you  and  the  town  [i.e.,  of  Canterbury] ;  and 
if  he  had,  he  would  not  have  cast  you  into  that  inconvenience." 
He  was  well  pleased  you  shoidd  go  to  your  house  at  Foord ;  and 
said,  "He  did  not  expect  when  the  question  was  ended  between 
your  Grace  and  the  town,  that  you  should  go  to  Canterbury." 

And  he  further  said,  '*  He  would  not  tie  you  to  so  short  a  time, 
as  might  be  any  way  inconvenient ;  but  doth  expect  that  your 
Grace  will  govern  it  so,  as  His  Majesty  shall  not  need  to  warn  you 
a  second  time." 

I  will  not  fail  to  move  His  Majesty  to  give  you  liberty  to  choose 
either  of  the  houses  you  name,  and  give  you  knowledge  of  his 
pleasure,  and  in  all  things  be  ready  to  obey  your  commandments, 
or  take  occasion  to  serve  you  in  the  condition  of 

Your  Grace's 

Most  humble  servant, 

C  0  N  w  a  y  , 
Whitehall,  July  10,  1627. 

I  could  not  but  observe  therein  that  passage,  that  the  King 
doth  expect  your  Grace  will  so  govern  it,  as  His  Majesty  shall  not 
need  to  warn  you  a  second  time. 


^Yfnly^eTj^  NEED   TO    GIVE   A   SECOND    WARNING!      T,;^'/ 

I  needed  no  interpreter  to  expound  those  words,  and  there- 
fore did  take  order  that  one  of  my  officers  was  presently 
despatched  unto  Foord,  to  see  the  house  ready. 

While  necessaries  were  caring  for,  and  I  lay  for  some  days 
at  Croydon,  and  afterwards  at  Lambeth ;  the  city  of  London 
was  filled  with  the  report  of  "  my  confining  "  (for  so  they  did 
term  it),  and  divers  men  spake  diversely  of  it. 

I  will  not  trouble  myself  to  mention  some  idle  things  ; 
but  some  other  of  them  require  a  little  consideration.  A 
main  matter,  that  the  Duke  was  said  "  to  take  in  ill  part," 
was  the  resort  which  was  made  to  my  house,  at  the  times 
of  dinner  and  supper,  and  that,  oftentimes,  of  such  as  did  not 
love  him. 

My  answer  unto  that  is.  That,  by  nature,  I  have  been  given 
to  keep  a  house  according  to  my  proportion,  since  I  have  had 
any  means,  and  GOD  hath  blessed  me  in  it.  That  it  is  a 
property,  by  Saint  Paul  required  in  a  Bishop,  that  "  He 
should  be  given  to  hospitality  " ;  that  it  is  another  of  his 
rules,  "  Let  your  conversation  be  without  covetousness !  " 
and  those  things,  I  had  in  mine  eyes.  Besides  I  have  no 
wife,  nor  child  :  and  as  for  my  kindred,  I  do  that  for  them 
which  I  hold  fit ;  but  I  will  not  rob  the  Church,  nor  the  poor, 
for  them  ! 

Again,  it  is  so  rare  a  fault  in  these  things,  that  men  not 
feeding  on  the  King's  meat,  but  of  their  own  charge,  should 
frankly  entertain  their  friends  when  they  come  unto  them ; 
that  I  deserve  to  be  pardoned  for  it ! 

But  this  is  not  all.  When  King  James  gave  me  the 
Bishopric,  he  did  once  between  him  and  me,  and  another 
time  before  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  charge  me  that  "  I  should 
carry  my  house  nobly !  "  that  was  His  Majesty's  word,  "  and 
live  like  an  Archbishop  !  "  which  I  promised  him  to  do.  And 
when  men  came  to  my  house,  who  were  of  all  Civil  sorts,  I 
gave  them  friendly  entertainment :  not  sifting  what  exceptions 
the  Duke  made  against  them  ;  for  I  knew  he  might  as  un- 
deservedly think  ill  of  others,  as  he  did  of  me.  But  I  meddled 
with  no  man's  quarrels  :  and  if  I  should  have  received  none, 
but  such  as  cordially,  and  in  truth  had  loved  him  ;  I  might 
have  gone  to  dinner  many  times  without  company  ! 

V  2 


338  The  Archbp.'s  visitors  at  Lambeth,[^^Pj^-,^^^^ 

There,  frequented  me  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  divers 
Privy  Councillors,  as  occasion  served,  and  men  of  the  highest 
rank  :  where,  if  the  Duke  thought  that  we  had  busied  our- 
selves about  him,  he  was  much  deceived.  Yet,  perhaps  the 
old  saying  is  true,  "  A  man  who  is  guilty  of  one  evil  to  him- 
self; thinketh  that  all  men  that  talk  together,  do  say  some- 
what of  him  !  "  I  do  not  envy  him  that  happiness  ;  but  let  it 
ever  attend  him  I 

As  for  other  men,  of  good  sort,  but  of  lesser  quality ;  I  have 
heard  some  by  name,  to  whom  exception  has  been  taken  :  and 
these  are  three.  I  know  from  the  Court  by  a  friend,  that  my 
house,  for  a  good  space  of  time,  hath  been  watched ;  and  I 
marvel  that  they  have  not  rather  named  sixty,  than  three. 

The  First  of  these,  is  Sir  Dudley  Digges,  a  very  great 
mote  in  the  Duke's  eye,  as  I  am  informed  :  for  it  is  said  that 
this  Knight  hath  paid  him  in  Parliament,  with  many  sharp 
speeches.  If  this  be  so,  yet  what  is  that  to  me  ?  He  is  of 
age  to  answer  for  himself  ! 

But  in  the  time  of  the  late  Parliament,  when  the  Earl  of 
Carlisle  came  unto  me,  and  dealt  with  me  thereabouts  ;  I 
gave  him  my  word,  and  I  did  it  truly,  that  I  was  not  ac- 
quainted with  these  things  :  only,  being  sick  as  I  was,  I  had 
in  general  given  him  advice  that  he  should  do  nothing  that 
might  give  just  offence  to  the  King.  And  I  have  credibly 
heard  that  when  Sir  Dudley  was  last  in  the  Fleet,  committed 
from  the  Council  table ;  he  was  much  dealt  with,  to  know 
whether  he  was  not  instigated  by  me  to  accuse  the  Duke  in 
Parliament :  the  Knight,  with  all  the  protestations  and  as- 
surances that  could  come  from  a  Gentleman,  acquitted  me  of 
the  part  and  whole:  wherein  he  did  me  but  right. 

And  I  do  remember,  when  that  man,  now  so  hated !  was  a 
great  servant  of  the  Duke.  So  that  if  he  have  now  left  him, 
it  cannot  but  be  presumed  that  it  is  for  some  unworthy 
carriage,  which  the  Gentleman  conceiveth  hath,  by  that  Lord, 
been  offered  unto  him. 

Moreover,  how  can  I  but  imagine  the  words  and  actions  of 
Sir  Dudley  Digges  have  been  ill  interpreted  and  reported ; 
when  I  myself  saw  the  Duke  stand  up  nine  times  in  a  morn- 
ing, in  a  Parliament  House,  to  fasten  upon  him  words  little 
less,  if  at  all  less  than  treason  ;  when  by  the  particular  votes 


^?^J^l^i627'.]    PENDING    HIS    REMOVING   TO    FoORD.     339 

of  all  the  Lords  and  Commons  in  both  Houses,  he  was  quit 
[acquitted]  of  those  things,  which  the  other  would  have 
enforced  upon  him.  And  a  little  while  before,  he  was  hastily 
clapped  into  the  Tower ;  and  within  a  day  or  two  released 
again,  because  nothing  was  proved  against  him  ! 

And  I  assure  you,  I  am  so  little  interested  in  his  actions, 
that,  to  this  day,  I  could  never  learn  the  reason  why  he  was 
imprisoned  in  the  Fleet ;  although  he  was  kept  there  for  seven 
or  eight  weeks. 

I  distinguish  the  King,  from  the  Duke  of  Buckingham. 
The  one  is  our  Sovereign,  by  the  laws  of  GOD  and  men  !  the 
other,  a  subject  !  as  we  are  :  and  if  any  subject  do  impeach 
another,  though  of  different  degrees ;  let  the  party  grieved, 
remedy  himself  by  Law,  and  not  by  Power  ! 

But,  to  speak  further  for  this  Knight,  I  may  not  forget  that 
when  he  was  publicly  employed  (one  time  to  the  Hague,  a 
second  time  to  Muscovia,  and  thirdly  into  Ireland  about 
Affairs  of  the  State),  such  opinions  as  were  then  held  of  his 
good  endeavours. 

As  for  my  own  part,  ever  since  the  days  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, I  have  been  nearly  acquainted  with  him.  He  was  my 
pupil  at  Oxford,  and  a  very  towardly  one ;  and  this  knowledge, 
each  of  the  other,  hath  continued  unto  this  time.  He  calleth 
me,  Father;  and  I  term  his  wife,  my  daughter.  His  eldest 
son  is  my  godson  ;  and  their  children  are  in  love  accounted 
my  grandchildren. 

The  Second  that  I  have  heard  named,  was  Sir  Francis 
Harrington  :  a  Gentleman,  whom  for  divers  years,  I  have 
not  seen  ;  and  who,  for  ought  I  know,  was  never  in  my  house 
but  once  in  his  life. 

The  Third  was  Sir  Thomas  Wentworth  [who  after  Fel- 
TON  murdered  BUCKINGHAM  on  the  2yd  August,  1628,  went  over 
to  the  Court,  and  ultimately  became  Earl  of  Strafford]  ;  who 
had  good  occasion  to  send  unto  me,  and  sometimes  to  see  me ; 
because  we  were  joint  executors  to  Sir  George  Savile,  who 
married  his  sister,  and  was  my  pupil  at  Oxford.  To  whose 
son  also,  Sir  Thomas  Wentworth  and  I  were  Guardians, 
as  may  appear  in  the  Court  of  Wards ;  and  many 
things  passed  between  us  in  that  behalf :  yet,  to  my 
remembrance,  I  saw  not  this  gentleman  but  once,  in  these 


340  The  true  use  of  the  High  Commission.  [^'?^  jiiy  i^. 

three-quarters  of  a  year  last  past  [i.e.,  since  October,  1626]:  at 
which  time,  he  came  to  seek  his  brother-in-law,  the  Lord 
Clifford,  who  was  then  with  me  at  dinner  at  Lambeth. 

For  one  of  the  punishments  laid  upon  me,  it  was  told  me 
by  the  Lord  Conway,  that  "  I  must  meddle  no  more  with 
the  High  Commission."  Accordingly,  within  a  few  days 
after,  a  Warrant  is  sent  to  the  Attorney-General,  that  the 
Commission  must  be  renewed,  and  the  Archbishop  must  be 
left  out.  This,  under  hand,  being  buzzed  about  the  town, 
with  no  small  mixture  of  spite ;  I  conceived  it  to  be  agree- 
able to  [correspond  with]  the  proceedings  with  [against]  the 
Lords  and  Gentlemen,  who  refused  to  contribute  to  the  Loan: 
they  all  being  laid  aside  in  the  Commissions  for  Lieutenancy, 
and  of  the  Peace,  in  their  several  counties. 

For  my  part,  I  had  no  cause  to  grieve  at  this,  since  it  was 
His  Majesty's  pleasure !  but  it  was,  by  the  actors  therein 
understood  otherwise ;  they  supposing  that  this  power  gave 
me  the  more  authority  and  splendour  in  the  Church  and 
Commonwealth. 

To  deliver  therefore,  truly,  the  state  of  this  question.  It 
cannot  be  denied  but  that  it  was  a  great  point  of  policy  for 
the  establishing  of  order  in  the  Ecclesiastical,  and  conse- 
quently Civil  Estate  also,  to  erect  such  a  Court :  whereby 
Church-men  [clergy]  that  exorbitated  [exceeded  hounds]  in  any 
grievous  manner,  might  be  castigated  and  rectified ;  and 
such  sort  of  crimes  in  the  laity  might  be  censured  [judged] 
as  were  of  Ecclesiastical  Cognisance.  And,  verily,  this  is  of 
great  use  in  the  kingdom,  as  well  for  cherishing  the  study  of 
the  Civil  Law,  as  otherwise ;  so  that  it  be  kept  incorruptible, 
and  with  that  integrity  as  so  grave  a  Meeting  and  Assembly 
requireth.  This  was  principally  my  care ;  who  took  much 
pains  and  spent  much  money  that,  in  fair  and  commendable 
sort,  justice  was  indifferently  [impartially]  administered  to 
all  the  King's  people  that  had  to  do  with  us. 

But  every  one  might  see  that  this  was  to  my  singular 
trouble  !  For  besides  that  to  keep  things  in  a  straight  course, 
sometimes  in  fits  of  the  gout  I  was  forced  to  be  carried  into 
the  Court  by  my  servants ;  where  I  could  not  speak  much, 
but  with  difficulty:   I  was,  at  no  time,  free  from  petitions; 


^^^■j^i^i627.]    Its  great  cost  to  the  Archbishop.    341 

from  examinations  ;  from  signing  of  warrants  to  call  some, 
to  release  others ;  from  giving  way  to  speeding,  and  forward- 
ing Acts  of  Court.  Suitors,  as  their  fashion  is,  being  so  im- 
portunate as  that,  in  summer  and  winter,  in  the  day  and  in 
the  night,  in  sickness  and  health,  they  would  not  be  denied  ! 

These  things  were  daily  despatched  by  me  out  of  Duty ; 
and  more,  out  of  Charity ;  no  allowance  of  pay  being  from 
the  King,  or  of  fee  from  the  subject  to  us  that  were  the 
Judges.  Nay,  I  may  say  more.  The  holding  of  that  Court, 
in  such  sort  as  I  did,  was  very  expenseful  to  me,  out  of  my 
private  purse,  in  giving  weekly  entertainment  to  the  Com- 
missioners. The  reason  whereof  was  this.  King  James 
being  desirous,  when  he  made  me  Archbishop,  that  all 
matters  should  gravely  and  honourably  be  carried,  directed 
me  that  I  should  always  call  some  of  the  Bishops  that  were 
about  London,  and  some  Divines  and  Civilians  [Doctors  of 
the  Civil  Law],  that,  by  a  good  presence,  causes  might  be 
handled  for  the  reputation  of  the  action  :  and  willed  me 
withal,  to  imitate  therein  the  Lord  Archbishop  Whitgift, 
who  invited  weekly  some  of  the  Judges  to  dinner,  the  rather 
to  allure  them  thither.  This  advice  proceeded  from  [John 
Bridgman]  the  Bishop  of  Durham  that  now  is ;  which  was  not 
ill,  if  it  came  from  a  good  intention. 

I  obeyed  it,  singly;  and  did  that  which  was  enjoined. 
But  whereas  in  those  times,  the  Commissioners  were  but 
few :  since  that  time  there  hath  been  such  an  inundation 
of  all  sorts  of  men  into  that  Company  [i.e.,  the  High  Coin- 
mission],  that,  without  proportion,  both  Lords  Spiritual  and 
Temporal,  Commissioners  and  not  Commissioners,  resorted 
thither ;  and  divers  of  them  brought  so  many  of  their  men, 
that  it  was  truly  a  burthen  to  me.  I  think  it  may,  by  my 
Officers,  be  justified  upon  oath,  that  since  I  was  Archbishop, 
the  thing  alone  hath  cost  me,  out  of  my  private  estate  [i.e., 
official  income  as  Archbishop],  one  and  a  half  thousand 
pounds;  and  if  I  did  say  two  thousand  pounds,  it  were  not 
much  amiss :  besides  all  the  trouble  of  my  servants,  who, 
neither  directly  nor  indirectly,  gained  sixpence  thereby  in  a 
whole  year,  but  only  travail  and  pains  for  their  Master's 
honour;  and  of  that,  they  had  enough  !  my  houses  being  Hke 
a  great  host[el]ry  every  Thursday  in  the  Term  ;  and  for  my 
expenses,  no  man  giving  me  so  much  as  thanks ! 


342  Whythe  Abp.  did  not  attend  Council.  [^^,''"_^"i^52°j! 

Now  this  being  the  true  case,  if  the  Church  and  Com- 
monwealth be  well  provided  for,  in  the  administration  of 
justice,  and  regard  be  had  of  the  public  [welfare]  ;  can  any 
discreet  man  think  that  the  removing  of  me  from  this  moles- 
tation, is  any  true  punishment  upon  me  ?  I  being  one  that 
have  framed  myself  to  Reality,  and  not  to  Opinion :  and 
growing  more  and  more  in  years,  and  consequently  into 
weakness  ;  having  before  surfeited  so  long  of  worldly  shews, 
whereof  nothing  is  truly  gained  temporally  but  vexation  of 
spirit,  I  have  had  enough  of  these  things,  and  do  not  dote 
upon  them.  The  world,  I  hope,  hath  found  me  more  stayed 
and  reserved  in  my  courses. 

Nevertheless,  what  was  expedient  for  this,  was  despatched 
by  me  while  I  lived  at  Lambeth  and  Croydon  ;  albeit  I  went 
not  out  of  door. 

"Yea,  but  you  were  otherwise  inutile,  not  coming  to  the 
Star  Chamber,  nor  to  the  Council  table?" 

My  pain  or  weakness  by  the  gout,  must  excuse  me  herein. 
When  I  was  younger,  and  had  my  health,  I  so  diligently 
attended  at  the  Star  Chamber,  that,  for  full  seven  years,  I 
was  not  one  day  wanting. 

And  for  the  Council  table,  the  same  reason  of  my  indis- 
position may  satisfy.  But  there  are  many  other  things 
that  do  speak  for  me. 

The  greatest  matters  there  handled,  were  for  money,  or 
more  attempts  of  war. 

For  the  one  of  these,  we  of  the  Clergy  had  done  our  parts 
already :  the  Clergy  having  put  themselves  into  payments  of 
Subsidy,  by  an  Act  of  Parliament ;  not  only  for  these  last  two 
years  (when  the  Temporalty  lay  in  a  sort  dry),  but  yet  there 
are  three  years  behind,  in  which  our  payments  run  on,  with 
weight  enough  unto  us.  And  no  man  can  justly  doubt  but 
my  hand  was  in  those  grants,  in  a  principal  fashion. 

And  concerning  the  Provisions  for  War,  I  must  confess 
my  ignorance  in  the  facts  thereof.  I  knew  not  the  grounds 
whereon  the  controversies  were  entered,  in  general.  I 
thought  that  before  wars  were  begun,  there  should  be  store  of 
treasure ;  that  it  was  not  good  to  fall  out  with  many  great 
Princes  at  once ;  that  the  turning  of  our  forces  another  way, 
must  needs  be  some  diminution  from  the  King  of  Denmark ; 


^?'''j?ii^^62°7.']  Buckingham,  the  great  Church  patron.  343 

who  was  engaged  by  us  into  the  quarrel  for  the  Palatinate 
and  Germany,  and  hazarded  both  his  person  and  dominions 
in  the  prosecution  of  the  question.  These  matters  I  thought 
upon,  as  one  that  had  sometimes  been  acquainted  with 
Councils;  but  I  kept  my  thoughts  unto  myself. 

Again,  I  was  never  sent  for  to  the  Council  table  but  I 
went ;  saving  one  time,  when  I  was  so  ill  that  I  might  not 
stir  abroad. 

Moreover,  I  was  sure  that  there  wanted  no  Councillors  at 
the  Board ;  the  number  being  so  much  increased  as  it  was. 

Besides,  I  had  no  great  encouragement  to  thrust  my 
crazy  body  abroad ;  since  I  saw  what  little  esteem  was 
made  of  me,  in  those  things  which  belonged  to  mine  own 
occupation.  With  Bishoprics  and  Deaneries,  or  other 
Church  places  I  was  no  more  acquainted;  than  if  I  had 
dwelt  at  Venice,  and  understood  of  them  but  by  some 
Gazette. 

The  Duke  of  Buckingham  had  the  managing  of  these 
things,  as  it  was  generally  conceived.  For  what  was  he  not 
fit  to  determine  in  Church  or  Commonwealth,  in  Court  or 
Council,  in  peace  or  war,  at  land  or  at  sea,  at  home  or  in 
foreign  parts  ? 

Montague  had  put  out  [published]  his  Arminian  book. 
I,  three  times,  complained  of  it :  but  he  was  held  up  against 
me  ;  and  by  the  Duke  magnified,  as  a  well  deserving  man. 

CosENS  put  out  his  treatise,  which  they  commonly  call 
The  Seven  Sacraments :  which,  in  the  first  edition  had  many 
strange  things  in  it,  as  it  seemeth.  I  knew  nothing  of  it,  but 
as  it  pleased  [John  Bridgman]  my  Lord  of  Durham,  and 
[William  Laud]  the  Bishop  of  Bath,  so  the  world  did 
read. 

We  were  wont,  in  the  High  Commission,  to  repress  obsti- 
nate and  busy  Papists. 

In  the  end  of  King  James  his  time,  a  Letter  was  brought 
me,  under  the  hand  and  signet  of  the  King,  that  "  We  must 
not  meddle  with  any  such  matter :  nor  exact  the  twelve 
pence  for  the  Sunday,  of  those  which  came  not  to  the 
Church  (with  which  forfeit,  we  never  meddled)."  And  this 
was  told  us  to  be,  in  contemplation  of  a  marriage  intended 
with  the  Lady  Mary,  the  Daughter  of  France. 

After  the  death  of  King  James,  such  another  Letter  was 


344   The  Archbp.  could  make  nothing  of  [^^''j^'iy ^^J; 

brought  from  King  Charles  ;  and  all  execution  against 
Papists  was  suspended. 

But  when  the  Term  was  at  Reading,  by  open  divulgation 
in  all  Courts  under  the  Great  Seal  of  England,  we  and  all 
magistrates  were  set  at  liberty  to  do  as  it  was  prescribed  by 
law.  And  our  pursuivants  must  have  their  warrants  again, 
and  take  all  the  priests  they  can  ;  whereof  Master  Cross 
took  fourteen  or  fifteen  in  a  very  short  space. 

Not  long  after,  all  these  are  set  free  !  and  Letters  come  from 
the  King,  under  his  royal  signet,  that  "  All  warrants  must  be 
taken  from  our  messengers,  because  they  spoiled  the  Catholics, 
and  carried  themselves  unorderly  unto  them,  especially  the 
Bishops'  pursuivants  : "  whereas  we  had  in  all,  but  two  ; 
Cross,  my  messenger,  for  whom  I  did  ever  offer  to  be  an- 
swerable ;  and  Thomlinson,  for  whom  my  Lord  of  London, 
I  think,  would  do  as  much.  But  the  caterpillars,  indeed,  were 
the  pursuivants  used  by  the  sectaries  [Puritans]  :  men  of  no 
value,  and  shifters  in  the  world  ;  who  had  been  punished  and 
turned  away  by  us,  for  great  misdemeanours. 

But  truth  of  religion  and  GOD's  service  was  wont  to  over- 
rule human  policies,  and  not  to  be  overruled  ;  and  I  am 
certain  that  things  best  prosper,  where  those  courses  are 
held.  But  be  it  what  it  may  be,  I  could  not  tell  what  to 
make  of  this  Variation  of  the  Compass,  since  it  was  only 
commanded  unto  me,  to  put  such  and  such  things  in  exe- 
cution :  but  I  never  understood  anything  of  the  counsel, 
whereby  I  might  give  my  judgement  how  fit  or  unfit  they 
were,  or  might  speak  to  alter  the  tenour;  whereunto,  in 
former  times,  I  had  been  otherwise  used.  Variety  [diversity] 
of  reasons  breedeth  variety  of  actions. 

For  the  matter  of  the  Loan,  I  knew  not,  a  long  time,  what 
to  make  of  it.  I  was  not  present  when  the  advice  was  taken^ 
I  understood  not  what  was  the  foundation  whereupon  the 
building  was  raised  ;  neither  did  ever  any  of  the  Council 
acquaint  me  therewith. 

I  saw,  on  the  one  side,  the  King's  necessity  for  mone}^  ; 
and  especially  it  being  resolved  that  the  war  should  be  pur- 
sued. And,  on  the  other  side,  I  could  not  forget  that  in  the 
Parliament,  great  sums  were  offered,  if  the  Petitions  of  the 
Commons  might  be  hearkened  unto. 


^yP-^-,yJJ°J.]  THE  Forced  Loan;  and  is  passive.    345 

It  still  ran  in  my  mind,  that  the  old  and  usual  way  was 
best ;  that  in  kingdoms,  the  harmony  was  sweetest  where  the 
Prince  and  the  people  tuned  well  together ;  that,  whatsoever 
pretence  of  greatness  [he  might  have],  he  was  but  an  un- 
happy man  !  that  set  the  King  and  the  Body  of  the  Realm  at 
division  ;  that  the  people,  though  not  fit  to  be  too  much 
cockered,  yet  are  they  that  must  pray  1  that  must  pay  1  that 
must  fight  for  their  Princes  !  that  it  could  not  be,  but  [that] 
a  man  so  universally  hated  in  the  kingdom  as  the  Duke  was, 
must  (for  the  preservation  of  himself)  desperately  adventure 
on  anything  !  if  he  might  be  hearkened  unto. 

These  meditations  I  had  with  myself,  and,  GOD  knoweth! 
I  frequently,  in  my  prayers,  did  beg  that  he  whom  these 
things  did  most  concern,  would  seriously  think  upon  them. 

It  ran  in  my  mind,  that  this  new  device  for  money  could 
not  long  hold  out !  that  then,  we  must  return  into  the  High- 
way, whither  it  were  best,  to  retire  ourselves  betimes ;  the 
shortest  errors  being  the  best. 

But  these  thoughts,  I  suppressed  within  my  soul :  neither 
did  I  ever  discourage  any  man  from  lending,  nor  encourage 
any  man  to  hold  back ;  which  I  confidently  avouch. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Commission  for  the  Loan,  I  was  sent 
for,  from  Croydon.  It  seemed  to  me  a  strange  thing :  but  I 
was  told  there  that  "  howsoever  it  shewed,  the  King  would 
have  it  so ;  there  was  no  speaking  against  it." 

I  had  not  heard  [i.e.,  at  any  time  before]  that  men,  through- 
out the  kingdom,  should  lend  money  against  their  will  1  I 
knew  not  what  to  make  of  it  1  But  when  I  saw  in  the  in- 
structions that  refusers  should  be  sent  away  for  soldiers  to 
the  King  of  Denmark ;  I  began  to  remember  Uriah,  that 
was  sent  in  the  forefront  of  the  battle  :  and,  to  speak  truth,  I 
durst  not  be  tender  in  it. 

And  when,  afterwards,  I  saw  that  men  were  to  be  put  to 
their  oath,  "  With  whom  they  had  had  conference,  and 
whether  any  did  dissuade  them  ?  "  and  yet  further  beheld 
that  divers  were  to  be  imprisoned  ;  I  thought  this  was  some- 
what a  New  World  !  yet,  all  this  while,  I  swallowed  my  own 
spittle,  and  spake  nothing  of  it  to  any  man. 

Nay,  when  after  some  trial  in  IVIiddlesex ;  the  first  sitting 
was  for  Surrey,  in  my  House  [the  Palace]  at  Lambeth  ;  and 
the  Lords  were  there  assembled,  with  the  Justices  of  the 


346  The  Duke  would  upset  all  the  Laws,  ['^^''•j^iy  S 

whole  county :  I  gave  them  entertainment  in  no  mean 
fashion. 

And  I  sat  with  them,  albeit  I  said  nothing  ;  for  the  con- 
fusion was  such,  that  I  knew  not  what  to  make  of  it.  Things 
went  on  every  day,  and  speech  was  of  much  money  to  be 
raised  out  of  some  counties,  yet  afterwards  it  was  not  so 
readily  paid  as  preferred  [  ?  deferred]  :  and,  at  length,  some 
refused,  even  in  London  itself,  and  Southwark;  besides  many 
gentlemen  of  special  rank,  and  some  Lords,  as  it  was  said. 
And  though  it  was  reported  that  "they  were  but  acontemptible 
company  ! "  yet  the  prisons  in  London  demonstrated  that  they 
were  not  a  very  few,  but  persons  both  of  note  and  number. 

The  Judges,  besides,  concurring  another  way,  that  "  They 
could  not  allow  the  legality  of  the  demand,  and  the  enforce- 
ment that  is  used  thereupon,"  did  somewhat  puzzle  me,  for 
being  too  busy  in  promoting  of  that  for  which  I  might,  one 
day,  suffer.  Yet,  hitherto,  I  remained  silent ;  hoping  that 
time  would  break  that  off  which  was  almost  come  to  an 
absolute  period  [full  stop]. 

But  instead  of  this,  by  the  permission  of  GOD,  I  was 
called  up  to  the  King,  to  look  clearly  into  the  question. 
When  the  allowance  of  Sibthorp's  pamphlet  was  put  upon 
me,  I  had  then  some  reason,  out  of  the  grounds  of  that 
sermon  to  fear  (and  I  pray  GOD  that  my  fear  was  in  vain  !) 
that  the  Duke  had  a  purpose  to  turn  upside  down  the  Laws, 
and  the  whole  Fundamental  Courses,  and  Liberties  of  the 
Subject :  and  to  leave  us,  not  under  the  Statutes  and  Customs 
which  our  progenitors  enjoyed;  but  to  the  Pleasure  of  Princes, 
of  whom,  as  some  are  gentle  and  benign,  so  some  others,  to 
ingreat  themselves  [make  themselves  greater],  might  strain  more 
than  the  string  will  bear. 

Besides,  now  it  came  in  my  heart,  that  I  was  present  at 
the  King's  Coronation  :  where  many  things,  on  the  Prince's 
part,  were  solemnly  promised ;  which,  being  observed,  would 
keep  all  in  order,  and  the  King  should  have  a  loving  and 
faithful  people,  and  the  Commons  should  have  a  kind  and 
gracious  King. 

The  contemplations  of  these  things  made  me  stay  my 
judgement,  not  any  unwillingness  to  do  my  Prince  any  dutiful 
service :  whom  I  must,  and  do  honour  above  all  the  creatures 


^?^'ji'i^i62°7.']  Eye-Witness  portrait  of  Buckingham.  347 

in  the  world,  and  will  adventure  as  far  for  his  true  ^ood,  as 
any  one  whatsoever. 

But  I  am  loath  to  plunge  myself,  so  over  head  and  ears, 
in  these  difficulties,  that  I  can  neither  live  with  quietness  of 
conscience,  nor  depart  out  of  the  world  with  good  fame  and 
estimation.  And,  perhaps,  my  Sovereign  (if,  hereafter,  he 
looked  well  into  this  paradox)  would,  of  all  the  world  hate 
me  !  because  one  of  my  profession,  age,  and  calling,  would 
deceive  him ;  and,  with  base  flattery,  swerve  from  the  truth. 
The  hearts  of  Kings  are  in  the  hands  of  GOD,  and  He  can  tttrn 
them  as  rivers  of  water. 


Draw  to  a  conclusion.  Only  repute  it  not  amiss, 
because  so  much  falleth  in  here,  to  observe  a  few 
words  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham — not  as  now  he 
is,  but  as  he  was  in  his  rising. 

I  say  nothing  of  his  being  in  France,  because  I  was  not 
present  ;  and  divers  others  there  be,  that  remember  it  well : 
but  I  take  him  at  his  first  repair  to  Court  [in  1614]. 

King  James,  for  many  insolencies,  grew  weary  of  Somer- 
set :  and  the  Kingdom  groaning  under  the  Triumvirate  of 
Northampton,  Suffolk,  and  Somerset  (though  North- 
ampton soon  after  died  [in  June,  1614])  was  glad  to  be  rid  of 
him. 

We  could  have  no  way  so  good  to  effectuate  that  which 
was  the  common  desire,  as  to  bring  in  another  in  his  room. 
"  One  nail,"  as  the  proverb  is,  "  being  to  be  driven  out  by 
another." 

It  was  now  observed  that  the  King  began  to  cast  his  eye 
upon  George  Villiers,  who  was  then  Cup-bearer,  and 
seemed  a  modest  and  courteous  youth.  But  King  James 
had  a  fashion,  that  he  would  never  admit  any  to  nearness 
about  himself,  but  such  a  one  as  the  Queen  should  commend 
unto  him,  and  make  some  suit  on  his  behalf:  that  if  the 
Queen,  afterwards,  being  ill  intreated,  should  complain  of 
this  "  Dear  One  1"  ;  he  might  make  his  answer,  "  It  is  'long 
of  yourself!  for  you  were  the  party  that  commended  him 
unto  me  !  "  Our  old  Master  took  delight  strangely,  in  things 
of  this  nature. 

That  noble  Queen,  who  now  resteth  in  heaven,  knew  her 


348THE  Abp.  helps  the  Duke's  advancement,['*^p-j;-,^j6°J: 

husband  well ;  and  having  been  bitten  with  Favourites,  both 
in  England  and  Scotland,  was  very  shy  to  adventure  upon 
this  request. 

King  James,  in  the  meantime,  more  and  more  loathed 
Somerset  ;  and  did  not  much  conceal  it,  that  his  affection 
increased  towards  the  other. 

But  the  Queen  would  not  come  to  it;  albeit  divers  Lords 
(whereof  some  are  dead  ;  and  some,  yet  living)  did  earnestly 
solicit  Her  Majesty  thereunto. 

When  it  would  not  do;  I  was  very  much  moved  [i.e.^ 
desired  by  others]  to  put  to,  my  helping  hand  :  they  knowing 
that  Queen  Anne  was  graciously  pleased  to  give  me  more 
credit  than  ordinary ;  which,  all  her  attendants  knew,  she 
continued  to  the  time  of  her  death. 

I  laboured  much,  but  could  not  prevail.  The  Queen  oft 
said  to  me,  "  My  Lord  I  you  and  the  rest  of  your  friends 
know  not  what  you  do  !  I  know  your  Master  better  than 
you  all !  For  if  this  young  man  be  once  brought  in,  the  first 
persons  that  he  will  plague,  must  be  you  that  labour  for  him  ! 
Yea,  I  shall  have  my  part  also  !  The  King  will  teach  him 
to  despise  and  hardly  intreat  us  all ;  that  he  [Buckingham] 
may  seem  to  beholden  to  none  but  himself." 

Noble  Queen  !  how  like  a  Prophetess  or  Oracle  did  you 
speak ! 

Notwithstanding  this,  we  were  still  instant,  telling  Her 
Majesty  that  "the  change  would  be  for  the  better!  for 
George  was  of  a  good  nature,  which  the  other  was  not ;  and 
if  he  should  degenerate,  yet  it  would  be  a  longtime  before  he 
were  able  to  attain  to  that  height  of  evil,  which  the  other 
had." 

In  the  end,  upon  importunity,  Queen  Anne  condescended 
[agreed  to  it] ;  and  so  pressed  it  with  the  King,  that  he 
assented  thereunto  :  which  was  so  stricken,  while  the  iron 
was  hot,  that,  in  the  Queen's  Bedchamber,  the  King 
knighted  him  with  a  rapier  which  the  Prince  [Charles]  did 
wear.  And  when  the  King  gave  order  to  swear  him  of  the 
Bedchamber,  Somerset  (who  was  near)  importuned  the 
King  with  a  message  that  he  might  be  only  sworn  a  Groom. 
But  myself  and  others,  that  were  at  the  door,  sent  to  Her 
Majesty  that  "  She  would  perfect  her  work,  and  cause  him  to 
be  sworn  a  Gentleman  of  her  Chamber !  " 


^Yfilly^eTi^  AND  GIVES  HIM  THREE  WORTHY  COUNSELS.  349 

There  is  a  Lord,  or  two,  living  that  had  a  hand  in  this 
achievement.  I  diminish  nothing  of  their  praise  for  so 
happy  a  work  :  but  I  know  my  own  part  best ;  and,  in  the 
word  of  an  honest  man,  I  have  reported  nothing  but  truth. 

George  went  in  with  the  King ;  but  no  sooner  he  got 
loose,  but  he  came  forth  unto  me,  in  the  Privy  Gallery,  and 
there  embraced  me.  He  professed  that  "  He  was  so  infinitely 
bound  unto  me  that,  all  his  life  long,  he  must  honour  me  as 
his  father."  And  now,  he  did  beseech  me,  that  I  would  give 
him  some  Lessons  how  he  should  carry  himself. 

When  he  had  earnestly  followed  this  chase,  I   told  him, 

I  would  give  him  three  short  lessons,  if  he  would  learn  them. 

The    First   was.    That,    daily,    upon    his    knees,    he 

should  pray  to  GOD  to  bless  the  King  his  Master,  and 

to   give  him  (George)  grace  studiously  to  serve  and 

please  him. 

The  Second  was,  That  he  should  do  all  good  offices 
between  the  King  and  the  Queen  ;  and  between  the  King 
and  the  Prince. 

The  Third  was,  That  he  should  fill  his  Master's  ears 

with  nothing  but  truth. 

I  made  him  repeat  these  three  things  unto  me :  and  then 

I  would   have  him,  to  acquaint  the  King  with  them  !  and 

so  tell  me,  when  I  met  him  again,  what  the  King  said  unto 

him. 

He  promised  he  would.  And  the  morrow  after.  Master 
Thomas  Murray  (the  Prince's  Tutor)  and  I  standing  to- 
gether, in  the  gallery  at  Whitehall,  Sir  George  Villiers 
coming  forth,  and  drawing  to  us,  he  told  Master  Murray 
how  much  he  was  beholden  unto  me,  and  that  I  had  given 
him  certain  instructions  :  which  I  prayed  him  to  rehearse ; 
as,  indifferently  well  he  did,  before  us.  Yea,  and  that  he 
had  acquainted  the  King  with  them  ;  who  said,  "  They  were 
instructions  worthy  of  an  Archbishop,  to  give  to  a  young 
man." 

His  countenance  of  thankfulness  continued  for  a  few  days, 
but  not  long !  either  to  me  or  any  others,  his  well  wishers. 
The  Roman  historian,  Tacitus,  hath  somewhere  a  note  that 
"  Benefits,  while  they  may  be  requited,  seem  courtesies  ;  but 
when  they  are  so  high,  that  they  cannot  be  repaid,  they 
prove  matters  of  hatred." 


35oThe  good  Archbp.'s  concluding  prayer,  [^^^'ji'i^xeai 

Hus,  to  lie  by  me,  to  quicken  my  remembrance,  I 
have  laid  down  the  Cause  and  the  Proceedings  of 
my  sending  [being  sent]  into  Kent ;  where  I  remain 
at  the  writing  of  this  Treatise.  Praying  GOD,  to 
bless  and  guide  our  King  aright !  to  continue  the  prosperity 
and  welfare  of  this  Kingdom,  which,  at  this  time,  is  shrewdly 
shaken !  to  send  good  and  worthy  men  to  be  Governors 
[i.e.,  Bishops]  of  our  Church  !  to  prosper  my  mind  and  body, 
that  I  may  do  nothing  that  may  give  a  wound  to  my  con- 
science !  and  then,  to  send  me  patience  quietly  to  endure 
whatsoever  His  Divine  Majesty  shall  be  pleased  to  lay  upon 
me  !  Da  quod  jnbes,  etjube  quod  vis  !  and,  in  the  end,  to  give 
me  such  a  happy  deliverance,  either  in  life  or  death,  as  may 
be  most  for  His  glory ;  and  for  the  wholesome  example  of 
others  !  who  look  much  on  the  actions  and  passions  of  Men 
of  my  Place. 


Thomas,  third  Lord  Fairfax. 

Short  Memorials  of  some  things  to 

be  cleared  during  my  Command 

in  the  Army. 

[1645  ^^    1^5^  A.D.] 


352 


Thomas,  third  Lord  Fairfax. 

Short  Memorials 

of  some  things  to  be  cleared 

during  my   Command  in  the  Army. 

[1645   to   1650  A.D.] 


[From  the  holograph, 
now  Fairfax  MS.  36, 
in  the  Bodleian  Lib- 
rary, Oxford.] 


Ow  when  GOD  is  visiting  the  nation  [?  an 
allusion  to  the  Plague  of  London  in  1665] 
for  the  transgressions  of  their  ways,  as 
formerly  he  did  to  one  sort  of  men  so 
doth  he  it  to  another  sort;  so  that  all  may 
see  their  errors  and  his  justice  :  and  as  we 
have  cause  to  implore  his  mercy,  having 
sinned  against  him  ;  so  must  we  still  vindi- 
cate his  justice,  who  is  always  "  clear  when  he  judgeth." 
IPs.  li.  4.] 

Now  therefore,  by  his  grace  and  assistance,  I  shall  truly 
set  down  the  grounds  my  actions  moved  upon  during  that 
unhappy  War ;  and  those  actions  which  seemed  to  the 
World  the  more  questionable  in  my  steering  through  the 
turbulent  and  perilous  seas  of  that  time. 

The  first  embarking  into  the  sad  calamities  of  War  was 
about  the  year  1641  when  the  general  distemper  of  the  Three 
Kingdoms  had  kindled  such  a  flame  even  in  the  hearts  (I 


Lord  Fairfax. J  pERDiNANDo,  LoRD  Fairfax  in  arms.     353 

mean  the  Difference  between  the  King  and  Parliament), 
as  every  one  sought  to  guard  his  own  house  by  the  authority 
of  both  these.  But  the  different  judgements  and  ways  were 
so  contrary  that,  before  a  remedy  could  be  found  out,  almost 
all  was  consumed  to  ashes. 

I  must  needs  say  my  judgement  was  for  the  Parliament, 
as  the  King's,  and  Kingdom's,  great  and  safest  Council ;  as 
others  were  for  the  King,  and  averse  to  Parliament,  as  if 
it  could  not  go  high  enough  for  the  Perogative. 

Upon  which  division,  different  Powers  were  set  up,  viz. : 
The  Commission  of  Array  for  the  King ;  and  [the  Militia 
for]  the  Parliament.  But  those  of  the  Array  so  exceeded 
their  Commission  by  oppressing  many  honest  people  ;  whom, 
by  way  of  reproach,  they  called  Roundheads  :  they  being 
(for  Religion,  Estates,  and  Interest)  a  very  considerable  part 
of  the  country ;  that  occasioned  them  to  take  up  arms  in 
their  own  defence,  which  was  afterwards  confirmed  by  Par- 
liamentary authority. 

Now  my  father  being  yet  at  his  house  at  Denton,  where  I 
then  waited  on  him,  though  he  had  notice  from  his  friends 
that  it  was  resolved  that  he  should  be  sent  for,  as  a  prisoner, 
to  York  :  yet  he  resolved  not  to  stir  from  his  own  house ; 
not  knowing  anything  in  himself  to  deserve  it.  But  the 
country  [  Yorkshire\  suffering  daily  more  and  more,  many 
were  forced  to  come  and  intreat  him  to  join  with  them  in 
defence  of  themselves  and  country  [  Yorkshire] ;  which  [were] 
being  sadly  oppressed  by  those  of  the  Array,  which  after- 
wards had  the  name  of  Cavaliers. 

And  being  much  importuned  by  those  that  were  about 
him ;  he  was  resolved,  seeing  his  country  [  Yorkshire]  in  this 
great  distress,  to  run  the  same  hazard  with  them  for  the  pre- 
servation of  it. 

Then  did  the  Parliament  grant  a  Commission  to  him,  to 
be  General  of  the  Forces  in  the  North  :  myself  also  having 
a  Commission  under  him,  to  be  General  of  the  Horse.  But 
it  is  not  my  intention,  in  this  place,  to  mention  the  several 
Services  that  were  done  in  this  Cause  of  the  Parliament  : 
being  rather  desirous  to  clear  my  actions  in  it  than  to  declare 
them.  Therefore  I  shall  say  no  more  \^See  however  pp.  577- 
610]  of  this  Three  Years'  War  in  the  North  ;  there  being 

z  2 


354  Fairfax  made  General  of  the  Army,  [^^"^^ffeet 

nothing,   I   thank    GOD  !    in    all  that  time  to   be   alleged 
against  me. 


But  now  I  shall  come  to  say  something  how  I  came  to  be 
engaged  in  the  South. 

There  being  some  years  spent,  in  those  parts,  in  a  linger- 
ing War  between  the  forces  of  the  King  and  [the]  Parlia- 
ment ;  and  several  battles  so  equally  fought,  as  could  scarce 
be  known  on  which  side  the  business  in  dispute  would  be 
determined  ;  though  it  must  be  confessed  the  Parliament's 
Army  was  under  the  command  of  a  very  noble  and  gallant 
person,  [Robert  Devereux]  the  Earl  of  Essex  :  yet  find- 
ing Time  and  Delay  gaining  more  advantage  on  their  affairs 
than  Force  had  done  ;  the  Parliament  resolved  to  make  a 
change  in  the  constitution  of  their  Army  ;  hoping  by  it  to 
find  a  change  also  in  businesses,  which  were  then  something 
in  a  declining  condition. 

So  as,  in  this  distemper  of  affairs,  the  Army  was  New 
Modelled  ;  and  a  new  General  was  proposed  to  command  it. 
For  which,  by  the  Votes  of  the  Two  Houses  of  Parliament 
[in  February  1645],  myself  was  nominated  ;  though  most 
unfit :  and  so  far  from  desiring  of  it,  that  had  not  so  great  an 
authority  commanded  obedience,  [I  also]  being  then  un- 
separated  from  the  royal  Interest ;  besides  the  persuasions 
of  nearest  friends,  not  to  decline  so  free  and  general  a  Call ; 
I  should  have  "  hid  myself  [among  the  stuff,"  i  Samuel  x. 
22.]  to  have  avoided  so  great  a  charge.  But  whether  it  was 
from  a  natural  facility  in  me,  that  betrayed  my  modesty ;  or 
the  powerful  hand  of  GOD,  which  all  things  must  obey :  I 
was  induced  to  receive  the  Command. 

Then  was  I  immediately  voted  by  the  Parliament  [in 
February  1645],  to  come  to  London  to  take  up  my  charge 
[where  he  arrived  on  \%th  February  1645];  though  not  fully 
recovered  of  a  dangerous  wound,  which  I  had  received  a 
little  before  ;  and  which,  I  verily  believe,  without  the  miracu- 
lous hand  of  GOD  had  proved  mortal. 

But  here,  alas  !  when  I  bring  to  mind  the  sad  consequences 
that  designing  men  have  brought  to  pass  since,  from  these 
first  innocent  undertakings,  I  am  ready  to  let  go  that  confi- 
dence I  had,  with  Job  to  say :  "  Till  I  die,  I  will  not  remove 


^"^^f/^el]  Opposition  to  New  Modelled  Army.   355 

my  integrity  from  me  ;  nor  shall  my  heart  reproach  me  so 
long  as  I  live"  [/od  xxvii.  5].  But  now  more  fit  to  take  up 
his  Complaint  with  a  little  alteration  and  to  say,  Why  did  I 
not  die  when  I  had  that  hurt  ?  Why  did  I  not  give  up  the 
ghost  when  my  life  was  on  the  confines  of  the  grave  ?  [See 
/odx.  18.] 

But  GOD  having  been  pleased  thus  to  give  me  my  life  as 
a  prey ;  I  took  my  journey  southward :  hoping  I  might  be 
someway  serviceable  to  the  Public.  But  when  I  came 
thither,  had  it  not  been  in  the  simplicity  of  my  heart,  I  could 
not  have  supported  myself  under  the  frowns  and  displeasures 
showed  me  by  those  who  were  disgusted  at  this  alteration  ; 
in  which  many  of  them  were  themselves  so  much  concerned : 
and  these  did  not  only  outwardly  express  it,  but  sought  by  all 
means  to  obstruct  my  proceedings  in  this  new  charge.  Who 
though  they  could  not  prevent  what  the  necessity  of  affairs 
pressed  most  to  do,  viz. :  To  march  speedily  out  with  the 
Army ;  yet  were  we,  by  them,  made  so  inconsiderable  for 
want  of  fit  and  necessary  accommodations,  as  it  rather 
seemed  that  we  were  sent  to  be  destroyed  and  ruined 
than  to  do  any  service  for  the  Kingdom  by  it.  Insomuch 
as  when  I  went  to  take  my  leave  of  a  Great  Person  [Can  this 
have  been  Denzil  Holles  ?'\ ;  he  told  me,  He  was  very  sorry 
I  was  going  out  with  the  Army,  for  he  did  believe  we  should 
be  beaten. 

Surely  then  had  some  of  our  ends  been  Self  Interest 
merely,  this  might  have  discouraged  us :  but  it  working  no 
such  effects,  gave  the  more  hopes  of  future  success  ;  as  it  did 
to  the  Parliament's  advantage.  But  if  any  ill  use  hath  been 
made  of  such  mercies,  let  the  mercies  be  acknowledged  from 
GOD  :  but  let  the  abuses  receive  their  due  reward  of  shame 
and  punishment. 

Thus,  being  led  on  by  good  success,  and  clear  intentions 
of  a  Public  Good ;  some  of  us  could  not  discern  the  serpent 
which  was  hid  in  these  spreading  leaves  of  so  Good  Fortune  : 
nor  could  believe  the  fruits  of  our  hopes  would  prove  as 
cockatrice's  eggs ;  from  whence  so  viperous  a  brood  should 
afterwards  spring  up. 

But,  how  ill  deserving  so  ever  we  were  :  yet  still  it  pleased 
GOD  to  give  the  Army  such  success  in  the  years  [i6]45  and 


356     The  Army  appoint  Adjutators.  [^'"'^ ^f'l'^e^ 

[i6]46;  that  there  remained  in  England  neither  Army  nor 
fortress  to  oppose  the  Parliament  in  settling  the  peace  of 
the  Kingdom. 

But  this  shining  mercy  soon  became  clouded  with  the 
mists  of  abominable  hypocrisy  [and]  deceit ;  even  in  those 
men,  who  had  been  instrumental  in  bringing  this  War  to  a 
conclusion.  Here  was  the  vertical  point  on  which  the 
Army's  honour  and  reputation  turned  into  reproach  and 
scandal.  Here  the  power  of  the  Army,  which  I  once  had, 
was  usurped  by  the  Forerunners  of  Confusion  and  Anarchy, 
viz.:  the  Agitators.  \The  Army  appointed  a  Committee  of 
Adjutators  on  \/^th  May  1647.] 

My  Commission  as  General  bound  me  to  act  with  [the 
co-operation  of  my]  Council :  but  the  arbitrary  and  unlimited 
power  of  this  new  Council  would  act  without  a  General :  and 
all  that  I  could  do,  could  not  prevail  against  this  stream  ; 
especially  when  the  Parliament  itself  became  divided,  so 
that  the  pay  was  withheld  from  the  Army,  which  heightened 
their  distempers. 

Then  followed,  Free  Quarter  [in  November  1647] ;  and 
that  brought  a  general  discontent  through  the  whole  nation  : 
which  gave  these  factious  Agitators  matter  enough  for  the 
carrying  on  of  their  designs  ;  viz..  To  raise  their  own  fortunes 
by  the  ruin  of  others. 

But  now,  being  much  troubled  to  see  things  in  this  condi- 
tion, I  did  rather  desire  to  be  a  sufferer  than  to  be  a  Com- 
mander :  but,  before  I  laid  down  my  Commission,  I  thought 
it  fit  to  consult  with  some  friends  rather  than  gratify  my 
private  sense  and  reason,  which  much  desired  it ;  especially 
having  received  it  from  a  Public  Authority,  which  might 
justly  expect  to  have  notice  of  it  before  I  laid  it  down. 
Which  was  the  cause  of  my  continuing  in  the  Army  longer 
than  I  would  have  done  (seeing  I  could  not  have  my  desire 
granted) :  which  did  indeed  preserve  the  Parliament  for  some 
time,  from  those  confusions  and  breakings,  which  afterwards 
Time  and  Confidence  emboldened  these  men  to. 

But  now  I  shall  descend  to  some  particulars  of  their 
Agitation : 

At  Nottingham  was  the  first  time  that  I  took  notice  of  it, 
by  the  soldiers'  meetings  to  frame  a  Petition  to  the  Parliament 


'^'"'^  ^nfe]   Fairfax  ANXIOUS  FOR  HIS  DISCHARGE.     357 

about  their  arrears  [of  pay].  The  thing  seemed  just :  but, 
not  liking  the  way,  I  spake  with  some  Officers  that  were 
principally  engaged  in  it ;  and  got  it  suppressed  for  that 
time. 

Which  was  but  as  the  cutting  off  of  Hydra's  head,  which 
soon  sprang  up  again  (though  not  so  near  the  Head  Quarters ; 
but  in  more  remote  corners  of  the  Army,  which  I  could  not 
so  timely  prevent)  so  that  they  presented  it  to  the  Parlia- 
ment ;  which  they  were  highly  displeased  with.  And  now 
falling  into  difference[s]  ;  the  consequence  of  which  proved 
fatal  not  only  to  the  King,  but  also  destructive  to  one  another. 
The  one  striving  to  uphold  his  authority  :  the  other  (who  had 
a  spirit  of  unsettlement)  to  preserve  themselves  from  the  ruin 
they  feared.  This  (with  a  natural  inclination  to  change)  I 
believe  created  the  thoughts  of  a  New  Government ;  which, 
in  time,  attained  the  name  of  a  Common  Wealth :  though 
it  never  arrived  to  the  perfection  of  it ;  being  sometimes 
Democratical,  sometimes  Oligarchial,  lastly  Anarchical— as 
indeed  all  the  ways  attaining  to  it  seemed  nothing  but  a 
Confusion. 

For  now  the  Officers  of  the  Army  were  placed  and  dis- 
placed by  the  will  of  the  new  Agitators  ;  who,  with  violence, 
so  carried  all  things,  as  it  was  above  my  power  to  restrain 
it.  This  made  me  have  recourse  to  my  friends  to  get  me  a 
discharge  of  my  Command  ;  so  as  there  was  a  consultation 
with  several  Members  of  Parliament,  who  met  about  it :  but 
none  would  undertake  to  move  it  to  the  House,  as  affairs 
then  stood.  And  they  perceiving  that  such  a  Motion  would 
be  unpleasing  to  them :  which  was  the  answer  I  received 
from  them.  And  further  that  I  should  satisfy  myself:  for 
it  would  be  the  Parliament's  care  to  compose  all  things  in  as 
good  order  as  might  be  most  for  the  good  and  settlement  of 
the  Kingdom.  But  these  hopes,  though  they  something 
supported  my  spirit ;  yet  could  not  they  balance  the  grief 
and  trouble  I  had,  that  I  could  not  get  my  discharge.  So 
that,  if  you  find  me  carried  on  with  this  stream  ;  I  can  truly 
say,  It  was  by  the  violence  of  it,  and  no  consent  of  mine. 

But  the  Army,  having  gotten  this  power  and  strength  by 
correspondence  with  some  in  Parliament  (who  themselves 
did  after  find  it  [to  their  disadvantage]  in  the  end)  they]  the 


358        The  Second  War  of  1648.        1^°'^ ^^'"iH 

Army]  march  nearer  London  [26th  June  i647] :  and,  at 
Windsor  [20th  November  164^],  after  two  days'  debate  in  a 
Council  of  War,  it  was  resolved  to  remove  all  out  of  the 
House  [of  Commons]  whom  they  conceived  to  "  obstruct," 
as  they  called  it,  "  the  Public  Settlement." 

Upon  which  expedition  in  this  march,  I  was  vehemently 
pressed  :  but  here  I  resolved  to  use  a  restrictive  power,  when 
I  had  not  a  persuasive  one.  So  when  the  Lieutenant  General 
[Oliver  Cromwell]  and  others  pressed  me  to  sign  orders 
for  marching,  I  still  delayed  the  doing  of  it  [in  November 
1647]  ;  as  always  dreading  the  consequences  of  breaking 
Parliament,  and  at  a  time  when  the  Kingdom  was  falling 
into  a  new  War :  which  was  so  near,  that  my  delaying  but 
three  or  four  days  giving  out  Orders,  diverted  this  humour 
of  the  Army  from  being  Statesmen  to  their  more  proper 
duty  of  soldiers. 

For,  even  then.  Colonel  POYER  declared  [for  the  King]  in 
Wales ;  great  forces  were  raised  with  the  Lord  GORING  in 
Kent ;  and  Duke  [of]  HAMILTON  (almost  at  the  same  time) 
with  a  powerful  Army  of  the  Scots.  All  which  set  out  work 
enough  for  that  summer  [of  1648]. 

This  I  write  to  shew  how,  by  Providence,  a  few  days'  delay 
did  prolong  the  Parliament  more  than  a  year  from  the  violent 
breaches  that  afterwards  happened  to  them. 

Here  again  might  be  mentioned  the  great  and  difficult 
businesses  the  Army  went  through  that  year  [1648]  :  hoping, 
as  well  aiming,  it  would  be  a  good  service  to  the  Kingdom. 
But,  seeing  the  factious  Party  grew  more  insolent  as  success 
made  them  more  powerful,  I  shall  forbear  to  relate  those 
Actions ;  which  would,  otherwise,  have  deserved  a  better 
remembrance  than,  in  modesty,  [it]  were  fit  for  me  to  record: 
and  [I]  will  rather  punish  myself  here,  with  the  continuance 
of  the  Story  of  the  Army's  Irregularities, 

But  one  thing,  of  very  great  concernment  in  all  after 
changes,  should  have  been  inserted  before  the  mention  of 
this  Second  War :  but  [it]  will  come  in  well  enough  in  this 
place,  without  much  interruption  of  this  Discourse,  viz.: 

THE    KING'S     REMOVAL     FROM     HOLMBY, 

the  sad  consequences  whereof  fill  my  heart  with  grief  with 


Lord  Fairfax. J    ChARLES   I.  SEIZED  AT   HOLMBY   HoUSE.     359 

the  remembrance  of  it  now  ;  as  it  did  then,  with  thoughts 
and  care  how  to  have  prevented  it. 

Being  then  at  Saffron  Walden  in  Essex,  I  had  notice  that 
Cornet  Joyce  (an  arch-Agitator  that  quartered  about  Oxford) 
had  [on  4th  June  1647]  seized  on  the  King's  person,  and 
removed  his  Quarters :  and  [had]  given  such  a  check  to  the 
Commissioners  of  Parliament  which  were  ordered  to  attend 
His  Majesty,  that  they  refused  to  act  any  further  in  their 
Commission  ;  being  so  unwarrantably  interrupted. 

But,  as  soon  as  I  heard  it,  I  immediately  sent  away  two 
Regiments  of  Horse,  commanded  by  Colonel  VVhalley  to 
remove  this  force ;  and  to  set  all  things  again  in  their  due 
order  and  course. 

But  before  he  reached  Holmby  [or  Holdenby] ;  the  King 
was  advanced  two  or  three  miles  [from  thence]  on  his  way 
towards  Cambridge ;  attended  by  JOYCE.  Here  Colonel 
Whalley  acquainted  the  King,  That  he  was  sent  by  the 
General  to  let  him  know  how  much  he  was  troubled  at 
those  great  insolencies  that  had  been  committed  so  near  his 
person :  and  as  he  had  not  the  least  knowledge  of  it  before 
it  was  done,  so  he  had  omitted  no  time  in  seeking  to  remove 
the  force  ;  which  he  had  orders  from  me  to  see  done.  And 
therefore  [Colonel  Whalley]  desired  that  His  Majesty  would 
be  pleased  to  return  again  to  Holmby,  where  all  things  should 
again  be  settled  in  as  much  order  and  quietness  as  they  were 
before.  And  also  he  \Colonel  Whalley\  desired  the  Com- 
missioners to  resume  their  Charge,  as  the  Parliament  had 
directed  them  :  which  he  had  in  charge  also  to  desire  them 
to  do,  from  the  General. 

But  the  King  refused  to  return  ;  and  the  Commissioners 
refused  also  to  act  any  more  as  Commissioners.  Which 
Colonel  Whalley  still  further  urged,  saying.  He  had  an 
express  command  to  see  all  things  well  settled  again  about 
His  Majesty  ;  which  could  not  be  but  by  his  returning  again 
to  Holmby. 

Which  the  King  said  positively,  He  would  not  do. 

So  Colonel  Whalley  pressed  him  no  further :  having 
indeed  a  special  direction  from  me  to  use  all  tenderness 
and  respect,  as  was  due,  towards  His  Majesty. 

So  the  King  came  that  night,  or  the  second  [6th  June 


360  Increasing  confusion  of  the  Nation.  [^°'''^  ^f '[^65! 

1647]  to  Sir  John  Cutt's  house  [at  Childerley]  near 
Cambridge  :  where,  the  next  day,  I  waited  on  His  Majesty. 
It  being  also  my  business  to  persuade  his  return  to  Holmby. 
But  he  was  otherwise  resolved. 

I  pressed  the  Commissioners  also  to  act  again,  according 
to  the  power  that  Parliament  had  given  them :  which  they 
also  refused  to  do. 

So  having  spent  the  whole  day  [7th  June  1647]  about  this 
business  ;  I  returned  to  my  Quarters. 

But  before  I  took  my  leave  of  the  King,  he  said  to  me, 
"  Sir,  I  have  as  great  an  Interest  in  the  Army  as  you."  By 
which  I  plainly  saw  the  broken  reed  he  leaned  upon. 

These  Agitators  [or  Adjntators\  chameleon-like,  could 
change  into  that  colour  which  best  served  their  ends ;  and 
so  had  brought  the  King  into  an  opinion  that  the  Army  was 
for  him :  though  [it  was]  never  less  "for  his  safety  and  rights, 
than  when  it  was  theirs. 

And  that  it  might  appear  what  real  trouble  this  act  was  to 
me  ;  notwithstanding  the  Army  was  almost  wholly  infected 
with  the  humour  of  Agitation,  I  called  for  a  Court  of  War,  to 
proceed  against  JOYCE  for  this  high  offence,  and  the  breach 
of  the  Articles  of  War.  But  the  Officers  (whether  for  fear 
of  the  distempered  soldiers  ;  or  rather,  as  I  fear,  from  a  secret 
allowance  of  what  was  done)  made  all  my  endeavours  herein 
ineffectual :  and  now  (no  punishment  being  able  to  reach 
them)  all  affairs  steer  after  this  compass : 

The  King  and  all  his  Party  are  in  hopes.  Those  of  the 
Parliament,  and  others  who  kept  to  their  Covenant  Interest, 
in  fears.  So  as,  for  many  months.  Public  Councils  were 
turned  into  private  Junto's.  Which  would  have  been  less 
criminal,  if  it  had  ended  in  General  Consent.  But,  on  the 
contrary,  it  begat  greater  emulations  and  jealousies  one  of 
another.  So  that  the  Army  would  not  entrust  the  King  any 
longer  with  the  liberty  he  had  ;  nor  would  the  Parliament 
suffer  the  King  to  undertake  that  which  was  properly  their 
work  to  do,  viz. :  [the]  Settling  [of]  the  Kingdom  with  its  just 
rights  and  liberties.  And  the  Army  were  as  jealous  of  the 
Parliament,  that  they  \the  Parliament]  would  not  have  care 
enough  of  their  [the  Army's]  security. 


Lord  Fairfax. -|    p^iRFAX  IGNORANT  OF  Pride's  Purge.    361 

All  things  growing  worse  and  worse  made  the  King 
endeavour  his  own  escape,  as  he  did  [nth- 14th  November 
1647] ;  but  out  of  a  larger  confinement  at  Hampton  Court, 
to  a  straiter  one  in  the  Isle  of  Wight, 

Here  the  Parliament  treated  upon  Propositions  of  Peace 
with  the  King.  But,  alas,  the  Envious  One  sowed  tares 
that  could  not  be  rooted  out,  without  plucking  up  the  corn 
also. 

And  here  was  the  King,  as  the  golden  ball,  tossed  before 
the  two  great  Parties ;  the  Parliament,  and  the  Army : 
[which]  grew  to  a  great  contest,  which  must  again  have 
involved  the  kingdom  in  blood. 

But  the  Army,  having  the  greater  power,  got  the  King 
again  into  their  hands ;  notwithstanding  all  the  means  that 
could  be  used.  The  Treaty  \?  of  Newport,  ?  October  1648] 
was  scarcely  ended,  before  the  King  was  seized  upon  by  the 
hands  of  the  same  person.  Lieutenant  Colonel  COBBETT, 
who  took  him  from  Holmby  [  ;  and  who  now  removed  him, 
on  1st  December  1648,  from  Carisbrooke  Castle  to  Hurst 
Castle'].     Soon  after  followed  his  Trial. 

But  to  prepare  a  way  to  this  work  [^the  Triat\  this  Agitating 
Council  had  thought  first  how  to  remove  out  of  the  Par- 
liament all  those  who  were  likely  to  oppose  them  in  that 
work  ;  which  they  carried  on  with  that  secrecy  as  that  I  had 
not  the  least  intimation  of  it,  till  it  was  done :  as  some 
Members  of  the  House  can  witness,  with  whom  I  was  met, 
at  that  very  time,  upon  especial  business,  when  that  horrible 
attempt  was  made  by  Colonel  Pride  upon  the  Parliament 
[on  6th  December  1648].  It  was  so  secretly  carried  on  that 
I  should  get  no  notice  of  it :  because  I  always  prevented 
those  designs  when  I  knew  of  them.  But  by  this  "  Purging 
of  the  House,"  as  they  called  it,  the  Parliament  was  brought 
into  such  a  consumptive  and  languishing  condition  as  that  it 
could  never  recover  again  that  healthful  Constitution  which 
always  kept  the  Kingdom  in  its  strength  and  vigour. 

But  now,  this  Three-fold  Cord  being  cut  by  the  sword,  the 
Trial  of  the  King  was  the  easier  for  them  to  accomplish. 
My  afflicted  and  troubled  mind  for  it,  and  my  earnest 
endeavours  to  prevent  it,  will,  I  hope,  sufficiently  testify 
my  abhorrence  of  the  fact.     And  what  might  they  not  now 


362  Colchester  surrendered  upon  mercy.  [^°'^  ^u%t 

do  to  the  lower  shrubs,  having  thus  cut  down  the  cedar? 
For,  after  this,  [the]  Duke  [of]  HAMILTON,  [the]  Earl  of 
Holland,  and  Lord  Capel,  and  others,  were  condemned 
to  death. 

But  here  it  is  fit  to  say  something  for  my  own  vindication 
about  my  Lord  Capel,  Sir  Charles  Lucas,  and  Sir 
George  Lisle  ;  who  were  prisoners  at  mercy  upon  the 
rendition  of  Colchester :  seeing  some  have  questioned  the 
just  performance  of  those  Articles  \of  Siirrender\ 

I  (having  laid  siege  to  the  town,  and  several  assaults  being 
made  upon  it)  finding  their  forces  within  [to  be]  much  more 
numerous  than  those  I  had  without,  forced  me  to  take  another 
course :  blocking  them  up  ;  and  so,  by  cutting  off  all  supplies, 
to  bring  them  to  a  surrender.  Which,  after  [a]  four  months' 
siege,  they  were  necessitated  to  ;  and  that  upon  mercy  :  they 
being  between  3,000  and  4,000  men. 

Now  by  Delivering  iipon  -mercy  is  to  be  understood,  that 
some  are  to  suffer,  and  the  rest  to  go  free. 

So  those  forementioned  persons  only  were  to  suffer ;  and 
all  the  rest  freed. 

So  immediately  after  our  entrance  into  the  town  [on  26th 
August  1648],  a  Council  of  War  being  called  ;  those  persons 
were  sentenced  to  die,  the  rest  to  be  quit. 

Yet,  on  they  being  so  resolved,  I  thought  fit  to  manumit 
the  Lord  Capel,  the  Lord  Norwich,  &c.  over  to  the  Parlia- 
ment (being  the  Civil  Judicature  of  the  Kingdom,  consisting 
then  of  Lords  and  Commons)  as  the  most  proper  Judges  of 
their  cases  :  being  considerable  for  estates  and  families. 

But  Sir  Charles  Lucas  and  Sir  George  Lisle  being 
mere  Soldiers  of  Fortune  ;  and  falling  into  our  hands  by  the 
chance  of  war,  execution  was  done  upon  them.  And  in  this 
distribution  of  Justice  I  did  nothing  but  according  to  my 
Commission,  asid  the  trust  reposed  in  me. 

But  it  may  be  objected  that  I  went  into  the  Court  during 
the  Trial. 

To  this,  I  answer.  It  was  upon  the  earnest  entreaties  of 
my  Lord  Capel's  friends  ;  who  desired  me  to  explain  there, 
what  I  meant  by  Surrendering  to  mercy:  otherwise  I  had 
not  gone,  being  always  unsatisfied  with  the  Court. 


Lord  Fairfax. J  -pj^g  ^j;^j^^y  ROOT  UP  KiNGLY  GOVERNMENT.  363 

But  for  this  I  shall  need  to  say  no  more  :  seeing  I  may  as 
well  be  questioned  for  the  Articles  of  Bristol,  Oxford,  Exeter; 
or  [for]  any  other  Action  in  the  War,  as  for  this. 

And  now  I  have  related  the  most  remarkable  things  that 
might  be  alleged  against  me  during  the  prosecution  of  the 
War. 

Yet  one  thing  more  requires  that  I  should  say  something 
to  it,  before  I  conclude,  viz. :  Concerning  Papers  and  Decla- 
rations of  the  Army  that  came  out  in  my  name  and  the 
Council  of  Officers.  I  must  needs  say.  From  the  time  they 
declared  their  Usurped  Authority  at  Triplow  Heath  [loth 
June  1647],  I  never  gave  my  free  consent  to  anything  they 
did  :  but  (being  then  undischarged  of  my  place)  they  set  my 
hand  \signaiure\  by  way  of  course,  to  all  their  Papers ; 
whether  I  consented  or  not. 

And  unto  such  failings  all  Authority  may  fall.  As  some- 
times Kingly  Authority  may  be  abused  to  their,  and  the 
Kingdom's,  prejudice ;  sometimes,  under  a  Parliamentary 
Authority,  much  injury  hath  been  done :  so  here,  hath  a 
General's  Pov/er  been  broken  and  crumbled  into  a  Levelling 
Faction,  to  the  great  unsettlement  of  the  Nation. 

Yet,  even  in  this,  I  hope  all  impartial  judges  will  interpret 
as  a  force  and  ravishment  of  a  good  name ;  rather  than  a 
voluntary  consent  whereby  it  might  make  me  seem  to  be- 
come equally  criminal.  Though  I  must  confess,  if  in  a 
multitude  of  words,  much  more  in  a  multitude  of  actions, 
there  may  be  some  transgressions :  yet,  I  can  as  truly  say, 
they  were  never  designedly  or  wilfully  committed  by  me. 

But  now,  when  all  the  power  was  got  into  the  Army,  they 
cut  up  the  root  of  Kingly  Government.  After  this,  were 
Engagements  to  relinquish  the  Title.  Then  [was]  War 
declared  against  Scotland  for  assisting  the  King  [CHARLES 
II.] :  and  several  Leagues  made  with  foreign  Princes  to  con- 
federate with  their  new  Government,  which  was  now  a 
Common  Wealth,  against  the  Kingly  Power. 

Seeing  which,  with  grief  and  sorrow,  though  I  had  as 
much  the  love  of  the  Army  as  ever ;  though  I  was  with 
much  importunity  solicited  by  the  remaining  Parliament, 
the  Lieutenant  General  [Oliver  Cromwell],   and   other 


364    Put  Loyalty  and  Conscience  first  !    [^'''^  ^f'J^s. 

Officers  and  soldiers,  to  continue  my  Command ;  and 
though  I  might,  so  long  as  I  acted  their  designs,  attain  to 
the  height  of  power  and  other  advantages  I  pleased  (for  so  I 
understood  from  themselves) :  yet  (by  the  mercy  and  good- 
ness of  GOD,  ever  valuing  Loyalty  and  Conscience  before 
this  perishing  felicity)  I  did,  so  long  as  I  continued  in  the 
Army,  oppose  all  those  ways  in  their  counsels  ;  and,  when  I 
could  do  no  more,  I  also  declined  their  actions,  though  not 
their  Commission  I  had  from  the  Parliament,  till  the  remain- 
ing part  of  it,  took  it  from  me  [25th  June  1650]. 


Thus  I  have  given  you,  in  short,  the  sum  of  the  most 
considerable  things  that  the  World  may  censure  me  for, 
during  this  unhappy  War.  Yet,  I  hope,  among  many  weak- 
nesses and  failings  there  shall  not  be  found  crimes  of  that 
magnitude  [for  me]  to  be  counted  amongst  those  who  have 
done  these  things  through  ambition  and  dissimulation. 
Hoping  also  that  GOD  will,  one  day,  clear  this  Action  we 
undertook,  so  far  as  concerns  his  honour  ;  and  the  integrity 
of  such  as  faithfully  served  in  it.  For  I  cannot  believe  that 
such  wonderful  successes  shall  be  given  in  vain.  Though 
cunning  and  deceitful  men  must  take  shame  to  themselves  ; 
yet  the  purposes  and  determination  of  GOD  shall  have 
happy  effects  to  his  glory,  and  the  comfort  of  his  people. 


3^5 


Thomas,  third  Lord  Fairfax. 
A  Short  Memorial  of  the  Northern  Actions; 

during  the  War  there^ 

from  the  year  1642  till  the  year  1644. 


DID  not  think  to  have  taken  up  my  pei 
any  more,  to  have  written  on  this  subject: 
but  that  my  silence  seemed  to  accuse  me 
of  ingratitude  to  GOD  for  the  many 
mercies  and  deliverances  I  have  had ;  and 
of  injuriousness  to  myself  in  losing  the 
comfort  of  them,  by  suffering  them  to  be 
buried  in  the  grave  of  Oblivion  in  my 
lifetime. 

Wherefore  I  shall  set  down,  as  they  come  to  my  mind, 
such  things  wherein  I  have  found  the  wonderful  assistance 
of  GOD  to  me  in  the  time  of  the  War  I  was  in  the  North : 
though  not  in  that  methodical  and  polished  manner  as  might 
have  been  done  ;  being  but  intended  only  for  my  own  satis- 
faction, and  the  help  of  my  memory. 

As  I  said,  in  the  First  Part  \J>.  353],  my  father  was  called 
forth  by  the  importunity  of  the  country  [  Yorkshire\  to  join 
with  them  in  the  defence  of  themselves  :  and  [was]  confirmed 
by  a  Commission  of  the  Parliament  \by  Vote  on  the  2ird 
August  1642.  He  however  did  not  actually  receive  the  Com- 
mission till  the  2,rd  December  following^ 


The  first  Action  we  had  was  at  Bradford,  where  we  had 
about  300  men.     The  Enemy,  having  about  700  or  800  and 


;66  Actions  at  Bradford  and  Wetherby.  [ 


Lord  Fairfax. 
?  1665. 


2  pieces  of  ordnance,  came  thither  to  assault  us  [in  October 
1642].  We  drew  out  close  to  the  town  to  receive  them. 
They  had  [the]  advantage  of  [the]  ground,  the  town  being 
compassed  with  hills  ;  which  made  us  more  exposed  to  their 
cannon  shot,  from  which  we  received  some  hurt.  Yet  not- 
withstanding, our  men  defended  the  passages,  which  they 
[the  Enemy\  were  to  descend,  so  well  that  they  got  no 
ground  of  us.  And  now,  the  day  being  spent,  they  drew  off; 
and  returned  back  again  to  Leeds. 

A  few  days  after,  Captain  HOTHAM,  with  3  Troops  of 
Horse  and  some  Dragoons,  came  to  me ;  and  then  we 
marched  to  Leeds.  But  the  Enemy,  having  notice  of  it, 
quitt[ed]  the  town  in  haste  ;  and  fled  to  York. 

And  that  we  might  have  more  room,  and  be  less  burthen- 
some  to  our  friends  ;  we  presently  advanced  [in  November 
1642]  to  Tadcaster,  8  miles  from  York. 

Now  we  being  increased  to  1,000  men,  it  was  thought  fit,  for 
securing  of  the  West  Riding,  at  least  the  greatest  part  of  it, 
from  whence  our  greatest  supply  came,  to  keep  the  Pass  at 
Wetherby ;  whither  my  father  sent  me  with  about  300  Foot 
and  40  Horse.  The  Enemy's  next  design,  from  York,  was 
to  fall  on  my  Quarters  there  ;  which  was  a  place  very  open 
and  easy  for  them  to  do :  there  being  so  many  back  ways  to 
enter  in  ;  and  friends  enough  to  direct  and  acquaint  them 
with  all  we  did. 

About  six  of  the  clock  in  the  morning  [in  November  1642], 
they  set  upon  us  with  800  Horse  and  Foot.  The  woods 
thereabouts  favoured  them  so  much  as  that  our  Scouts  could 
get  no  notice  of  them  ;  so  as  no  alarm  was  given  till  they 
were  ready  to  enter  the  town,  which  they  might  soon  do  for 
the  Guards  were  all  asleep  in  houses. 

For  in  the  beginning  of  the  War,  men  were  as  impatient 
of  Duty  as  ignorant  of  it. 

Myself  only  was  on  horseback  ;  going  out,  at  the  other 
end  of  the  town,  to  Tadcaster  :  where  my  father  lay. 

One  came  running  to  me,  and  told  me.  The  Enemy  was 
entering  the  town.  I  presently  galloped  to  the  Court  ot 
Guard  \the  Piquet],  where  I  found  not  above  four  men  at 
their  arms ;  as   I  remember,  two  Foot  Sergeants  and  two 


Lord  FahfaxJ  ^  SORE  SCUFFLE  BETWEEN  LATE  FRIENDS.  367 

Pike  men,  [who]  withstood  with  me  when  Sir  Thomas  Glen- 
HAM,  with  about  six  or  seven  Commanders  more,  charged 
us  :  where,  after  a  short  but  sharp  encounter,  in  which  Major 
Carr  was  slain,  they  retired.  And  in  this  time  more  of  the 
Guard  were  gotten  to  their  arms.  But  I  must  confess  I 
know  [of]  no  strength,  but  the  powerful  hand  of  GOD,  that 
gave  them  this  repulse. 

Afterward  they  made  another  attempt,  in  which  Captain 
Atkinson  was  slain. 

And  here  again,  there  fell  out  another  remarkable  Provi- 
dence. During  this  conflict,  our  Magazine  was  blown  up  : 
which  struck  such  a  terror  in  the  Enemy,  thinking  we  had 
cannon  (which  they  were  informed  we  had  not),  that  they 
instantly  retreated.  And  though  I  had  but  a  few  Horse ; 
they  pursued  the  Enemy  some  miles,  and  took  many 
prisoners. 

We  lost  about  eight  or  ten  men,  whereof  seven  were 
blown  up  with  [the]  powder :  the  Enemy,  many  more.* 

At  this  time  [Henry  Clifford]  the  Earl  of  Cumber- 
land commanded  the  Forces  in  Yorkshire  for  the  King. 

*  Sir  Henry  Slings  by  gives  the  following  Account  of  this  Action: 

My  Lord  of  Cumberland  sent  out  Sir  Thomas  Glenham  once 
again  to  beat  up  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax's  Quarters  at  Wetherby  :  com- 
manding out  a  party  both  of  Horse  and  Dragoons.  He  comes  close  up 
to  the  town,  undiscovered,  a  little  before  sunrise  ;  and  Prideaux  and 
some  others  enter  the  town  through  a  back  yard.  This  gave  an  alarm 
quite  through  the  town. 

Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  was,  at  this  juncture,  drawing  on  his  boots,  to 
go  to  his  father  at  Tadcaster.  He  gets  on  horseback,  draws  out  some 
Pikes,  and  so  meets  our  Gentlemen.  Every  one  had  a  shot  at  him  :  he 
only  making  at  them  with  his  sword  ;  and  then  retired  again,  under  the 
guard  of  his  Pikes. 

At  another  part,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Norton  enters  with  his  Dra- 
goons. Captain  Atkinson  encounters  him  on  horseback  :  the  other 
being  on  foot.  They  meet.  Atkinson  missed  with  his  pistol.  NOR- 
TON pulls  him  off  horseback  by  the  sword-belt.  Being  both  on  the 
ground ;  Atkinson's  soldiers  come  in,  fell  Norton  into  the  ditch 
with  the  butt  ends  of  their  muskets,  to  rescue  their  Captain.  Norton's 
soldiers  come  in,  and  beat  down  Atkinson  ;  and  with  repeated  blows 
break  his  thigh ;  of  which  wound,  he  died.  A  sore  scuffle  between 
two  that  had  been  neighbours  and  intimate  friends.  After  this  they 
^Norton's  Dragoons']  retreated  out  of  the  town  ;  with  the  loss  of  more 
than  one  Trooper  killed,  and  one  Major  Carr,  a  Scotchman. 

Memoirs,  p.  40,  Ed.  1806,  8vo. 


368         The  Action  at  Tadcaster.       [ 


Lord  Fairfax. 

?  1665. 


But  (being  of  a  peaceable  nature ;  and  by  his  amiable  dis- 
position having  but  few  enemies,  or  rather  because  he  was 
an  enemy  to  few)  he  did  not  suit  with  their  present  condition 
and  apprehension  of  fears.  Therefore  they  sent  to  [WILLIAM 
Cavendish]  the  Earl  of  Newcastle,  who  had  an  Army 
of  6,000  men,  to  desire  his  assistance:  which  he  answered 
by  a  speedy  march  to  York. 

Being  now  encouraged  by  this  increase  of  force,  they 
resolved  to  fall  on  Tadcaster.  My  father  drew  all  his  men 
thither.  But  by  a  Council  of  War  the  town  was  judged 
untenable  ;  and  that  we  should  draw  out  to  an  advantageous 
piece  of  ground  by  the  town.  But  before  we  could  all  march 
out ;  the  Enemy  advanced  [on  7th  December  1642]  so  fast 
that  we  were  necessitated  to  leave  some  Foot  in  a  slight 
Work  above  the  bridge  to  secure  our  retreat. 

But  the  Enemy  pressing  still  on  us,  forced  us  to  draw  back 
[return  back\  and  maintain  that  ground. 

We  had  about  900  men.  The  Enemy  above  4,000 :  who, 
in  Brigades,  drew  up  close  to  the  Works,  and  stormed  us. 
Our  men  reserved  their  shot  till  they  were  very  near ;  which 
then  they  disposed  to  so  good  purpose  as  forced  them  to 
retire,  and  shelter  themselves  behind  the  hedges  that  were 
hard  by. 

And  here  did  the  fight  continue  from  11  a  clock  at  noon 
till  5  at  night,  with  cannon  and  musket,  without  intermission. 

They  had,  once,  possessed  a  house  by  the  bridge ;  which 
would  have  cut  us  [off]  from  our  reserves  that  were  in  the 
town :  but  Major  General  GiFFORD,  with  a  commanded 
party,  beat  them  out  again  ;  where  many  of  the  enemies 
were  slain  and  taken  prisoners. 

They  attempted  at  another  place ;  but  were  also  repulsed 
by  Captain  LiSTER,  who  was  there  slain :  which  was  a  great 
loss,  [he]  being  a  discreet  Gentleman. 

And  now,  it  growing  dark,  the  Enemy  drew  off  into  the 
fields  hard  by ;  with  intention  to  assault  us  again  the  next 
day.  They  left  that  night  about  200  dead  and  wounded 
upon  the  place. 

But  our  ammunition  being  all  spent  in  this  day's  fight ; 
we  drew  off  that  night,  and  marched  to  Selby :  and  the 
Enemy  entered,  the  next  day  [Sth  December  1642],  into  the 


Lord  Fairfax.-|  VicTORY  OF  THE  Club  Men  at  Bradford.  369 

town  [of  Tadcaster].  And  thus,  by  the  mercy  of  GOD,  were 
a  few  delivered  from  an  Army  who,  in  their  thoughts,  had 
swallowed  us  up. 

Now,  the  Earl  of  NEWCASTLE  lay  between  us  and  our 
friends  in  the  West  Riding  ;  and  so  [was]  equally  destructive 
to  us  both.  But,  to  give  them  encouragement  and  help,  I 
was  sent  [on  Friday,  9th  December  1642],  with  about  200 
Foot  and  3  Troops  of  Horse  and  some  arms,  to  Bradford. 
I  was  to  go  by  Ferrybridge :  our  intelligence  being  that  the 
Enemy  was  advanced  yet  no  further  than  Sherburn. 

But  when  I  was  within  a  mile  of  the  town  [i.e.  Ferry- 
bridge] ;  we  took  some  prisoners  who  told  us  That  my  Lord 
Newcastle  laid  at  Pontefract,  800  men  in  Ferrybridge,  and 
the  rest  of  the  Army  in  all  the  towns  thereabouts. 

So  as  now,  our  advance,  or  retreat,  seemed  [to  be]  alike 
difficult  But,  there  being  not  much  time  to  demur  in,  a 
retreat  was  resolved  on  back  again  to  Selby.  300  or  400  of 
the  Enemy's  Horse  shewed  themselves  in  our  rear,  without 
making  any  attempt  upon  us ;  and  so,  through  the  goodness 
of  GOD,  we  got  safe  thither. 

[Her  e,chro7iologically , comes  in  the  Fight  at  Sherburn  inElmet, 
on  Wednesday,  \/^th  December  1642,  described  at  page  372.] 

And,  in  three  days  after,*  having  better  intelligence  how 
they  lay,  with  the  same  number  as  before,  I  marched  in  the 
night  by  several  towns  where  they  lay,  and  arrived,  the  next 

•  TAis  is  clearly  wrong,  and  a  slip  of  the  memory.  The  Writer  did 
not  again  go  to  Bradford  icntil  after  the  Victory  of  the  Club  Men 
there,  on  Sunday,  \Zth  December  1642/  which  is  thus  described  by 
Ferdinando,  Lord  Fairfax,  in  a  letter  from  Selby  on  2gth  December 
1642. 

I  have  formerly  advertised  that  the  Earl  of  Newcastle's  Army  have 
seized  upon  Leeds  :  where  they  plunder  the  well-affected  party  ;  and 
raise  a  very  great  sum  of  money  out  of  those  that  they  can  draw  to 
compound  for  their  securities. 

And  from  Leeds,  they  marched  on  Sunday,  the  1 8th  of  this  month, 
with  5  Iroops  of  Horse,  6  Companies  of  Dragoons,  200  Foot,  and  two 
drakes  [small  camion,  or  f  eld  pieces'],  of  the  Earl  of  Newcastle's 
Army  ;  besides  Sir  WiLLLAM  Sayile  and  divers  other  Gentlemen 
of  Yorkshire  and  their  forces,  that  joined  themselves  with  them  :  and 
came  to  Bradford,  about  ten  a  clock  in  the  morning ;  intending  to 
surprise  the  town,  in  [the]  time  of  Prayer. 

2A  2 


370  Cavalry  skirmishes  round  Bradford.  [^°'''^  ^f'S: 

day,  at  Bradford  :  a  town  very  untenable  ;  but,  for  their  good 
affections,  deserving  all  we  could  hazard  for  them. 

But  the  town,  having  scouts  abroad,  had  notice  of  their  coming  ;  and 
gave  the  alarm  to  the  country  {district]  :  who  came  in  to  their  succour 
from  the  parts  adjoining. 

Yet  they  had  not  in  all  above  80  muskets  :  the  rest  being  armed  with 
clubs  and  such  rustic  weapons ;  with  which  small  force,  they  put  the 
cause  to  trial  with  {agaitist}  the  great  strength  of  the  Enemy.  Who 
planted  their  drakes,  and  discharged  each  of  them  seventeen  times 
upon  the  town ;  until  a  townsman,  with  a  fowling  piece,  killed  one  of 
the  Cannoniers.  And  then  they  all,  with  great  courage,  issued  from  the 
town  upon  the  enemies  ;  and  killed  many  of  them,  and  took  about  30 
prisoners :  and  forced  the  rest  to  retreat,  leaving  40  of  their  muskets 
and  [a]  barrel  of  powder,  with  much  other  provision,  behind  them.  And 
this,  with  [the]  loss  of  3  Bradford  men. 

The  report  of  the  country  is  that  [of]  the  enemies,  amongst  those  that 
were  killed  were  Colonel  Evers,  and  Captain  Binns,  and  another  Com- 
mander ;  and  that  Colonel  Goring,  General  of  the  Horse  with  the 
Earl  of  Newcastle,  was  wounded;  and  Serjeant  Major  Carr,  taken 
prisoner.  And  it  is  generally  spoken,  That  150  more  are  run  away, 
upon  the  retreat ;  and  are  not  since  returned  to  Leeds. 

In  which  victory  the  hand  and  power  of  GOD  was  most  evident,  the 
town  being  open  on  all  sides  and  not  defensible ;  assaulted  on  every 
side  by  a  malicious  and  bloody  Enemy ;  and  defended  by  a  few  half- 
naked  \half-armed'\  men :  there  being  in  the  town  not  above  80  muskets 
before  they  got  40  more  by  the  spoils  of  their  enemies  ;  so  that  [the] 
slaughter  was,  for  the  most  part,  with  clubs  and  scythes  mounted  on 
poles,  and  came  to  hand  blows. 

With  this  defeat,  the  enemies  are  so  enraged  as  they  threaten  revenge 
to  Bradford. 

Whereupon  the  Bradford  men  sent  to  me  for  succour  of  men  and 
arms.  And  I  have  sent  my  son  [Sir  Thomas  Fairfax]  and  Sir 
Henry  Foulis  to  them,  with  3  Troops  of  Horse  and  120  Dragooners  ; 
who  are  safely  arrived  there  :  and  [have  been]  received  with  great  joy 
and  acclamation  of  the  country  \district'\  ;  who  flock  to  him  and  offer 
themselves  most  willingly  to  serve  against  their  Popish  enemies,  if  arms 
could  be  furnished  to  them. 

He  hath  already  surprised  some  victuals  \convoys  a/ provisions]  sent 
in,  upon  warrants  {requisitions],  to  the  Enemy  at  Leeds,  by  the  over- 
awed country  [district].  And  he  hath  sent  Captain  MlLDMAV,  with  his 
Troop  of  Horse,  into  Craven  [i.e.  the  upper  Wharfe-dale]  to  stop  the 
raising  of  forces  and  money  in  that  country  :  which  is  attempted  by  the 
Earl  of  Cumberland  ;  who  is  lately  retired  from  York  to  Skipton. 
And  I  hope  he  may  leave  nothing  unattempted  that  may  conduce  to 
the  safety  of  the  country,  so  far  as  can  be  expected  from  the  few  forces 
he  hath  with  him. 

A  Second  Letter  from  the  Lord  Fairfax.  Printed  5th  Jan. 
l642[-3].     British  Museum  Press  Mark,  E.  84.  (15). 


^"^  ^U66]'^   Fairfax  summons  the  West  Riding.    37 1 

Our  first  work  there  was  to  fortify  ourselves  ;  for  we  could 
not  but  expect  strong  opposition  in  it :  seeing  there  lay  at 
Leeds  1,500  of  the  Enemy,  and  1,200  at  Wakefield  ;  neither 
above  six  or  seven  miles  from  us.  They  visited  us  every  day 
with  their  Horse  ;  for  ours  went  not  far  from  the  town,  being 
so  unequal  in  number:  yet  they  seldom  returned  without 
loss.  Till,  at  length,  our  few  men  grew  so  bold  ;  and  theirs, 
so  disheartened :  as  they  durst  not  stir  a  mile  out  of  their 
garrison. 

But  while  these  daily  skirmishes  were  among  the  Horse ; 
I  thought  it  necessary  to  strengthen  ourselves  with  more 
Foot.  So,  summoning  the  country  [i.e.  the  West  Ridhig  of 
Yorkshire'],  which  now  our  Horse  had  given  some  liberty  to 
come  into  us  ;  I  presently  armed  them  with  the  arms  we 
brought  along  with  us :  so  that,  in  all,  we  were  now  about 
800  Foot. 

But  being  too  many  to  lie  idle,  and  yet  too  few  to  be  in 
continual  duty ;  we  resolved  rather,  through  the  assistance 
of  GOD,  to  attempt  them  in  their  garrison  than  endure 
longer  this  trouble.  So  summoning  the  country  in  again  ; 
we  made  a  body  of  about  1,200  or  1,300  men  :  with  which 
we  marched  to  Leeds,  and  drew  them  up  [on  Monday,  23rd 

Another  Account  of  the  Bradford  Vietory,  dated  2ist  December  1642, 
states  : 

They  appeared  in  Barker  End,  about  9  a  clock,  when  we  had  not  in 
[the]  town  above  40  Musketeers ;  planted  their  ordnance  in  William 
Cooke's  Barn  ;  marched  down  the  Causey  \_Cause'way\  with  their  Foot, 
whilst  their  Horse  coasted  about  the  town  to  hinder  aid  from  coming 
in  ;  possessed  themselves  of  those  houses  under  the  Church  ;  and  from 
thence  played  hotly  upon  our  Musketeers  in  the  Church  till  1 1  a  clock  : 
about  which  time  [the]  Halifax  men,  and  other  neighbours,  came  in  to 
our  help. 

The  fight,  before  hot,  was  then  hotter.  Our  men,  impatient  to  be 
cooped  up  in  the  Church,  rushed  out  [and]  forced  a  passage  into  the 
foresaid  houses  ;  and  there  our  Club  Men  did  good  execution  upon 
them.  Thereabouts  the  fight  continued  till  it  was  dark.  Many  of 
theirs  were  slain 

Their  cannon,  one  of  which  shoots  a  9  lb.  ball  \if  so,  it  was  a  Demi- 
Ctilverin:  see  Vol.  IV.,  p.  251]  played  all  that  time  upon  the  town  :  but 
hurt  no  man,  praised  be  GOD  1  who  hath  delivered  those  that  were 
ordained  to  death,  &c. 

Brave  News  of  the  taking  of  Chichester,  Qr'c.  dr'c.  Printed  30th  Dec, 
1642.     British  Museum  Press  Mark,  E.  83.  (36). 


372  The  Storming  of  Leeds.  [ 


Lord  Fairfax. 

?  1665. 


January  1643]  within  [a]  half  cannon  shot  of  their  Works,  in 
Battalia ;  and  then  sent  in  a  Trumpet[er]  with  a  Summons 
to  deliver  up  the  town  to  me,  for  the  use  of  [the]  King  and 
Parliament. 

They  presently  returned  this  answer,  That  it  was  not 
civilly  done  to  come  so  near  before  I  sent  the  Summons ;  and 
that  they  would  defend  the  town,  the  best  they  could,  with 
their  lives. 

So  presently  ordering  the  manner  of  the  Storm,  we  all  fell 
on  at  one  time.  The  business  was  hotly  disputed  for  almost 
two  hours :  but,  after,  the  Enemy  were  beaten  from  their 
Works.  The  Barricadoes  were  soon  forced  open  into  the 
streets :  where  Horse  and  Foot  resolutely  entering,  the 
soldiers  cast  down  their  arms,  and  rendered  themselves 
prisoners.  The  Governor  and  some  chief  Officers  swam  the 
river  and  escaped.  One  Major  Beaumont  was  drowned, 
as  was  thought.  In  all,  there  were  about  40  or  50  slain  ; 
and  [a]  good  store  of  ammunition  [was]  taken,  which  we  had 
much  want  of. 

But  the  consequence  of  this  Action  was  yet  of  more 
importance.  For  those  that  fled  from  Leeds  and  Wakefield, 
(for  they  also  quitted  that  garrison)  gave  my  Lord  NEW- 
CASTLE such  an  alarm  at  Pontefract,  where  he  lay  ;  as  he 
drew  all  his  Army  back  again  to  York :  leaving  once  more 
a  free  intercourse  between  my  father  [at  Selby]  and  me, 
which  he  had  so  long  time  cut  off. 

But,  after  a  short  time,  the  Earl  of  NEWCASTLE  returned 
again  to  the  same  Quarters  [at  Pontefract] ;  and  we  to  our 
stricter  duties. 

But,  after  some  time,  we  found  that  our  men  must  either 
have  more  room,  or  more  action.  [  This  Fight  at  Sherburn 
took  place  on  the  14th  December  1642  ;  and  should  have  been 
mentioned  earlier  in   this   Narrative*'\     Therefore  Captain 

*  Sir  Henry  Slingsby  says  of  this  Fight  : 

Two  days  after,  His  Excellency  [the  Earl  of  Newcastle]  came  to 
York  [5th  December  1642]  ;  he  undertook  to  attempt  to  beat  Lord 
Fairfax  out  of  Tadcaster:  in  this  he  succeeded  pretty  well  [on  7th 
December  1642]  ;  and  marched  to  Pomfret  [Pofitefract],  which  he 
made  his  Head  Quarters.  His  Horse  [was]  at  Sherburn,  and  towns 
next  adjacent. 

Here  we  were  a  little  too  secure.     Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  (with  a 


^"^^?'i66s:]  Fairfax's  Cavalry  storm  Sherburn.    373 

HOTHAM  and  I  took  a  resolution,  early  in  the  morning  to 
beat  up  a  Quarter  \Encampmeiit\  of  the  Enemy  that  lay  at 
[Church]  Fenton.  But  they  being  gone,  we  marched  towards 
Sherburn  [in  Elmet] ;  intending  only  to  give  them  an  alarm 
there. 

But  they  might  see  us,  a  mile  or  two,  march  over  a  plain 
common  which  lay  by  the  Town  ;  and  therefore  had  sent 
about  20,  or  30,  Horse  to  guard  a  Pass  near  the  town.  I 
having  the  Van  (For,  at  this  time  we  \Fairfax  and 
Hotham]  commanded  our  Troops  distinct  one  from 
another ;  both  making  5  Troops  of  Horse  and  2  of 
Dragoons),  I  told  him.  If  he  would  second  me,  I  would 
charge  those  Horse ;  and  if  they  fled,  I  would  pursue 
them  so  close[ly]  as  to  get  into  the  town  with  them.  He 
promised  to  second  me.  I  went  to  the  head  of  my  Troops, 
and  presently  charged  them :  who  fled,  and  we  pursued 
[them]  close  to  the  Barricado.  But  they  got  in,  and  shut 
it  upon  us  ;  where  my  horse  was  shot  at  the  breast.  We  so 
filled  the  lane ;  being  strait  [narrow],  that  we  could  not 
retreat  without  confusion,  and  danger  of  their  falling  in  our 
rear.  So  we  stood  to  it ;  and  stormed  the  Work  with  pistol 
and  sword.  At  the  end  of  the  Barricado,  there  was  a  straight 
passage  for  one  single  horse  to  go  in.  I  entered  there,  and 
others  followed  one  by  one.  Close  at  one  side  of  the  entrance 
stood  a  Troop  of  Horse :  but  so  soon  as  eight  or  ten  of  us 
got  in  they  fled.  And  by  this  time,  the  rest  of  our  men  had 
beaten  them  from  their  Barricado,  and  entered  the  town  , 
which  soon  cleared  the  streets,  and  pursued  those  that  fled. 
And  now  my  horse,  which  was  shot  in  the  lane,  fell  down 
dead  under  me :  but  I  was  presently  mounted  again. 

party  of  300  Horse  ;  and,  it  seems,  hearing  the  Officers  in  Sherburn 
were  to  have  a  feast)  comes  at  noon-day,  beats  up  our  Quarters;  [and] 
takes  Commissary  WiNDHAM,  Sir  William  Riddall,  and  many 
others,  prisoners.  Memoirs,  p.  42,  Ed.  1806,  8vo. 

The  date  of  this  Fig^ht  is  fixed  by  the  following  passaf^e : 
On  Tuesday  last  [13th  December  1642],  about  four  oif  the  clock  in  the 
morning.  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  marched  from  Selby  ;  fetching  a  com- 
pass, as  if  he  declined  Sherburn :  yet,  at  last,  [he]  wheeled  about,  and 
assaulted  that  town  about  one  of  the  clock,  the  next  day  [14th  Decem- 
ber 1642]  &c.  &:c.  A  True  Relation  of  the  Fight  at  Sherburn,  &-'c. 
Written  on  [Friday]  i6th  December  1642.  British  Museum  Press 
Mark,  E.  83.  (15). 


374    Flank  March  from  Selby  to  Leeds.   [^°"*  ^f'^ess: 

They  in  the  towns  about  having  taken  the  alarm,  now 
made  us  think  of  securing  our  retreat  with  the  prisoners 
we  had  gotten  :  and  some  of  them  [were]  very  considerable  ; 
among  whom  was  Major  General  WiNDHAM.  But  we 
scarce[ly]  got  into  good  order  before  General  GORiNG  came, 
with  a  good  body  of  Horse,  up  to  us  :  and  as  we  marched  on, 
he  followed  close  in  the  rear,  without  [our]  receiving  any 
hurt ;  only  my  Trump5t[er]  had  his  horse  shot  close  by  me. 
So  we  returned  again  to  Selby. 

But  though  this  could  not  free  us  wholly  from  a  potent 
Enemy ;  yet  we  lay  more  quietly  by  them  a  good  while 
after. 

In  this  recess  of  action,  we  had  several  treaties  [negotia- 
tions'] about  prisoners.  And  this  I  mention  the  rather,  for 
that  Captain  HOTHAM  here  began  to  discover  his  intention 
of  leaving  the  Parliament's  Service,  by  making  conditions 
for  himself  with  the  Earl  of  NEWCASTLE  (though  [it  was] 
not  discovered  till  a  good  while  after):  which  had  almost 
ruined  my  father,  and  the  forces  that  were  with  him. 

For,  being  now  denied  help  and  succour  from  Hull  and  the 
East  Riding ;  he  was  forced  to  forsake  Selby,  and  retire  to 
Leeds  and  those  western  parts  where  [I]  myself  was. 

But  to  make  good  this  retreat,  I  was  sent  to,  to  bring  what 
men  I  could  to  join  with  him  at  Sherburn.  For  New- 
castle's forces  lay  so,  as  he  might  easily  intercept  us  in  our 
way  to  Leeds  :  which  he  had  determined  [to  do],  and  to  that 
end  lay  with  his  Army  on  Clifford  Moor ;  having  perfect  in- 
telligence of  our  march. 

But  while  my  father,  with  1,500  men  ordnance  and  am- 
munition, continued  [on  2nd  April  1643]  his  way  from  Selby 
to  Leeds ;  I,  with  those  I  brought  to  Sherburn,  marched  a 
little  aside,  between  my  Lord  Newcastle's  Army  and  ours. 
And  to  amuse  [deceive]  them  the  more,  [I]  made  an  attempt 
upon  Tadcaster :  whither  they  had  300  or  400  men  ;  who 
presently  quitted  the  town,  and  fled  to  York.  Here  we 
stayed  three  or  four  hours  sleighting  [destroying]  the  Works. 

This  put  Newcastle's  Army  to  a  stand,  which  was  on 
their  march  to  meet  us :  thinking  that  he  was  deceived  in 
his  intelligence ;  and  that  we  had  some  other  design  upon 
York. 


Lord  Fairfax.-j  p^iRFAX  s  DISASTER  AT  Seacroft  Moor.  375 

He  presently  sent  back  the  Lord  GORiNG,  with  20  Troops 
of  Horse  and  Dragoons,  to  relieve  Tadcaster.  We  were 
newly  drawn  off  when  they  came.  Goring  pressed  over 
the  river  to  follow  us. 

But  seeing  we  were  far  unequal  to  him  in  Horse,  for  I  had 
not  above  3  Troops  ;  and  [having]  to  go  over  Bramham 
Moor,  a  large  plain :  I  gave  direction  to  the  Foot  to  march 
away,  while  I  stayed  with  the  Horse  to  interrupt  the  Enemy's 
passage  in  those  narrow  lanes  that  lead  up  to  the  Moor.  Here 
was  much  firing  at  one  another.  But,  in  regard  of  their  great 
number,  as  they  advanced  we  were  forced  to  give  way :  yet 
had  gained  by  it  sufficient  time  for  the  Foot  to  be  out  of 
danger. 

But  when  we  came  up  to  the  Moor  again,  I  found  them 
where  I  left  them  :  which  troubled  me  much,  the  Enemy 
being  close  upon  us,  and  a  great  plain  yet  to  go  over.  So 
[I]  marched  the  foot  in  two  Divisions,  and  the  Horse  in  the 
rear.  The  Enemy  followed,  about  two  musket  shot  from  us, 
in  three  good  bodies :  but  yet  made  no  attempt  upon  us. 
And  thus  we  got  well  over  the  open  campania. 

But  having  again  gotten  to  some  little  enclosures,  beyond 
which  was  another  Moor,  called  Seacroft  Moor  \now  called 
Whin  Moor.  It  is  about  five  miles  from  Leeds\  much  less 
than  the  first.  Here  our  men  thinking  themselves  more 
secure,  were  more  careless  in  keeping  order ;  and  while  their 
officers  were  getting  them  out  of  houses,  where  they  sought 
for  drink,  [it]  being  an  exceedingly  hot  day ;  the  Enemy  got, 
another  way,  as  soon  as  we,  on  to  the  Moor.  But  we  had 
almost  passed  this  plain  also. 

They  \the  Royalists']  seeing  us  in  some  disorder,  charged  us 
both  in  Flank  and  Rear.  The  countrymen  presently  cast 
down  their  arms,  and  fled.  The  Foot  soon  after :  which,  for 
want  of  pikes,  were  not  able  to  withstand  their  Horse.  Some 
were  slain  ;  and  many  taken  prisoners.  Few  of  our  Horse 
stood  the  charge.  Some  Officers,  with  me,  made  our  retreat 
with  much  difficulty;  in  which  Sir  Henry  Foulis  had  a 
slight  hurt.  My  Cornet  was  taken  prisoner.  Yet  [we]  got 
to  Leeds  about  two  hours  after  my  father,  with  those  forces 
with  him,  was  arrived  safe  thither. 

This  was  one  of  the  greatest  losses  we  ever  received.  Yet 
was  it  a  great  Providence  that  it  was  a  part,  and  not  the 


2ilt    I,IOO  MEN  ATTACK  3,000  IN  WaKEFIELD.  [^"'"'^  ^^665. 

whole,  [of  the]  Force  which  received  this  loss :  it  being  the 
Enemy's  intention  to  have  fought  us  that  day  with  their 
whole  Army,  which  was,  at  least,  10,000  men  ;  had  not  the 
Attempt  at  Tadcaster  put  a  stand  to  them.  And  so  con- 
cluded that  day  with  this  storm  that  fell  on  us. 

But  now,  being  at  Leeds,  it  was  thought  fit  to  possess 
some  other  place  also :  wherefore  I  was  sent  to  Bradford, 
with  700  or  800  Foot  and  3  Troops  of  Horse.  These  two 
towns  being  all  the  garrisons  we  had.  At  Wakefield,  six 
miles  off,  lay  3,000  of  the  Enemy  :  but  yet  [we]  had  not 
much  disturbance  from  them. 

Being  most  busied  about  releasing  our  prisoners  that  were 
taken  at  Seacroft  Moor,  most  of  them  being  countrymen 
[  Yorkshire  peasants] ;  whose  wives  and  children  were  still 
importunate  for  their  release :  which  was  as  earnestly  endeav- 
oured by  us  ;  but  no  conditions  would  be  accepted.  So  their 
continual  cries,  and  tears,  and  importunities  compelled  us  to 
think  of  some  way  to  redeem  these  men :  so  as  we  thought 
of  attempting  Wakefield  ;  our  intelligence  being  that  the 
Enemy  had  not  above  800  or  900  men  in  the  town. 

I  acquainted  my  father  with  our  design  :  who  approved 
of  it ;  and  sent  [to  Bradford]  some  men  from  Leeds  ;  which 
enable  us  to  draw  out  1,100  Horse  and  Foot. 

So  upon  Whit-Sunday  [21st  May  1643],  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, we  came  before  the  town.  But  they  had  notice  of  our 
coming,  and  had  manned  all  their  Works,  and  set  about  800 
Musketeers  to  line  the  hedges  about  the  town :  which  made 
us  now  doubt  our  intelligence  ;  which  was  too  late.  Not- 
withstanding, after  a  little  consultation,  we  advanced,  and 
soon  beat  them  back  into  the  town ;  which  we  stormed  in 
three  places. 

After  two  hours'  dispute,  the  Foot  forced  open  a  Rarricado, 
where  I  entered  with  my  own  Troop.  Colonel  ALU  RED,  and 
Captain  Bright,  followed  with  theirs.  The  street  which  we 
entered  was  full  of  their  Foot :  which  we  charged  through, 
and  routed  ;  leaving  them  to  the  Foot  which  followed  close 
behind  us.  And  presently  we  were  charged  again  with 
Horse  led  by  General  GORiNG  :  where,  after  a  hot  encounter, 
some  were  slain  ;  and  [he]  himself  taken  prisoner  by  [the 
brother  of]  Colonel  Alured. 


^"'  ^?'i66s.]  The  miraculous  victory  at  Wakefield.  %']'] 

And  I  cannot  but  here  acknowledge  GOD's  goodness  to 
me  this  day :  who  being  advanced  a  good  way  single  \alone\ 
before  my  men,  having  a  Colonel  and  a  Lieutenant  Colonel, 
who  had  engaged  themselves  to  be  my  prisoners,  only  with 
me ;  and  many  of  the  enemies  between  me  and  my  men,  I 
light[ed]  on  a  Regiment  of  Foot  standing  in  the  Market 
Place. 

Thus  encompassed,  and  thinking  what  to  do ;  I  espied  a 
lane  which  I  thought  would  lead  me  back  to  my  men  again. 
At  the  end  of  this  lane,  there  was  a  Corps  du  Guard  \^Piquet\ 
of  the  Enemy's,  with  15  or  16  soldiers;  who  were  then  just 
quitting  it,  with  a  Serjeant  leading  them  off:  whom  we  met. 
Who,  seeing  their  [two]  Officers,  came  up  to  us ;  taking  no 
notice  of  me.  They  asked  them,  What  they  would  have 
them  do  ?  for  they  could  keep  the  Work  no  longer  ;  because 
the  Roundheads,  as  they  called  them,  came  so  fast  upon 
them. 

But  the  Gentlemen,  who  had  passed  their  words  to  me  to 
be  my  true  prisoners,  said  nothing.  So,  looking  upon  one 
another,  I  thought  it  not  fit  now  to  own  them  ;  as  so  much 
less  to  bid  the  rest  to  render  themselves  to  me :  so,  being 
well  mounted,  and  seeing  a  place  in  the  Work  where  men 
used  to  go  over,  I  rushed  from  them,  seeing  no  other  remedy, 
and  made  my  horse  leap  over  the  Work.  And  so,  by  a  good 
Providence,  got  to  my  men  again :  who,  before  I  came,  had, 
by  the  direction  of  Major  General  GiFFORD,  brought  up  a 
piece  of  ordnance,  and  planted  it  in  the  Churchyard,  against 
the  body  that  stood  in  the  Market  Place ;  who  presently 
rendered  themselves. 

All  our  men  being  got  into  the  town,  the  streets  were 
cleared,  [and]  many  prisoners  taken.  But  the  Horse  got 
off  almost  entire.  But  this  seemed  the  greater  mercy  when 
we  saw  our  mistake  :  now  finding  3,000  men  in  the  town, 
[and]  not  expecting  half  the  number.  We  brought  away 
1,400  prisoners,  80  Officers,  28  Colours  ;  and  [a]  great  store 
of  ammunition,  which  we  much  wanted.* 

*  Saturday  night,  the  20th  of  May  [1643].  The  Lord  General  [i.e. 
Ferdinando,  Lord  Faibfax]  gave  Order  for  a  party  of  1,000  Foot,  3 
Companies  of  Dragooners,  and  8  Troops  of  Horse,  to  march  from  the 
garrisons  of  Leeds,  Bradford,  Halifax,  and  Howley.  Sir  Thomas 
Fairfax  commanded  in  chief.   The  Foot  were  commanded  by  Serjeant 


378  The  unspeakable  courage  of  the  Foot.  [_^°"^  ^fl^^^s'. 

But  seeing  this  was  more  a  Miracle  than  a  Victory ;  more 
the  effect  of  GOD's  divine  power  than  human  force ;  and 
more  his  Providence  than  the  success  of  our  prudence  in 
making  so  hazardous  an  attempt :  let  the  honour  and  praise 
of  it  be  His  only  ! 

After  this,  we  exchanged  our  men  that  were  prisoners, 
with  these  :  and  were  freed,  a  good  while  ;  from  any  trouble 
or  attempt  from  [the]  Enemy. 

But  then  again  it  pleased  GOD  to  mix  water  with  our 

Major  General  Gifford  and  Sir  William  Fairfax.  The  Horse  were 
divided  into  two  bodies  :  4  Troops  commanded  by  Sir  Thomas  Fair- 
fax, and  the  other  4  Troops  by  Sir  Henry  Foulis. 

Howley  was  the  rendezvous,  where  they  all  met  on  Saturday  [20th 
May]  last,  about  twelve  a  clock  at  night. 

About  two,  next  morning,  they  marched  away :  and  coming  to 
Stanley,  where  2  of  the  Enemy's  Troops  lay,  with  some  Dragooners ; 
that  Quarter  was  beaten  up,  and  about  one  and  twenty  prisoners  taken. 

About  four  a  clock  in  the  morning  [of  21st  May  1643],  we  came  before 
Wakefield.  Where,  after  some  of  their  Horse  were  beaten  into  the 
town,  the  Foot,  with  unspeakable  courage,  beat  the  enemies  from  the 
hedges,  which  they  had  lined  with  Muskeeters,  into  the  town  ;  and 
assaulted  it  in  two  places,  Wrengate  and  Norgate  :  and,  after  an  hour 
and  a  half's  fight,  we  recovered  [capiured]  one  of  their  Pieces  [of  Ord- 
nance] and  turned  it  upon  them  ;  and  entered  the  town,  at  both  places, 
at  one  and  the  same  time. 

When  the  Barricadoes  were  opened,  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  with  the 
Horse,  fell  into  the  town  ;  and  cleared  the  street  :  where  Colonel 
Goring  was  taken  by  Lieutenant  Alured,  brother  to  Captain  Alured, 
a  Member  of  the  House  [of  Commons]. 

Yet  in  the  Market  Place,  there  stood  3  Troops  of  Horse  ;  and  Colonel 
Lampton's  Regiment  :  to  whom  Major  General  Gifford  sent  a  Trum- 
pet[er],  with  offer  of  Quarter,  if  they  would  lay  down  their  arms. 

They  answered.  They  scorned  the  motion. 

Then  he  fired  a  Piece  of  their  own  Ordnance  upon  them  :  and  the 
Horse  fell  in  upon  them,  [and]  beat  them  out  of  [the]  town.  We  took 
39  Officers,  27  Colours  of  Foot,  3  Coronets  of  Horse,  and  about  1,500 
common  soldiers. 

The  Enemy  had  in  the  town  3,000  Foot  and  7  Troops  of  Horse  : 
besides  Colonel  Lampton's  Regiment;  which  came  into  the  town,  after 
we  had  entered  the  town. 

The  Enemy  left  behind  them  4  Pieces  of  Ordnance,  with  Amunition; 
which  we  brought  away. 

Thomas  Fairfax.  John  Gifford.  John  Holman.  Titus  Leighton. 
Henry  Foulis.       William  Fairfax.  Robert  Foulis.    Francis  Talbot. 

A  Miraculous  Victory  .  ...  at  Wakefield.  Printed  27th  May  1643. 
British  Museum  Press  Mark,  E.  104.  (13). 


Lord  Fairfax.-j     jj^g  Battle  OF  Adwalton  Moor.        379 

wine  ;  and  to  bring  us  into  a  better  condition  by  the  brinks 
of  ruin  and  destruction. 

Hitherto,  through  His  mercy,  we  had  held  up  near[ly]  two 
years  against  a  potent  Army :  but  they  finding  us  now 
almost  tired,  with  continual  Services ;  treacherously  used  by 
our  friends ;  and  in  want  of  many  things  necessary  for 
support  and  defence — the  Earl  of  NEWCASTLE  marched 
with  an  Army  of  10,000  or  12,000  men  to  besiege  us; 
and  resolved  to  sit  down  before  Bradford,  which  was  a 
very  untenable  place. 

My  father  drew  all  the  forces  he  could  spare  out  of  the 
garrisons  hither. 

But  seeing  it  impossible  to  defend  the  town  but  by 
strength  of  men ;  and  not  [having]  above  ten  or  twelve 
days'  provisions  for  so  many  as  were  necessary  to  keep  it : 
we  resolved  [on  29th  June  1643]  the  next  morning,  very 
early,  with  a  party  of  3,000  men,  to  attempt  his  whole  Army, 
as  they  lay  in  their  Quarters,  three  miles  off;  hoping  thereby, 
to  put  him  into  some  distraction  ;  which  could  not,  by  reason 
of  the  unequal  numbers,  be  done  any  other  way. 

For  this  end,  my  father  appointed  four  of  the  clock  next 
morning  [30th  June  1643]  to  begin  the  march.  But  Major 
General  [John]  Gifford,  who  had  the  ordering  of  the 
business,  so  delayed  the  execution  of  it  that  it  was  seven 
or  eight  before  we  began  to  move :  and  not  without  much 
suspicion  of  treachery  in  it ;  for  when  we  came  near  the 
place  we  intended,  the  Enemy's  whole  Army  was  drawn  up 
in  Battalia. 

We  were  to  go  up  a  hill  to  them,  which  our  Forlorn  Hope 
[or  Advanced  Guard]  gained  by  beating  theirs  into  their 
Main  Body ;  which  was  drawn  up  half  a  mile  further,  upon 
a  plain  called  Adderton  [the  correct  spelling  is  Adwalton'] 
Moor.     [It  is  also  spelt  Atherston  and  Athertoni] 

We,  being  all  up  the  hill,  drew  into  Battalia  also.  I  com- 
manded the  Right  Wing,  which  was  about  1,000  Foot  and 
5  Troops  of  Horse ;  Major  General  [John]  Gifford,  the 
Left  Wing,  which  was  about  the  same  number.  My  father 
commanded  all  in  chief. 

We  advanced  through  the  enclosed  grounds  till  we  came 
to  the  Moor;  beating  the  Foot  that  lay  in  them  to  their 
Main  Body. 


380  The  Cavalry  fights  at  Warren's  Lane.[^°'''^  ^f^'. 

10  or  12  Troops  of  Horse  charge  us  in  the  Right  Wing 
\which  was  at  the  head  of  Warren's  Lane].  We  kept  [to] 
the  enclosures,  placing  our  Musketeers  in  the  hedges  next 
the  Moor ;  which  was  a  good  advantage  to  us,  that  had  so 
few  Horse. 

There  was  a  gate,  or  open  place,  to  the  Moor :  where  five 
or  six  might  enter  abreast.  Here  they  strove  to  enter :  we, 
to  defend.  But,  after  some  dispute,  those  that  entered  the 
pass  found  sharp  entertainment ;  and  those  that  were  not 
yet  entered,  as  hot  welcome  from  the  Musketeers,  that 
flanked  them  in  the  hedges.  All,  in  the  end,  were  forced  to 
retreat ;  with  the  loss  of  Colonel  HOWARD,  who  commanded 
them. 

The  Left  Wing,  at  the  same  time,  was  engaged  with  the 
Enemy's  Foot.     Ours  gained  ground  of  them. 

The  Horse  came  down  again,  and  charged  us  :  being  about 
13  or  14  Troops.  We  defended  ourselves  as  before;  but 
with  much  more  difficulty,  many  having  got  in  among  us  : 
but  [they]  were  beat[en]  off  again,  with  some  loss ;  and 
Colonel  Herne,  who  commanded  that  party,  was  slain. 
We  pursued  them  [back]  to  their  cannon. 

And  here  I  cannot  omit  a  remarkable  passage  of  Divine 
Justice.  Whilst  we  were  engaged  in  the  fight  with  those 
Horse  that  entered  the  gate,  four  soldiers  had  stripped 
Colonel  Herne  naked  ;  as  he  lay  dead  on  the  ground,  [and] 
men  still  fighting  round  about  him :  and  so  dextrous  were 
these  villains,  as  they  had  done  it,  and  mounted  themselves 
again,  before  we  had  beaten  them  off.  But  after  we  had 
beaten  them  to  their  ordnance,  as  I  said  ;  and  [were]  now 
returning  to  our  ground  again  ;  the  Enemy  discharged  a 
piece  of  cannon  in  our  rear.  The  bullet  fell  into  Captain 
Copley's  Troop,  in  which  these  four  men  were :  two  of 
whom  were  killed  ;  and  some  hurt  or  mark  remained  on  the 
rest,  though  dispersed  into  several  Ranks  of  the  Troop,  which 
was  [the]  more  remarkable. 

We  had  not  yet  Martial  Law  amongst  us  :  which  gave  me 
a  good  occasion  to  reprove  it ;  by  shewing  the  soldiers  the 
sinfulness  of  the  act,  and  how  GOD  would  punish  when  men 
wanted  power  to  do  it. 


Lord  Fairfax.-j     RqYALISTS  VICTORIOUS  AT  AdWALTON.        381 

This  charge,  and  the  resolution  our  soldiers  shewed  in  the 
Left  Wing,  made  the  Enemy  think  of  retreating.  Orders 
were  given  for  it ;  and  some  marched  off  the  Field. 

Whilst  they  were  in  this  wavering  condition,  one  Colonel 
Skirton,  a  wild  and  desperate  man,  desired  his  General  to 
let  him  charge  [on  our  Left  Wing]  once  more,  with  a  Stand 
of  Pikes.  With  which  he  brake  in  upon  our  men  ;  and  they 
not  [being]  relieved  by  our  Reserves,  ([which  were]  com- 
manded by  some  ill-affected  Officers  ;  chiefly  Major  General 
GiFFORD,  who  did  not  his  part  as  he  ought  to  do),  our  men 
lost  ground :  which  the  Enemy  seeing,  pursued  this  advan- 
tage by  bringing  on  fresh  troops.  Ours,  being  herewith 
discouraged,  began  to  flee  ;  and  so  [were]  soon  routed. 

The  Horse  also  charged  us  again.  We,  not  knowing  what 
was  done  in  the  Left  Wing  ;  our  men  maintained  their 
ground  till  a  command  came  for  us  to  retreat :  having 
scarce  any  way  now  to  do  it  ;  the  Enemy  being  almost 
round  about  us,  and  our  way  to  Bradford  cut  off  But  there 
was  a  lane  [  Warreti's  Lane]  in  the  field  we  were  in,  which 
led  to  Halifax :  which,  as  a  happy  Providence,  brought  us 
off  without  any  great  loss ;  save  of  Captain  Talbot  and 
twelve  more,  which  were  slain  in  this  last  encounter. 

Of  those  [on  the  Left  Wing]  that  fled,  there  were  about 
60  killed,  and  300  taken  prisoners. 

This  business,  having  such  ill  success,  our  hopes  of  better 
could  not  be  much  :  wanting  all  things  that  were  necessary 
for  defence,  and  [no]  expectations  of  helps  from  any  place. 

The  Earl  of  NEWCASTLE  presently  lay  siege  to  the  town 
[of  Bradford]  :  but  before  he  had  surrounded  it,  I  got  in 
with  those  men  I  brought  from  Halifax. 


I  found  my  father  much  troubled  ;  having  neither  a  Place 
of  Strength  to  defend  ourselves  in,  nor  a  garrison  in  York- 
shire to  retreat  to.  For  [Sir  John  Hotham  the  Elder,]  the 
Governor  of  Hull  had  declared  himself.  If  we  were  forced  to 
retreat  thither,  that  he  would  shut  the  gates  on  us. 

But,  while  he  was  musing  on  these  sad  thoughts,  a  mes- 
senger was  sent  from  Hull  to  let  him  know,  The  townsmen 
had  secured  [taken  prisoner]  the  Governor  [on  the  morning 


382  Fairfax  gets  back  into  Bradford,  [^""^''nees: 

of  the  29th  June  1643] ;  and  if  he  had  any  occasion  to  make 
use  of  that  place,  for  they  were  sensible  of  the  danger  he  was 
in,  he  should  be  very  readily  and  gladly  received  [there]. 
Which  news  was  joyfully  received,  and  acknowledged  as  a 
great  mercy  of  GOD  to  us:  yet  was  it  not  made  use  of  till 
a  further  necessity  compelled  it. 

So  my  father,  having  ordered  me  to  stay  here  [at  Brad- 
ford] with  800  Foot  and  60  Horse  :  he  intruded  [retired]  that 
night  [of  30th  June  1643]  for  Leeds,  to  secure  it 

Now  Newcastle,  having  spent  three  or  four  days  in  lay- 
ing his  Quarters  about  the  town  ;  they  brought  down  their 
cannon  :  but  needed  to  raise  no  batteries,  for  the  hills,  within 
half  [a]  musket  shot,  commanded  all  the  town  ;  which  [can- 
non], now  being  planted  in  two  places,  shot  furiously  upon 
us.  [They]  making  also  Approaches  ;  which  made  us  spend 
very  much  [ammunition]. 

Our  little  store  was  not  above  five  and  twenty,  or  thirty, 
barrels  of  powder  at  the  beginning  of  the  siege :  yet,  not- 
withstanding, the  Earl  of  Newcastle  sent  a  Trumpet[er]  to 
offer  us  Conditions ;  which  I  accepted  so  they  were  honour- 
able for  us  to  take,  and  safe  for  the  inhabitants. 

Upon  which,  two  Captains  were  sent  to  treat  with  him, 
and  a  Cessation  [was  agreed  upon]  during  the  time ;  but  he 
continued  working  still,  contrary  to  [the]  agreement :  where- 
upon I  sent  for  the  Commissioners  again,  suspecting  a  design 
of  attempting  something  against  us  ;  but  he  returned  them 
not  till  eleven  a  clock  at  night  [of  ist  July  1643],  ^"^  then 
with  a  slight  answer. 

Whilst  they  were  delivering  it  to  us,  we  heard  great  shoot- 
ing of  cannon  and  muskets.  All  ran  presently  to  the  Works, 
which  the  Enemy  was  storming.  Here,  for  three-quarters  of 
an  hour,  was  very  hot  service  :  but,  at  length  they  retreated. 

They  made  a  second  attempt :  but  were  also  beaten  off. 

After  this,  we  had  not  above  one  barrel  of  powder  left ; 
and  no  Match.  So  I  called  the  Officers  together :  where  it 
was  advised  and  resolved  \_evide)itly  about  i  a.m.  on  the  2nd 
July  1643]  to  draw  off  presently,  before  it  was  day;  and  by 
forcing  a  way,  which  we  must  do  (they  having  surrounded 
the  town),  [in  order]  to  retreat  to  Leeds 


Lord  Fairfax."!     ^  ^^^  CuTTiNG  OuT  FROM  Bradford.      ^^Si, 

Orders  were  despatched,  and  speedily  put  in  execution. 

The  Foot,  commanded  by  Colonel  ROGERS,  was  sent  out, 
through  some  narrow  lanes  ;  who  were  to  beat  up  the  Dra- 
goons' Quarters  yEncanipment\ ;  and  so  to  go  on  to  Leeds. 

[I]  myself,  with  some  other  Officers,  went  with  the  Horse, 
which  were  not  above  50,  in  an  opener  way. 

Here  I  must  not  forget  to  mention  my  Wife,  who  ran 
great  hazards  with  us  in  this  retreat  as  any  others ;  and  with 
as  little  expression  of  fear :  not  from  any  zeal  or  delight,  I 
must  needs  say,  in  the  War ;  but  through  a  willing  and 
patient  suffering  of  this  undesirable  condition. 

But  now  I  sent  two  or  three  Horsemen  to  discover  what 
they  could  of  the  Enemy :  which  presently  returned,  and 
told  us,  There  was  a  Guard  of  Horse  close  by  us. 

Before  I  had  gone  forty  paces,  the  day  beginning  to  break, 
I  saw  them  on  the  hill  above  us  ;  being  about  300  Horse. 

I,  with  some  12  more,  charged  them.  Sir  Henry  Foulis, 
Major  General  GiFFORD,  and  myself,  with  three  more  \i.e.,  6 
out  of  13]  brake  through.  Captain  MuDD  was  slain:  and 
the  rest  of  our  Horse,  being  close  by,  the  Enemy  fell  upon 
them,  taking  most  of  them  prisoners ;  amongst  whom  my 
Wife  was,  the  Officer  behind  whom  she  was  [on  horseback] 
being  taken. 

I  saw  this  disaster;  but  could  give  no  relief.  For  after  I 
was  got  through,  I  was  in  the  Enemy's  Rear  alone ;  for 
those  that  had  charged  also  through,  went  on  to  Leeds  ; 
thinking  I  had  done  so  too. 

But  being  unwilling  to  leave  my  company  :  I  stayed  till  I 
saw  there  was  no  more  in  my  power  to  do  ;  but  to  be  made 
a  prisoner  with  them.     Then  I  retired  to  Leeds. 

The  like  disorder  fell  amongst  the  Foot  that  went  the 
other  way,  by  a  mistake.  For  after  they  had  marched  a 
little  way,  the  Van  fell  into  the  Dragoons'  Quarters  \^En- 
campinent\  clearing  the  way.  But  through  a  cowardly 
fear  of  him  that  commanded  those  men  who  were  in  the 
Rear ;  [he]  made  them  face  about,  and  march  again  into  the 
town  [of  Bradford]:  where,  the  next  day  [2nd  July  1643], 
they  were  all  taken  prisoners. 

Only  80,  or  thereabouts,  of  the  Front,  which  got  through, 
came  to  Leeds  ;  all  mounted  on  horses  which  they  had  taken 
from  the  Enemy :  where  I  found  them  when  I  came  thither ; 


384       The  long  retreat  on  Hull.       [^°'''^ ^ftees" 

which  was  some  joy  to  them,  all  concluding  I  was  either 
slain  or  taken  prisoner. 

I  found  all  in  great  distraction  here  [z'.e.y  at  Leeds]. 

The  Council  of  War  was  newly  risen,  where  it  was  resolved 
to  quit  the  town,  and  make  our  retreat  to  Hull  ;  which  was 
60  miles  off,  and  many  garrisons  of  the  Enemy  on  the  way. 
Which,  in  two  hours  time  was  done :  for  we  could  expect  no 
less  than  that  the  Enemy  should  presently  send  Horse  to 
prevent  it.  For  they  had  50,  or  60,  Troops  within  three 
miles. 

But  we  got  well  to  Selby ;  where  there  was  a  ferry :  and, 
hard  by,  a  garrison  at  Cawood. 

My  father,  being  a  mile  before,  with  a  few  men  getting 
over  the  ferry ;  word  came  to  us  that  he  was  in  danger  to 
be  taken.  I  hastened  to  him  with  about  40  Horse :  the  rest 
[of  the  Horse]  coming  on  after  in  some  disorder.  He  was 
newly  got  into  the  boat. 

The  Enemy,  with  3  Cornets  of  Horse,  entering  the  town  ; 
I  was  drawn  up  in  the  Market  Place,  just  before  the  street 
they  came  down.  When  they  were  almost  half  come  into 
the  Market  Place,  they  turned  on  the  right  hand. 

With  part  of  my  Troop,  I  charged  them  in  the  Flanks  ; 
[and]  so  divided  them.  We  had  the  chase  of  them  down  the 
long  street  that  goes  to  Bray  ton. 

It  happened,  at  the  same  time,  [that]  those  men  [which]  I 
left  behind,  were  coming  up  that  street :  [but]  being  in  dis- 
order, and  under  [the]  discouragements  of  the  misfortunes  of 
many  days  before,  [they]  turned  about,  and  gave  way  ;  not 
knowing  that  we  were  pursuing  them  in  the  rear.  [  That  z's, 
there  were  tearing  along  the  Br  ay  ton  road;  (i)  Fairfax's 
disordered  Cavalry ;  then  (2)  the  Royalist  Cavalry ;  followed 
by  (3)  Fairfax  zvith  a  part  of  his  Troops 

At  the  end  of  this  street,  was  a  narrow  lane  which  led  to 
Cawood.  The  Enemy  strove  to  pass  away  there ;  but  [it] 
being  strait  \narrow\  caused  a  sudden  stop  :  where  we  were 
mingled  one  among  another. 

Here  I  received  a  shot  in  the  wrist  of  my  arm,  which 
made  the  bridle  fall  out  of  my  hand  :  which  [wound],  being 


^"'•^ ^?'x66s:]      Fairfax  wounded  a;t  Selby.         385 

among  the  nerves  and  veins,  suddenly  let  out  such  a  quantity 
of  blood  as  that  I  was  ready  to  fall  from  my  horse.  So 
taking  the  reins  in  the  other  hand,  wherein  I  had  my  sword ; 
the  Enemy  minding  nothing  so  much  as  how  to  get  away : 
I  drew  myself  out  of  the  crowd,  and  came  to  our  men  that 
turned  about ;  which  were  standing  hard  by.  Seeing  me 
ready  to  fall  from  my  horse,  they  laid  me  on  the  ground  : 
and  [I]  now,  [being]  almost  senseless.  My  Chirurgeon  came 
seasonably,  and  bound  up  the  wound,  [and]  so  stopped  the 
bleeding. 

After  a  quarter  of  an  hour's  rest  there,  I  got  on  horseback 
again. 

The  other  part  of  our  Horse  also  beat  the  Enemy  to 
Cawood  back  again,  that  way  they  first  came  to  us. 

So,  through  the  goodness  of  GOD,  our  passage  here  was 
made  clear.     Some  went  over  the  ferry,  after  my  father. 

Myself,  with  others,  went  through  the  Levels  \of  the  Fen 
Coujttry,  in  North  Lincolnshire  ;  and  south  of  the  Humber'\  to 
Hull.  But  it  proved  a  very  troublesome  and  dangerous  pas- 
sage ;  having  oft  interruptions  from  the  Enemy ;  sometimes 
in  our  front,  sometimes  in  our  rear. 

And  now  I  had  been  at  least  twenty  hours  on  horseback, 
after  I  was  shot  [at  Selby],  without  any  rest  or  refreshment : 
and  as  many  hours  before.  [40  hours  from  i  a.m.  on  the 
flight  of  2nd  fuly  1643,  "^hen  Fairfax  decided  to  cut  his  way 
out  of  Bradford^  would  make  it  about  5  p.m.  of  the  ^rd  fuly 

1643-] 

And,  as  a  further  addition  to  my  affliction,  my  daughter 
[Marv,  who  afterwards  married  George  Villi ers,  second 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  see  p.  399],  not  above  five  years  old, 
being  carried  before  her  maid,  endured  all  this  retreat  on 
horseback  :  but.  Nature  not  [being]  able  to  hold  out  any 
longer,  [she]  fell  into  frequent  swoonings ;  and  [was],  in 
appearance,  ready  to  expire  her  last  [breath].  And  having 
now  passed  the  Trent  \and  therefore  come  into  North  Lin- 
colnshire\  and  seeing  a  house  not  far  off,  I  sent  her,  with 
her  maid  only,  thither :  with  little  hopes  of  seeing  her  any 
more  alive ;  but  intending,  the  next  day,  to  send  a  ship  from 
Hull  for  her. 

So   I  went  on  to  Barton  \jipon  Huniber:  nearly  opposite 

2B  2 


386  Courtesy  of  the  Earl  of  Newcastle.  [ 


Lord  Fairfax. 

?i66s. 


Huir\ ;  having  sent  before  to  have  a  ship  ready  against  my 
coming  thither. 

Here  I  lay  down  a  Httle  to  rest;  if  it  were  possible  to  find 
any  in  a  body  so  full  of  pain  ;  and  [in]  a  mind  so  full  of 
anxiety  and  trouble.  Though  I  must  acknowledge  it,  as  the 
infinite  goodness  of  GOD,  methought  my  spirits  were  nothing 
at  all  discouraged  from  doing  still  that  which  I  thought  to 
be  my  work  and  duty. 

But  I  had  not  laid  [down]  a  quarter  of  an  hour  before  the 
Enemy  came  close  to  the  town  [of  Barton].  I  had  now  not 
above  100  Horse  with  me.  We  went  to  the  ship ;  where, 
under  the  covert  of  her  ordnance,  we  got  all  our  men  and 
horses  aboard. 

So  passing  [the]  Humber,  we  arrived  at  Hull ;  our  men 
faint  and  tired  :  [and  I]  myself  having  lost  all,  even  to  my 
shirt ;  for  my  clothes  were  made  unfit  to  wear,  with  rents 
and  the  blood  which  was  upon  them.  Considering  which, 
in  all  humility  and  reverence,  I  may  say,  I  was  in  Job's  con- 
dition when  he  said,  "  Naked  came  I  out  of  my  mother's 
womb,  and  naked  shall  I  return  thither.  The  Lord  gave, 
and  the  Lord  hath  taken  away.  Blessed  be  the  Name  of  the 
Lord."     [Job  i.  21.] 


But  GOD,  who  is  a  GOD  of  Mercy  and  Consolation,  doth 
not  always  leave  us  in  distress. 

I  having  sent  a  ship,  presently  after  I  came  into  the  town, 
for  my  daughter :  she  was  brought,  the  next  day  [4th  July 
1643],  to  Hull;  pretty  well  recovered  of  her  long  and  tedious 
journey. 

And,  not  many  days  after,  the  Earl  of  NEWCASTLE  sent 
my  Wife  back  again,  in  his  coach,  with  some  Horse  to  guard 
her :  which  generosity  gained  more  than  any  reputation  he 
could  have  gotten  in  detaining  a  Lady  prisoner  upon  such 
terms. 

And  many  of  our  men,  which  were  dispersed  in  this  long 
retreat,  came  hither  again  to  us. 

Our  first  business  now,  was  to  raise  new  forces :  which,  in 
a  short  time,  were  about  1,500  Foot  and  700  Horse. 


"^nees:]  Newcastle's  march  on  London  stopped.  387 

The  town  [of  Hull]  being  little ;  I  was  sent  to  Beverley 
with  the  Horse  and  600  Foot. 

But  my  Lord  [of]  NEWCASTLE,  who  now  looked  upon  us  as 
inconsiderable,  was  marched  with  his  whole  Army  into  Lin- 
colnshire :  only  leaving  some  few  garrisons  at  York  and  other 
few  places.  He  took  in  Gainsborough  and  Lincoln  ;  and 
intended  [to  take]  Boston  next,  which  was  the  Key  of  the 
Associated  Countries  \_Cou7ities].  For  his  Orders,  which  1 
have  seen,  were  to  go  into  Essex  ;  and  block  up  London  on 
that  side. 

But  we,  having  laid  a  great  while  \^from  4//?  July  to  26th 
August  1643]  still,  were  now  strong  enough  in  the  Field  for 
those  forces  that  remained  in  the  Country  [  Yorkshire].  So 
we  sent  out  a  good  party  to  make  an  attempt  upon  Stam- 
ford Bridge,  near  York.  But  the  Enemy,  upon  the  alarm, 
fled  thither  {i.e.  to  York] ;  which  put  them  all  there  in  such 
a  fear  as  they  sent  earnestly  to  desire  him  to  return,  or  the 
Country  [  Yorks/n're]  would  again  be  lost :  for  the  Lord 
Fairfax  had  considerable  forces. 

Upon  which,  he  returned  again  into  Yorkshire ;  and,  not 
long  after,  came  to  besiege  Hull. 

I,  lying  then  at  Beverley  in  the  way  of  his  march,  finding 
that  we  were  not  able  to  maintain  such  an  open  place  against 
an  Army,  desired  Orders  from  my  father  to  retire  back  to 
Hull. 

But  the  Committee  there  (having  always  more  mind  of 
raising  money,  than  to  take  care  of  the  Soldiers  ;  yet  these 
[Committee]  Men  had  the  greatest  share  in  command  at 
this  time)  would  not  let  any  Orders  be  given  for  our  retreat ; 
and  [it  were]  unfit  for  us  to  return  without  [them]. 

The  Enemy  marcheth  from  York,  with  his  whole  Army, 
towards  us.  Retreat,  we  must  not.  Keep  the  town,  we 
could  not.  So  to  make  our  retreat  more  honourable,  and 
useful  both ;  I  drew  out  all  the  Horse  and  Dragoons  toward 
the  Enemy,  and  stood,  drawn  up  by  a  wood  side,  all  that 
night. 

The  next  morning  [2nd  September  1643],  by  day[time], 
our  Scouts,  and  theirs,  fired  on  one  another.  They  march[ed] 
on  with  their  whole  body  ;  which  was  about  4,000  Horse  and 
12,000  Foot. 


0 


88      Newcastle  lays  siege  to  Hull.      [^°'''' ^^[S^ 


We  stood  till  they  were  come  very  near  [to]  us.  I  then 
drew  off  (having  given  directions  before  for  the  Foot  to 
march  away  toward  Hull),  thinking  to  make  good  the  retreat 
with  the  Horse. 

The  Enemy,  with  a  good  party,  were  upon  our  rear.  The 
lane  being  but  narrow,  we  made  good  shift  with  them  till  we 
got  into  Beverley,  and  shut  the  gates  :  which  we  had  scarce 
time  to  do ;  they  being  so  close  upon  us.  But,  in  this  busi- 
ness, we  lost  Major  Layton,  and  not  above  2  more. 

The  Enemy,  not  knowing  what  forces  we  had  in  the  town, 
stayed  till  the  rest  of  the  Army  came  up  ;  which  was  about 
a  mile  behind.  This  gave  our  Foot  some  advantage  in  their 
retreat  :  it  being  5  miles  to  Hull,  on  narrow  banks  [and]  so 
fittest  for  our  Foot.  I  sent  the  Horse  by  Cottingham,  an 
opener  road  ;  who  got  well  thither. 

But  they  [the  Royalists]  overtook  the  Foot :  which,  not- 
withstanding, made  good  their  retreat  till  we  got  to  a  little 
bridge,  2  miles  from  Hull  ;  where  we  made  a  stand. 

The  Enemy  following  close,  our  men  here  gave  them  a 
good  volley  of  shot  ;  which  made  them  draw  back,  and 
advance  no  further.  So,  leaving  a  small  Guard  at  the 
bridge,  we  got  safe  to  Hull. 

Thus  not  only  for  want  of  military  skill  in  the  Gentlemen 
of  the  Committee  ;  but,  to  say  no  more,  for  want  of  good 
nature  :  we  were  exposed  to  this  trouble  and  danger. 

My  Lord  of  NEWCASTLE  now  lay  siege  to  Hull,  but  at  a 
great  distance.  The  sluices  being  open,  drowned  the  land 
two  miles  about  the  town  :  yet  upon  a  bank,  which  was  the 
highway,  he  approached  so  near  as  to  shoot  cannon  shot  at 
random  into  the  town  ;  which  were,  for  the  most  part,  fiery 
bullets.  But  the  diligence  and  care  of  the  Governor  (who 
caused  every  inhabitant  to  watch  his  own  house  ;  and  where- 
soever they  saw  these  bullets  fall,  to  be  ready  to  quench  them) 
prevented  the  danger. 

Our  Horse  was  now  useless :  and  many  [horses]  died 
every  day ;  having  nothing  but  salt  water  about  the  town. 

I  was  therefore  sent  with  the  Horse,  over  [the  Humber] 
into  Lincolnshire,  to  join  with  [EDWARD  MONTAGU,]  the 
Earl  of  Manchester's  forces ;  which  were  then  commanded 


Lord  Fairfax 


?'t'66-,:]     Tiip:  Cavalry  fight  at  Winceby.       389 

by  Major  General  [Oliver]  Cromwell  :  who  received  us 
at  our  landing,  with  his  troops. 

Sir  John  Henderson  lay  within  three  or  four  miles  of 
this  place  with  5,000  men,  to  prevent  our  conjunction:  but 
durst  not  attempt  [it]. 

He  marched  three  or  four  days  near  to  us  :  but,  for  want 
of  good  intelligence,  we  did  not  know  so  much.  For  I 
altogether  trusted  to  the  care  of  our  new  friends,  being  a 
stranger  in  those  parts  :  till  one  morning  [9th  October  1643] 
he  set  upon  our  Guards  at  Horncastle  ;  which,  being  but 
newly  raised  in  that  Country  \Lincolnshire\  fled  towards 
Lincoln,  without  giving  any  alarm  to  our  Quarters,  who  lay 
dispersed  and  secure. 

But  Sir  John  Henderson,  marching  slowly  with  his 
Army,  gave  the  alarm  to  some  of  our  Quarters  ;  which 
was  soon  taken  by  the  rest  :  but,  with  some  disorder, 
before  we  could  get  into  a  considerable  body.  My  Lord 
Willoughby  with  his  Horse,  and  my  Dragoons  com- 
manded by  Colonel  MORGAN,  brought  up  the  Rear.  After 
some  skirmishes,  we  lodged  that  night  all  in  the  Field. 

And,  next  day  [loth  October  1643],  the  Earl  of  MAN- 
CHESTER came  to  us  with  his  Foot. 

The  day  following  [nth  October  1643],  we  advanced 
again  towards  the  Enemy ;  and  choosing  a  convenient  ground 
to  fight  on,  we  drew  up  the  Army  there.  The  Enemy  did 
so  on  the  side  of  another  hill  close  by,  having  a  little  plain 
betwixt  us. 

Lieutenant  General  [OLIVER]  Cromwell  had  the  Van 
[of  Horse]  ;  I,  the  Reserve  [of  Horse]  :  my  Lord  [of]  MAN- 
CHESTER all  the  Foot.  After  we  had  faced  one  another  a 
little  while ;  the  Forlorn  Hopes  {Advanced  Guards]  began 
the  fight.  Presently  the  [Main]  Bodies  met  in  the  plain : 
where  the  fight  was  hot  for  half  an  hour  ;  but  then  we 
forced  them  to  a  rout.  Above  200  killed,  and  2000  taken 
prisoners.  This  was  the  issue  of  Horncastle  Fight,  or,  as 
some  call  it,  Winceby  Fight. 

At  the  same  instant,  we  heard  great  shooting  of  ordnance 
towards  Hull  :  which  was  a  sally  my  father  made  [out  of  the 
town]  upon  my  Lord  of  Newcastle's  Trenches  ;  who  drew 
out  most  part  of  his  Army  to  relieve  them.  But  our  men 
charged  so  resolutely  as  they  possessed  themselves  of  the 


390     Fairfax  is  to  relieve  Nantwich.     [^"'"'^  ^nee^ 

cannon  ;  and  so  pursued  their  advantage  as  [they]  put 
the  enemy  into  a  total  rout.  Upon  which,  he  raised  the 
Siege,  and  returned  again  to  York. 

These  two  defeats  together,  the  one  falling  heavy  on  the 
Horse,  the  other  on  the  Foot,  kept  the  Enemy  all  that 
Winter  [of  1643- 1644]  from  attempting  anything. 

And  we,  after  the  taking  of  Lincoln,  settled  ourselves  in 
Winter  Quarters. 


But,  in  the  coldest  season  of  it,  I  was  ordered  by  the  Par- 
liament to  go  and  raise  the  Siege  of  Nantwich  ;  which  the 
Lord  Byron,  with  the  Irish  Army,  had  reduced  to  great 
extremity. 

I  was  the  most  unfit  of  all  the  forces ;  being  ever  the 
worst  paid ;  my  men  sickly,  and  almost  naked  for  want 
of  clothes.  I  desired  the  Parliament  that  they  would  be 
pleased  to  supply  these  wants :  not  to  excuse  myself,  as 
some  who  had  no  will  to  stir,  though  well  enough  accommo- 
dated with  all  these  ;  and  a  business  of  so  much  import- 
ance. But  their  answer  was  a  positive  direction  to  march  ; 
for  it  would  admit  of  no  delay  :  which  indeed  was  as  grievous 
to  me  as  that  injunction  was  to  the  Israelites,  to  make  bricks 
without  straw. 

But,  foreseeing  I  should  have  such  a  return  to  my  desires, 
I  had,  seeing  the  necessity  of  the  business,  upon  my  own 
credit  got  so  much  cloth  as  clothed  1,500  men :  and 
[they  were]  all  ready  to  march  when  these  Orders  came 
to  me. 

So,  the  29th  of  December  [1643],  we  got  forwards  from 
Falkingham  in  Lincolnshire  to  Nantwich,  with  1,800  Horse 
and  500  Dragoons  ;  and  a  Power  to  call  the  Regiments  [of 
Foot]  of  Lancashire  and  Cheshire  to  make  up  the  body  of 
the  Army.  But  it  was  not  a  little  trouble  to  me,  when  I 
came  to  Manchester,  to  find  some  of  them  30,  some  40 
miles  distant :  besides  the  disaffection  of  some  of  their 
Colonels,  who  went  as  their  peculiar  [individual']  safety  or 
Interest  swayed  them.  But,  finding  more  readiness  in  the 
inferior  Officers  and  common  soldiers,  I  got  up,  in  a  few 
days,  near[ly]  3,000  Foot. 

With  this  Army,  we  marched  [from   Manchester,  on  the 


Lord  Fair(ax.-|       ^ HE    BaTTLE    OF    AcTON    ChURCII.  391 

2ist  January  1644]  to  Nantwich;  which  was  at  the  point  of 
surrendering. 

When  we  were  within  two  days'  march,  I  had  intelligence 
that  the  Lord  Byron  had  drawn  off  his  Siege;  and  intended 
to  meet  us  in  the  Field.  I  put  my  men  into  the  order  I  in- 
tended to  fight  [in] ;  and  so  continued  my  march  till  we 
came  within  3  miles  of  the  town. 

There,  was  a  Pass  kept  with  about  250  men,  I  sent 
Colonel  Morgan,  with  his  Dragoons,  to  beat  them  off:  in 
which,  his  brother,  who  was  his  Lieutenant,  was  slain.  The 
Major  who  commanded  the  other  party,  with  some  others, 
were  taken  prisoners. 

We  marched  on  till  we  came  within  cannon  shot  of  their 
Works,  where  half  of  their  Army  was  drawn  up.  The  river 
[Weaver],  which  runs  through  the  town,  being  raised  with 
the  melting  of  the  snow,  hindered,  as  we  were  informed, 
those  that  lay  on  the  other  side  of  the  town  from  joining 
with  them. 

We  called  a  Council  [of  War,  on  25th  January  1644] 
wherein  it  was  debated,  Whether  we  should  attempt  those 
in  their  Works  [^Entrenckmoits],  being  divided  from  the  rest 
of  the  Army  :  or  march  into  the  town  and  relieve  them  ;  and, 
by  increase  of  more  force  be  better  able,  the  next  day  [26th 
January  1644]  to  encounter  them. 

The  latter  was  resolved  on.  So,  making  a  way  with  [the] 
Pioneers  through  the  hedges,  we  marched  to[wards]  the 
town. 

But,  after  we  had  gone  a  little  way,  word  came  that  the 
Enemy  were  in  the  Rear.  So,  facing  about  two  Regiments 
[of  Foot]  and  my  own  Regiment  of  Horse,  commanded  by 
Major  ROUSBY,  we  relieving  those  that  were  already  en- 
gaged. And  so  the  fight  began  on  all  sides.  These  that 
fell  on  our  Rear  were  those  that  lay  [on]  the  other  side  of 
the  town ;  which  had  passed  the  river  [Weaver].  Those 
that  were  drawn  up  under  their  Works  [about  Acton  Church], 
fell  upon  our  Van,  which  was  marching  to  the  town.  Thus 
was  the  battle  divided  ;  there  being  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
betwixt  us. 

In  the  division  first  engaged,  our  Foot,  at  the  beginning, 
gave  a  little  ground  :  but  our  Horse  recovered  this,  by  beat- 
ing the  Enemy's  Horse  out  of  the  lanes  that  flanked  our 


392       The  Fairfaxes  storm  Selby.       [^°''' ^fiees.' 

Foot ;  which  did  so  encourage  our  men  as  they  gained  now 
of  the  Enemy,  so  as  they  made  them  retire  from  hedge  to 
hedge  till,  at  length,  they  were  forced  to  fly  to  their  Works 
[Entrenchments].  But  their  Horse  retreated  in  better  order 
towards  Chester,  without  much  loss. 

Our  other  Wing  [^the  Van],  being  assisted  from  the  town, 
who  sallied  out  with  700  or  800  Musketeers,  beat  the  Enemy 
also  back  into  the  same  Works  [at  Acton  Church]  ;  which  we 
presently  surrounded.  ["  Where,"  as  Sir  T.  Fairfax  said 
in  his  despatch,  "  they  were  caught  as  in  a  trap."] 

But,  being  in  great  disorder  and  confusion,  [they]  sooner 
yielded  themselves  prisoners  ;  with  all  their  Chief  Officers, 
arms.  Colours,  and  ammunition. 

Thus,  by  the  mercy  of  GOD,  was  this  victory  obtained  : 
being  yet  the  more  signal  in  that  we  were  not  to  deal  with 
young  soldiers,  but  with  men  of  great  experience ;  and  an 
Army  which  had  ever  been  victorious. 

After  this,  we  took  in  several  garrisons  in  Cheshire : 
Lathom  [House]  only  in  Lancashire  held  out ;  which  was 
besieged  by  the  forces  of  that  Country  \^County\  but  after- 
wards [the  siege  was]  raised  by  Prince  Rupert. 

Having  spent  three  or  four  months  in  this  Expedition  ; 
my  father  commanded  me  back  into  Yorkshire,  that  by  the 
conjunction  of  forces  he  might  be  the  more  able  to  take  the 
Field. 

We  met  about  Ferrybridge  [in  April  1644] :  he  being 
come  out  of  Hull  thither,  with  intention  to  fall  upon  the 
Enemy's  garrison  at  Selby. 

And  here  I  received  another  Command  from  the  Parlia- 
ment, to  march  immediately  with  my  Horse  and  Dragoons, 
into  Northumberland,  to  join  with  the  Scots  Army.  The 
Earl  of  Newcastle,  who  was  then  at  Durham,  being  much 
stronger  in  Horse  than  they ;  for  want  of  which  they 
could  not  advance  no  further.  But  it  being  resolved,  within 
a  day  or  two  to  storm  Selby  ;  I  stayed  till  that  business  was 
over :  which  proved  as  effectual  for  the  relief  of  the  Scots 
Army. 

The  Governor  of  York  lay  in  the  town  with  2,000  men. 
We  drew  Horse  and  Foot  close  to  it.     Sir  JOHN  Meldrum 


Lord  Fairfax.-j      YoRK    IS    BESIEGED    FOR    29    DAYS.        393 

led  on  the  Foot ;  which  had  their  General  Posts  appointed, 
where  they  should  storm  :  I,  with  the  Horse,  ready  to  second 
them. 

The  Enemy  within  defended  themselves  [on  the  nth 
April  1644]  stoutly  a  good  while.  Our  men  at  length  beat 
them  from  the  Line ;  but  could  not  advance  farther  because 
of  the  Horse  within. 

I  getting  a  Barricado  open,  which  let  us  in  betwixt  the 
houses  and  the  river.  Here  we  had  an  encounter  with  their 
Horse.  [After  one  charge,  they  fled  over  a  Bridge  of  Boats 
to  York.] 

Other  Horse  came  up,  and  charged  us  again,  where  my 
horse  was  overthrown  ;  [I]  being  single  [a/one]  a  little  before 
my  men  :  who  presently  relieved  me,  and  forced  the  Enemy 
back  ;  who  retreated  also  to  York.  In  this  charge,  we  took 
Colonel  [Lord]  Bellasis,  Governor  of  York. 

By  this,  the  Foot  had  entered  the  town  ;  and  also  took 
many  prisoners. 

This  good  success  put  them  into  great  distraction  and 
fears  at  York  :  who  speedily  sent  to  the  Earl  of  NEWCASTLE, 
to  haste  back  thither  ;  believing  we  would  presently  attempt 
them.  This  news  suddenly  called  him  back,  leaving  the 
Scots  :  who,  with  cold  and  oft  alarms,  were  reduced  to  great 
extremity  ;  but  now  advanced  without  delay  after  him. 

The  Earl  of  Newcastle  gets  into  York  [on  19th  April 
1644]. 

The  Scots  joined  their  forces  with  my  father's  at  Wetherby : 
altogether  making  16,000  Foot  and  4,000  Horse.  They 
marched  on  to  York  [,  from  Tadcaster,  on  19th  April  1644]. 

But  for  this  work,  it  was  thought  fit  to  have  more  men  ; 
the  town  [of  York]  being  large  in  compass,  and  strongly 
manned.  Therefore  the  Earl  of  CRAWFORD,  [Lord]  Lindsay 
and  myself  were  sent  to  the  Earl  of  Manchester,  to  desire 
him  to  join  with  us  in  the  Siege :  which  he  willingly  con- 
sented to,  bringing  an  addition  of  6,000  Foot  and  3,000 
Horse  [on  2nd  June  1644]. 

So  now  the  Army  had  three  Generals,  [ALEXANDER] 
Leslie  [,  Earl  of  Leven],  Manchester,  and  Fairfax  ; 
who  lay  apart  in  three  Quarters  before  the  town.  But  the 
north  side  still  remained  open  to  the  town. 


394     Rupert  raises  the  Siege  of  York.  [^''^ '^?','^": 

Some  time  was  spent  here  without  any  considerable  action 
till,  in  my  Lord  of  Manchester's  Quarters,  approaches 
were  made  to  St  Mary's  Tower ;  and  soon  came  to  mine  it. 
Which  Colonel  [Laurence]  Crawford,  a  Scotsman,  who 
commanded  that  Quarter,  (ambitious  to  have  the  honour  alone 
of  springing  the  mine  [on  i6th  June  1644]  undertook,  without 
acquainting  of  the  other  two  Generals  with  it,  for  their 
advice  and  concurrence) :  which  proved  very  prejudicial. 
For,  having  engaged  his  party  against  the  whole  strength  of 
the  town,  without  more  force  to  second  him,  he  was  repulsed 
with  the  loss  of  300  men.  For  which,  he  had  been  surely 
called  to  account ;  but  that  he  escaped  the  better  by  reason 
of  this  triumviral  goverment. 

So  after,  Prince  RuPERT  came  to  relieve  the  town.  We 
raised  the  siege  [which  had  lasted  from  Monday  the  "^rd  June 
to  Monday  the  ist  Jtdy  1644]  and  Hessa[y]  Moor  [a  portion 
of  Marston  Moor,  7  miles  from  York]  being  appointed  the 
rendezvous,  the  whole  Army  drew  thither. 

About  a  mile  from  whence,  Prince  RUPERT  lay  ;  the  river 
Ouse  being  only  betwixt  us  :  which  he,  that  night,  passed 
over  at  Poppleton.  And,  the  next  day,  [he]  drew  his  Army 
into  the  same  Moor  we  were  on  :  who,  being  now  joined  with 
the  Earl  of  NEWCASTLE'S  forces,  made  about  23,000  or  24,000 
men.     But  we,  something  more. 


We  were  divided  in  our  opinions  what  do  do.  The  English 
were  for  fighting  them  ;  the  Scots,  for  retreating,  to  gain  (as 
they  alleged)  both  time  and  place  of  more  advantage.  This 
latter  being  resolved  on  ;  we  marched  away  [on  Tuesday  2nd 
July  1644]  to[wards]  Tadcaster  ;  which  made  the  Enemy  to 
advance  the  faster. 

Lieutenant  General  Cromwell,  Major  General  [David] 
Leslie,  and  myself,  being  appointed  to  bring  up  the  Rear ; 
we  sent  word  to  the  Generals,  of  the  necessity  of  making  a 
stand.  For  else,  the  Enemy,  having  the  advantage,  might 
put  us  in  some  disorder ;  but,  by  the  advantage  of  the 
ground  we  were  on,  we  hoped  to  make  it  good  till  they 
came  back  to  us. 

[Which  they  did.] 


Lord  Fairfax. -J  jj^j,  Left  Wing  AND  Centre  victorious.  395 

The  place  was  Marston  Fields,  which  afterwards  gave  the 
name  to  this  battle. 

Here  we  drew  up  our  Army.  The  Enemy  was  drawn  up 
in  Battalia  on  the  Moor  a  little  below  us. 

The  day  being,  for  the  most  part,  spent  in  preparation  we 
now  began  to  descend  toward  them. 

Lieutenant  General  Cromwell  commanded  the  Left  Wing 
of  Horse ;  and  [was]  seconded  by  Major  General  [David] 
Leslie.  I  had  the  Right  Wing  [of  Horse],  with  some 
Scotch  Horse  and  Lances  for  my  Reserves.  The  three 
Generals  were  with  the  Foot. 

Our  Left  Wing  charged  first  the  Enemy's  Right  Wing ; 
which  was  performed  for  a  while  with  much  resolution  on 
both  sides  ;  but  the  Enemy,  at  length,  was  put  to  the 
worst. 

Our  Right  Wing  had  not,  all,  so  good  success,  by  reason 
of  the  whins  [/urze]  and  ditches  which  we  were  to  pass  over 
before  we  could  get  to  the  Enemy,  which  put  us  into  great 
disorder  :  notwithstanding,  I  drew  up  a  body  of  400  Horse. 
But  because  the  intervals  of  [their]  Horse,  in  this  Wing  only, 
were  lined  with  Musketeers  ;  which  did  us  much  hurt  with 
their  shot :  1  was  necessitated  to  charge  them.  We  were  a 
long  time  engaged  one  with  another  ;  but  at  last  we  routed 
that  part  of  their  Wing.  We  charged,  and  pursued  them  a 
good  way  towards  York. 

[I]  myself  only  [a/one]  returned  presently,  to  get  to  the 
men  I  left  behind  me.  But  that  part  of  the  Enemy  which 
stood  [opposite  to  them],  perceiving  the  disorder  they  were 
in,  had  charged  and  routed  them,  before  I  could  get  to  them. 
So  that  the  good  success  we  had  at  first  was  eclipsed  much 
by  this  bad  conclusion. 

But  our  other  Wing,  and  most  of  the  Foot,  went  on 
prosperously  till  they  had  cleared  the  Field. 

But  I  must  not  forget  to  remember  with  thankfulness 
GOD's  goodness  to  me  this  day.  For  having  charged 
through  the  Enemy,  and  my  [400]  men  going  after  [in] 
the  pursuit ;  returning  back  [alone]  to  go  to  my  other 
troops,  I  was  gotten  in  among  the  Enemy,  which  stood 
up  and   down  the  Field  in    several  bodies  of  Horse.     So, 


396  Right  Wing  unfortunate  at  Marston.  [^°"^ 


Fairfax. 
?  1665. 


taking  the  Signal  [a  white  handkerchief,  or  a  piece  of  paper"] 
out  of  my  hat,  I  passed  through,  for  one  of  their  own  Com- 
manders ;  and  so  got  to  my  Lord  of  MANCHESTER'S  Horse 
in  the  other  Wing  ;  only  with  a  cut  in  my  cheek  which  was 
given  me  in  the  first  charge,  and  a  shot  [which]  my  horse 
received. 

In  which  [first]  charge  also,  many  of  my  Officers  and 
soldiers  were  hurt  and  slain.  The  Captain  of  my  own 
Troop  was  shot  in  the  arm.  My  Cornet  had  both  his 
hands  cut,  that  rendered  him  ever  after  unserviceable.  Cap- 
tain MiCKELTHWAITE,  an  honest  stout  man,  was  slain.  And 
[there  was]  scarce[ly]  any  Officer  which  was  in  this  charge, 
which  did  not  receive  a  hurt. 

But  Colonel  LAMBERT  (who  should  have  seconded  me ; 
but  could  not  get  up  to  me)  charged  in  another  place. 
Major  Fairfax,  who  was  Major  to  his  Regiment,  had, 
at  least,  thirty  wounds :  of  which  he  died ;  after  he  was 
abroad  [out  of  doors]  again,  and  [had]  good  hopes  of  his 
recovery. 

But  that  which  nearest  of  all  concerned  me,  was  the  loss 
of  my  brother  [CHARLES  Fairfax]  :  who,  being  deserted  of 
his  men,  was  sore  wounded  ;  of  which,  in  three  or  four  days 
after,  he  died. 

So  as,  in  this  charge,  as  many  were  hurt  and  killed  as  in 
the  whole  [Parliamentary]  Army  besides.* 

*  A  modest  Refutation  of  an  Error  published  in  print  by  Master 
[Thomas]  Fuller,  in  his  book  of  Worthies  [of  England}.  Title, 
[  Yorkshire']  Battles,  pagina  225  [,  Ed.  1662],  in  these  words,  viz. 

Goring,  [at  the  fight  of  Marston  Moor,]  so  valiantly  charged  the 
Right  Wing  of  the  Enemy,  that  they  fairly  forsook  the  Field. 

On  this,  Lord  Fairfax  made  the  following  marginal  Note  in  his 
copy  : 

I  envy  none  the  honour  they  deservedly  got  in  this  battle ;  nor 
am  I  ambitiously  desirous  of  a  branch  of  their  laurel.  But  I  see 
no  reason  to  be  excluded  [from]  the  Lists :  in  which  I  underwent 
equal  hazards  with  any  others  that  day. 

But  [it]  being  my  lot  to  be  cast  upon  many  disadvantages,  having 
command  of  the  Right  Wing,  with  much  difficulty  I  could  get  but 


Lord  Fairfax 


fi66s:]     Fairfax  wounded  in  the  shoulder.     397 

Of  the  Enemy's  part,  there  were  above  4,cxx)  slain,  and 
many  taken  prisoners. 


Prince  Rupert  returned  into  the  South.  The  Earl  of 
Newcastle  went  beyond  the  seas  [on  5th  July  1644],  with 
many  of  his  Officers.  York  presently  surrendered  [on  the 
15th  July  1644],  and  the  North  now  was  wholly  reduced  by 
the  Parliament's  forces,  except  some  garrisons. 

Soon  after  this,  I  went  to  Helmsley,  to  take  in  the  Castle 
there  :  but  received  a  dangerous  shot  in  my  shoulder ;  and 
was  brought  back  to  York.  All,  for  some  time,  being 
doubtful  of  my  recovery. 

Yet,  at  the  same  time,  the  Parliament  voted  me  to  com- 
mand in  the  South. 

But  my  intention  being  only  to  keep  in  mind  what  I  had 
been  present  in,  during  this  Northern  War ;  I  shall  put  an 
end  to  this  Discourse,  where  it  pleased  GOD  to  determine 
my  service  there. 

Yet  thus,  with  some  smart  from  his  rod,  to  let  me  see  I 
was  not  mindful  enough  of  returning  my  humble  thanks 
and  acknowledgments  for  the  deliverances  and  mercies  I 
received  ;  and  for  which,  alas,  I  am  not  yet  capable  enough 

5  Troops  in  order :  with  which  I  charged  the  Enemy's  Left 
Wing;  when  the  business  was  hotly  disputed  a  long  time,  at  [the] 
sword's  point.  We  broke  through  ;  and  had  the  chase  of  many 
of  them. 

But,  indeed,  the  rest  of  the  Horse,  [that]  I  could  not  draw  up  to 
charge  with  me,  were  soon  routed  with  that  part  of  the  Enemy  we 
left  behind. 

But  to  shew  that  some  did  their  parts  :  having  routed  some  of  the 
Enemy,  and  taken  Goring's  Major  General  prisoner;  few  of  us 
came  off  without  dangerous  wounds ;  and  many  [of  them]  were 
mortal. 

Which  shews  that  the  Right  Wing  did  not  wholly  leave  the 
Field ;  as  the  Author  of  that  book  relates. 

F.  Grose,  Antiquarian  Repertory,  2nd  Ed.,  IIL,  p.  31,  1808,  4. 


39S  All  is  Vanity  and  Vexation  of  Spirit.  [' 


Lord  Fairfax. 

?  1665. 


to  praise  him  as  I  ought.  [I]  that  may  say  by  experience, 
"Who  is  a  GOD  like  unto  our  GOD?"  [Ps.  Ixxi.  19.] 
Therefore,  "  Not  unto  us,  O  Lord  ;  not  unto  us,  but  unto 
Thy  Name  ;  give  we  the  praise  !  "  [Ps.  cxv.] 

But  as  for  myself,  and  what  I  have  done,  I  may  say  with 
Solomon,  "  I  looked  on  all  the  works  that  my  hands  have 
wrought ;  and  on  the  labour  that  I  had  laboured  to  do  : 
and,  behold,  all  was  Vanity  and  Vexation  of  Spirit.  For 
there  is  no  remembrance  of  the  Wise  more  than  of  the  Fool 
for  ever :  seeing  that  which  now  is,  in  the  days  to  come  shall 
be  forgotten."     Eccles.  ii.  16. 


FINIS. 


;99 


George  Villiers, 
second   Duke  of  Buckingham, 

An  Epitaph  on 
Thomas,  third  Lord  Fairfax. 


[A  Third  Collection  of ...  .  Poems., 
Satires,  Songs,  S^c.  against  Popery 
and  Tyranny.     London,  1689.     4to. 


[Lord  Fairfax,  the  great  General  on  the  side  of  the  Parliament,  died 
in  1671  ;  and  his  son-in-law,  the  Writer  of  this  Epitaph,  in  1688. 
Villiers  never  wrote  a  nobler  Poem,  irregular  though  it  be.] 


Under  this  stone  does  lie 
One  born  for  Victory, 


I. 


AlRFAX  the  vah'ant ;  and  the  only  He 
Whoe'er,for  that  aloneaConquerorwould  be. 
Both  sexes'  virtues  were  in  him  combined : 
He  had  the  fierceness  of  the  manliest  mind, 
And  eke  the  meekness  too  of  womankind. 
He  never  knew  what  Envy  was,  or  Hate. 
His  soul  was  filled  with  Worth  and  Honesty ; 
And  with  another  thing,  quite  out  of  date, 
Called  Modesty. 


400         An  Epitaph  on  Lord  Fairfax.        ro.  vimers. 


?  1671. 


He  ne'er  seemed  impudent  but  in  the  Field :  a  place 
Where  Impudence  itself  dares  seldom  show  her  face. 
Had  any  stranger  spied  him  in  the  room 
With  some  of  those  whom  he  had  overcome, 
And  had  not  heard  their  talk  ;  but  only  seen 

Their  gestures  and  their  mien  : 
They  would  have  sworn  he  had,  the  vanquished  been. 
For  as  they  bragged,  and  dreadful  would  appear ; 
While  they,  their  own  ill  lucks  in  war  repeated  : 
His  modesty  still  made  him  blush  to  hear 

How  often  he  had  them  defeated. 


Through  his  whole  life,  the  Part  he  bore 
Was  wonderful  and  great : 

And  yet  it  so  appeared  in  nothing  more 
Than  in  his  private  last  retreat. 
For  it  's  a  stranger  thing  to  find 
One  man  of  such  a  glorious  mind, 
As  can  dismiss  the  Power  he  has  got ; 

Than  millions  of  the  Polls  and  Braves 

(Those  despicable  fools  and  knaves), 
Who  such  a  pother  make. 
Through  dulness  and  mistake, 

In  seeking  after  Power :  but  get  it  not 


G.  viiiiers.-j        ^j^  Epitaph  on  Lord  Fairfax.         401 


?  1671 


When  all  the  nation  he  had  won, 
And  with  expense  of  blood  had  bought ; 
Store  great  enough,  he  thought, 
Of  fame  and  of  renown  : 
He  then  his  arms  laid  down 
With  full  as  little  pride 
As  if  he  had  been  of  his  Enemies'  side  ; 
Or  one  of  them  could  do  that  were  undone. 
He  neither  wealth,  nor  Places  sought. 
For  others,  not  himself,  he  fought 
He  was  content  to  know 
(For  he  had  found  it  so) 
That  when  he  pleased,  to  conquer  he  was  able , 
And  left  the  spoil  and  plunder  to  the  rabble. 
He  might  have  been  a  King : 
But  that  he  understood 
How  much  it  is  a  meaner  thing 
To  be  unjustly  Great,  than  honourably  Good 


This  from  the  World,  did  admiration  draw , 
And  from  his  friends,  both  love  and  awe : 
Remembering  what  in  fight  he  did  before. 

And  his  foes  loved  him  too, 

As  they  were  bound  to  do, 
2C 


402         An  EriTAPH  on  Lord  Fairfax.        ['^•'^| 


Iliers- 
1671. 


Because  he  was  resolved  to  fight  no  more. 

So  blessed  of  all,  he  died.     But  far  more  blessed  were  we. 

If  we  were  sure  to  live  till  we  could  see 

A  Man  as  great  in  War,  in  Peace  as  just,  as  he. 


A   true  and  just 

RELATION 

of 

Major-General  Sir  T  h  o  m  a  s  M  o  r  g  a  n's 

PROGRESS 

in 

France    and     Flanders 

with  the 

Six     Thousand    English  ^ 

in   the   years    1657    and    1658, 
at    the   taking  of 

Dunkirk, 

and 

Other    important   places. 

As    it    was    delivered   by   the    General  himself. 

LONDON: 

Printed   for  J.    N  u  t  t,  near  Stationers'    Hall, 
1699. 


404 

ADVERTISEMENT. 

|//?  Thomas  Morgan  drew  up  the  following  Relation, 
at  a  friend's  desire,  who  was  unwilling  that  posterity 
should  want  an  authentic  account  of  the  actions  of  the 
Six  Thousand  English,  whom  Cromwell  sent  to 
assist  the  French  against  the  Spaniards ;  and  thought  the  Right 
they  did  their  country,  by  their  behaviour,  might  make  some 
amends  for  the  Occasiofi  of  their  being  in  that  service. 

It  had  been  printed  in  the  last  reign  [i.e.,  of  James  II.],  if  the 
Authority  of  it  had  not  interposed,  because  there  was  not  so  much 
said  of  some  who  were  then  ifi  the  Spanish  army,  as  they  expected : 
and  is  published  now,  to  let  the  world  see  that  more  was  owing 
to  our  country  than  either  Monsieur  BUSSY  Rabutin  [Roger 
DE  Rabutin,  Count  de  Bussy]  (Part  II.  p.  135),  or 
[Edmund]  Ludlow  (Part  II.  p.  561),  in  their  Memoirs 
do  allow.  The  former  by  his  manner  of  expression  seems 
contented  with  an  opportunity  to  lessen  their  merit;  and  being 
in  the  right  wing  of  the  French,  while  this  passed  in  the  left, 
comes  under  the  just  reflection  he  himself  makes  (Part  II.  p.  139) 
a  little  after,  upon  the  Describers  of  Fights,  who  are  particidar 
in  what  they  did  not  see :  and  whether  the  latter  was  misin- 
formed, or  swayed  by  his  prejudice  (Part  II.  /».  496)  to  those 
that  were  engaged  to  support  the  new  erected  Tyranny,  is  left  to 
the  reader  to  judge. 

It  may  not  be  improper  to  add,  that  these  papers  came  to  the 
Publisher's  hands,  from  the  gentlemen  at  whose  request  they  were 
written:  and  to  whom  Sir  THOMAS  MORQAN  confirmed  every 
paragraph  of  them,  as  they  were  read  over,  at  the  time  he  delivered 
them,  to  him  ;  which,  besides  the  unaffected  plainness  of  the  style, 
may  be  urged  for  the  credit  of  the  narrative,  since  Sir  Thomas 
was  entitled  to  so  much  true  reputation,  that  he  had  no  need  to 
grasp  at  any  that  was  false. 

January  24,  1698  [i.e.,  1699J. 


405 


A  true   and  just 

RELATION 


of 


Major-General   Sir   Thomas    Morgan's 

PROGRESS 


France     and    Flanders 


with  the 


Six      Thousand      English, 

in    the    years    1657   and    1658. 


He  French  King,  and  his  Eminence  the 
Cardinal  Mazarin  carne  to  view  the  Six 
Thousand  English,  near  Charleroi ;  and 
ordered  Major-General  Morgan  with  the 
said  Six  Thousand  English,  to  march  and 
make  conjunction  with  Marshal  Turenne's 
army :  who,  soon  after  the  conjunction, 
beleaguered  a  town  called  St.  Venant,  on 
the  borders  of  Flanders. 

Marshal  Turenne  having  invested  the  town  on  the  east 
side,  and  Major-General  Morgan  with  his  Six  Thousand 
English  and  a  Brigade  of  French  Horse  on  the  west ;  the 
army  encamped  betwixt  Marshal  Turenne's  approaches  [lijies 
or  parallels]  and  Major-General  Morgan's.  And  being  to 
relieve  Count  Schomberg  out  of  the  approaches  of  the  west 
side  of  the  town,  Major-General  Morgan  marched  into  the 
approaches,  with  800  English.  The  English,  at  that  time, 
being  strangers  in  approaches,  Major-General  Morgan 
instructed  the  Officers  and  soldiers  to  take  their  place,  by 
fifties  ;  that  thereby  they  might  relieve  the  Point,  to  carry 
on  the  approaches,  every  hour. 


4o6  An  English  remedy  for  inexperience.  P" "^j ^°',|5°; 

In  the  meantime,  whilst  we  besieged  the  town  ;  the  enemy 
had  beleaguered  a  town  called  Ardres  [p.  183],  within  five 
miles  of  Calais. 

In  the  evening,  Count  Schomberg,  with  six  Noblemen, 
came  to  the  Point,  to  see  how  Major-General  Morgan 
carried  on  his  approaches ;  but  there  happened  a  little 
confusion,  by  the  soldiers  intermingling  themselves  in  the 
approaches,  so  as  there  was  never  an  entire  fifty,  to  be  called 
to  the  Point. 

Count  Schomberg  and  his  Noblemen  taking  notice  thereof; 
Major-General  Morgan  was  much  troubled,  leaped  upon  the 
Point,  and  called  out  fifty  to  "  take  up  the  spades,  pickaxes, 
and  fascines,  and  follow  him."  But  so  it  happened,  that  all 
[i.e.,  the  800]  in  the  approaches  leapt  out  after  him ;  the 
enemy,  in  the  meantime,  firing  as  fast  as  they  could. 

Major-General  Morgan,  conceiving  his  loss  in  bringing 
them  to  their  approaches  would  be  greater  than  in  carrying 
them  forward,  passed  over  a  channel  of  water  on  which  there 
was  a  bridge  and  a  turnpike,  and  the  soldiers  crying  out, 
"  Fall  on  !  Fall  on  !  "  he  fell  upon  the  Counterscarp,  beat  the 
enemy  from  it  and  three  Redoubts  :  which  caused  them  to 
capitulate;  and,  the  next  morning,  to  surrender  the  town, 
and  receive  a  French  garrison.  So  as  the  sudden  reduction, 
thereof,  gave  Marshal  Turenne  an  opportunity,  afterwards, 
to  march  and  relieve  Ardres. 

The  next  place.  Marshal  Turenne  besieged,  was  Mar- 
dyke  ;  taken,  in  twice  eight  and  forty  hours,  by  the  English 
and  French.  After  the  taking  thereof,  Major-General 
Morgan  was  settled  there;  by  the  order  of  the  French  King 
and  Oliver,  with  2,000  English  and  1,000  French,  in  order 
to  the  beleaguering  Dunkirk,  the  next  Spring.  The  rest  of 
the  English  were  quartered  at  Borborch  [Bourbough], 

For  the  space  of  four  months,  there  was  hardly  a  week 
wherein  Major-General  Morgan  had  not  two  or  three  alarms 
by  the  Spanish  army.  He  answered  to  them  all  ;  and  never 
went  out  of  his  clothes  all  the  winter,  except  to  change  his 
shirt. 

The  next  Spring  [1658],  Marshal  Turenne  beleaguered 
Dunkirk  on  the  Newport  side ;  and  Major-General  Morgan 


SirT.  Morgan.J     JhE     SIEGE     OF     DuNKIRK.        407 

on  the  Mardyke  side,  with  his  Six  Thousand  English,  and  a 
Brigade  of  French  Horse.  He  made  a  bridge  over  the 
canal  betwixt  that  and  Bergen,  that  there  might  be  commu- 
nication betwixt  Marshal  Turenne's  camp  and  his. 

When  Dunkirk  was  close  invested.  Marshal  Turenne  sent 
a  summons  to  the  Governor,  the  Marquis  de  Leida,  a  great 
Captain,  and  brave  defender  of  a  siege  :  but  the  summons 
being  answered  with  defiance,  Marshal  Turenne  immediately 
broke  ground  ;  and  carried  on  the  approaches  on  his  side, 
whilst  the  English  did  the  same,  on  theirs.  And  it  is 
observable,  the  English  had  two  miles  to  march  every  day, 
upon  relieving  their  approaches. 

In  this  manner  the  approaches  were  carried  on,  both  by 
the  French  and  English,  for  the  space  of  twelve  nights  : 
when  the  Marshal  Turenne  had  intelligence  that  the  Prince 
de  Conde,  the  Duke  of  York  [afterwards,  James  II.],  Don 
John  of  Austria,  and  the  Prince  de  Ligny  were  at  the  head 
of  30,000  horse  and  foot,  with  resolution  to  relieve  Dunkirk. 

Immediately  upon  this  intelligence.  Marshal  Turenne 
and  several  Noblemen  of  France  went  to  the  King  and 
Cardinal,  at  Mardyke;  acquainted  his  Eminence  therewith, 
and  desired  His  Majesty  and  his  Eminence  the  Cardinal  to 
withdraw  their  persons  into  safety,  and  leave  their  orders. 

His  Majesty  answered  that  "  He  knew  no  better  place  of 
safety  than  at  the  head  of  his  army  ; "  but  said,  "  It  was 
convenient  the  Cardinal  should  withdraw  to  Calais." 

Then  Marshal  Turenne  and  the  Noblemen  made  answer, 
"  They  could  not  be  satisfied,  except  His  Majesty  withdrew 
himself  into  safety."  Which  was  assented  to ;  and  the  King 
and  Cardinal  marching  to  Calais,  left  open  orders  with 
Marshal  Turenne  that  '*  If  the  enemy  came  on  ;  to  give 
battle  or  raise  the  siege,  as  he  should  be  advised  by  a  Council 
of  War." 

The  enemy  came  on  to  Bruges,  and  then  Marshal  Turenne 
thought  it  high  time  to  call  a  Council  of  War ;  which  con- 
sisted of  eight  Noblemen,  eight  Lieutenant-Generals,  and 
six  Mareschaux  de  Camp  :  but  never  sent  to  [the  English] 
Ambassador  Lockhart,  or  Major- General  Morgan. 

The  whole  sense  of  the  Council  of  War  was  that  "  It  was 
great  danger  to  the  Crown  of  France  to  hazard  a  battle  in 
that  strait    [broken]    country,  full   of  canals  and  ditches  o; 


4o8  The  second  Council  ofWar.  p'^j 


SirT.  Morgan. 
1659. 


water."  And  several  reasons  being  shown  to  that  purpose, 
it  ran  through  the  Council  of  War,  "to  raise  the  siege,  if  the 
enemy  came  on." 

Within  half  an  hour  after  the  Council  of  War  was  risen, 
Major-General  Morgan  had  the  result  of  it  in  his  camp  ; 
and  went  immediately  to  Ambassador  Lockhart  to  know  if 
he  had  heard  anything  of  it  ? 

He  said,  "  He  had  heard  nothing  of  it  "  ;  and  complained 
that  "  he  was  much  afflicted  with  the  stone,  gravel,  and  some 
other  impediments." 

Major-General  Morgan  asked  him  "  to  go  with  him,  the 
next  morning,  to  the  headquarters." 

He  said,  "  He  would,  if  he  were  able." 

Next  morning.  Marshal  Turenne  sent  a  Nobleman  to 
Ambassador  Lockhart,  and  Major-General  Morgan  ;  to 
desire  them  to  come  to  a  second  Council  of  War. 

Immediately,  therefore.  Ambassador  Lockhart  and 
Major-General  Morgan  went  with  the  Nobleman  to  Marshal 
Turenne's  camp  :  and,  by  that  time  they  came  there,  the 
Council  of  War  was  ready  to  sit  down  in  Marshal  Turenne's 
tent. 

Marshal  Turenne  satisfied  the  Council  of  War  that  "  He 
had  forgot  to  send  for  Ambassador  Lockhart  and  Major- 
General  Morgan  to  the  first  Council  of  War ;  and  therefore 
thought  fit  to  call  this,  that  they  might  be  satisfied !  "  and 
then  put  the  question,  "  Whether  if  the  enemy  came  on,  he 
should  make  good  the  siege  on  the  Newport  side,  and  give 
them  battle  :  or  raise  the  siege  ?  "  and  required  they  should 
give  their  reasons  for  either. 

The  Mareschaux  de  Camp  ran  away  with  it  [i.e.,  the  idea], 
clearly  to  raise  the  siege ;  alleging  what  danger  it  was  to 
the  Crown  of  France  to  hazard  a  battle,  within  so  strait  a 
country,  full  of  canals  and  ditches  of  water  :  further  alleg- 
ing that  if  the  enemy  came  upon  the  Bank,  they  would  cut 
between  Marshal  Turenne's  and  Major-General  Morgan's 
camps,  and  prevent  their  conjunction. 

Two  of  the  Lieutenant-Generals  ran  along  with  the 
Mareschaux  de  Camp ;  and  shewed  the  same  reasons. 

But  Major-General  Morgan  (finding  that  it  was  high  time 
to  speak,  and  that  otherwise  it  would  go  round  the  board 
[table])  rose  up,  and  desired,  though  out  of  course,  that  he 


SirT.Morgan.J    MORGAN   ON   HIS   KNEES   FOR   A  BATTLE.       409 

might  declare  his  mind  in  opposition  to  what  the  Mareschaux 
de  Camp  and  the  two  Lieutenant-Generals  had  declared. 

Marshal  Turenne  told  him,  "  He  should  have  freedom  to 
speak  his  thoughts." 

Then  Major-General  Morgan  spoke,  and  said  that  *'  The 
reasons  the  Mareschaux  de  Camp  and  the  two  Lieutenant- 
Generals  had  given  for  raising  the  siege,  were  no  reasons  : 
for  the  straitness  of  the  country  was  as  good  for  the  French 
and  English  as  for  the  enemy."  And  whereas  they  had 
alleged  that  '*  If  the  enemy  came  on  the  Bank  between 
Fumes  and  Dunkirk,  they  would  cut  between  Marshal 
Turenne's  and  Major-General  Morgan's  camps."  Major- 
General  Morgan  replied,  "  It  was  impossible,  for  they  could 
not  march  upon  the  Bank  above  eight  a  breast ;  and  that 
Marshal  Turenne's  artillery  and  small  shot  would  cut  them 
off  at  pleasure."  He  added,  "  That  was  not  the  way,  the 
enemy  could  relieve  Dunkirk  !  but  that  they  would  make  a 
bridge  of  boats  over  the  channel  in  an  hour  and  a  half;  and 
cross  their  army  on  to  the  sands  of  Dunkirk,  to  offer  Marshal 
Turenne  battle."  Further,  Major-General  Morgan  did 
allege,  **  What  a  dishonour  it  would  be  to  the  Crown  of 
France!  to  have  summoned  the  city  of  Dunkirk,  and  broke 
ground  before  it,  and  run  away!  And  he  desired  the  Council 
of  War  would  consider  that,  if  they  raised  the  siege,  the 
alliance  with  England  would  l3e  broken  the  same  hour." 

Marshal  Turenne  answered  that,  "  If  he  thought  the 
enemy  would  offer  that  fair  game ;  he  would  maintain  the 
siege  on  the  Newport  side ;  and  Major-General  Morgan 
should  march,  and  make  conjunction  with  the  French  army, 
and  leave  the  Mardyke  side  open." 

Upon  Marshal  Turenne's  reply,  Major-General  Morgan 
did  rise  from  the  board,  and,  upon  his  knees,  begged  a  battle  ; 
and  said  that  "  he  would  venture  the  Six  Thousand  English, 
every  soul ! " 

Upon  which.  Marshal  Turenne  consulted  the  Noblemen 
that  sat  next  to  him  ;  and  it  was  desired  that  Major-General 
Morgan  might  walk  a  turn  or  two  without  the  tent ;  and  he 
should  be  called  immediately. 

After  he  had  walked  two  turns,  he  was  called  in.  As 
soon  as  he  came  in,  Marshal  Turenne  said  that  "  He  had 
considered  his  reasons ;  and  that  himself  and  the  Council  of 


410L0CKITARTDISERTSTHE  English  brigade.  p"'^?^°j|5g; 

War  resolved  to  give  battle  to  the  enemy,  if  they  came  on ; 
and  to  maintain  the  siege  on  the  Newport  side  :  and  that 
Major-General  Morgan  was  to  make  conjunction  with  the 
French  army." 

Major-General  MORC.AN  then  said,  ''That,  with  GOD's 
assistance,  \vc  should  be  able  to  deal  with  them ! " 

The  very  next  day,  at  four  in  the  afternoon,  the  Spanish 
army  had  made  a  bridge  of  boats,  crossed  their  army  on  the 
sands  of  Dunkirk,  and  drew  up  into  battalia  [line  of  battle], 
within  two  miles  of  Marshal  Turenne's  lines  ;  before  he 
knew  anything  of  them. 

Immediately,  all  the  French  horse  drew  out  to  face  the 
enemy  at  a  mile's  distance  ;  and  Marshal  Turenne  sent 
immediate  orders  to  Major-General  Morgan  to  march  into 
his  camp,  with  the  Six  Thousand  English  and  the  French 
Brigade  of  Horse.     Which  was  done  accordingly. 

The  next  day,  about  eight  o'clock,  Marshal  Turenne  gave 
orders  to  break  avenues  on  both  the  lines,  that  the  army 
might  march  out  in  battalia. 

Major-General  Morgan  set  his  soldiers  to  break  avenues, 
for  their  marching  out  in  battalia  likewise.  Several  Officers 
being  with  him,  as  he  was  looking  on  his  soldiers  at  work  ; 
Ambassador  Lockhart  comes  up,  with  a  white  cap  on  his 
head,  and  said  to  Major-General  Morgan,  "  You  see  what 
condition  I  am  in  !  I  am  not  able  to  give  you  any  assistance 
this  day  !  You  are  the  older  soldier,  and  the  greatest  part 
of  the  work  of  this  day  must  lie  upon  your  soldiers  !  " 
Upon  which,  the  Officers  smiled.  So  he  bade  "  GOD  be  with 
us  I "  and  went  away  with  the  Lieutenant-General  of  the 
Horse,  that  was  upon  our  left  wing.  From  which  time,  we 
never  saw  him  till  we  were  in  pursu-it  of  the  enemy. 

When  the  avenues  were  cleared,  both  the  French  and 
English  armies  marched  out  of  the  lines  towards  the  enemy. 

We  were  forced  to  march  up  in  four  lines  [?  columns]  (for 
we  had  not  room  enough  to  wing  [  ?  spread  out  into  line]  for 
the  canal  between  Fumes  and  Dunkirk,  and  the  sea)  till  we 
had  marched  above  half  a  mile. 

Then  we  came  to  a  halt  on  rising  hills  of  sand  ;  and  having 
more  room  took  in  [  ?  spread  out]  two  of  our  lines. 

Major-General  Morgan  seeing  the  enemy  plain,  in  battalia, 


SirT.Morgan.-|    -pj^g  MANNERS  OF  THE  ENGLISH  REDCOATS.  4II 

said,  before  the  head  of  the  army,  "See,  yonder  are  the 
gentlemen  you  have  to  trade  withal !  " 

Upon  which,  the  whole  Brigade  of  English  gave  a  shout 
of  rejoicing,  that  made  a  roaring  echo  betwixt  the  sea  and 
the  canal. 

Thereupon,  the  Marshal  Turenne  came  up,  with  above  a 
hundred  Noblemen,  to  know  what  was  the  matter,  and  the 
reason  of  that  great  shout  ? 

Major-General  Morgan  told  him,  **  It  was  a  usual  custom 
of  the  redcoats,  when  they  saw  the  enemy,  to  rejoice." 

Marshal  Turenne  answered,  "They  were  men  of  brave 
resolution  and  courage." 

After  which,  Marshal  Turenne  returning  to  the  head  of 
his  army  ;  we  put  on  to  our  march  again. 

At  the  second  halt,  the  whole  Brigade  of  English  gave  a 
shout,  and  cast  up  their  caps  into  the  air;  saying,  "  They 
would  have  better  hats  before  night !  " 

Marshal  Turenne,  upon  that  shout,  came  up  again,  with 
several  Noblemen  and  Officers  of  the  army,  admiring  the 
resolution  of  the  English,  at  which  time,  we  were  within 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  of  the  enemy  in  battalia. 

Marshal  Turenne  desired  Major-General  Morgan  that,  at 
the  next  halt,  he  would  keep  even  front  with  the  French ;  for 
says  he,  "  I  do  intend  to  halt  at  some  distance,  that  we  may 
see  how  the  enemy  is  drawn  up  ;  and  take  our  advantage 
accordingly." 

Major-General  Morgan  den  />ded  of  his  Excellency, 
"  Whether  he  would  shock  the  \v\  ^  army  at  one  dash  ;  or 
try  one  wing  first  ?  " 

Marshal  Turenne's  reply  was,  "  That  as  to  that  question, 
he  could  not  resolve  him  yet,  till  he  came  nearer  the  enemy." 

Major-General  Morgan  desired  the  Marshal,  "  not  to  let 
him  languish  for  orders  !  "  saying  that  "  oftentimes  oppor- 
tunities are  often  lost,  for  want  of  orders  in  due  time." 

Marshal  Turenne  said,  **  He  would  either  come  himself, 
and  give  orders  ;  or  send  a  Lieutenant-General." 

And  so  Marshal  Turenne  parted,  and  went  to  the  head  of 
his  army. 

In  the  meantime,  Major-General  Morgan  gave  orders  to 
the   Colonels  and  Leading  Officers  [i.e.,  Captains   and  Lieu- 


4  I  2    A  STRANGE  FRIENDSHIP  BETWEEN  ENEMIES.  [_^"'^''>  ^^°[f^'. 

tenants],  to  have  a  special  care  that,  when  the  French  came 
to  a  halt,  they  kept  even  front  with  them  :  and  further  told 
them,  that,  "  if  they  could  not  observe  the  French,  they 
should  take  notice  when  he  lifted  up  his  hat,"  for  he  marched 
still  above  three  score  [yards]  before  the  centre  of  the  Bodies. 

But  when  the  French  came  to  halt,  it  so  happened  that 
the  English  pressed  upon  their  Leading  Officers,  so  that 
they  came  up  under  the  shot  of  the  enemy ;  but  when  they 
saw  that  Major-General  Morgan  was  in  a  passion,  they  put 
themselves  to  a  stand.  Major-General  Morgan  could  soon 
have  remedied  their  forwardness,  but  he  was  resolved  that  he 
would  not  lose  one  foot  of  ground  he  had  advanced  ;  but 
would  hold  it  as  long  as  he  could. 

We  were  so  near  the  enemy,  the  soldiers  fell  into  great 
friendship.  One  asking,  "  Is  such  an  Officer  in  your  army?" 
Another,  "Is  such  a  soldier  in  yours?"  And  this  passed 
on  both  sides. 

Major-General  Morgan  endured  this  friendship  for  a  little 
while ;  and  then  came  up  to  the  centre  of  the  Bodies,  and 
demanded,  "  How  long  that  friendship  would  continue  ?  " 
and  told  them  further  that  "  for  anything  they  knew,  they 
would  be  cutting  one  another's  throats  within  a  minute  of 
an  hour ! " 

The  whole  Brigade  answered,  "  Their  friendship  should 
continue  no  longer  than  he  pleased  !  " 

Then  Major-General  Morgan  bade  them  tell  the  enemy, 
"  No  more  friendship  !  Prepare  your  buft'  coats  and  scarfs  ! 
for  we  will  be  with  you,  sooner  than  you  expect  us  !  " 

Immediately  after  the  friendship  was  broke,  the  enemy 
poured  a  volley  of  shot  into  one  of  our  battalions,  wounded 
three  or  four  and  one  dropped. 

The  Major-General  immediately  sent  the  Adjutant-General 
to  Marshal  Turenne,  for  orders;  "Whether  he  should 
charge  the  enemy's  right  wing,  or  whether  Marshal  Turenne 
would  engage  the  enemy's  left  wing  ? "  and  advised  the 
Adjutant -General  not  to  stay,  but  to  acquaint  Marshal 
Turenne  that  we  were  under  the  enemy's  shot,  and  had 
received  some  prejudice  already. 

But  there  was  no  return  of  the  Adjutant-General,  nor 
orders. 


Sir  T.  Morgan.j  Blue  &  White  Regiments  attvvck  first.  4  I  3 

By-and-by,  the  enemy  poured  in  another  volley  of  shot 
into  another  of  our  battalions  ;  and  wounded  two  or  three. 

Major-General  Morgan  (observing  the  enemy  mending 
faults,  and  opening  the  intervals  of  the  Foot  to  bring  the 
Horse  in,  which  would  have  made  our  work  more  difficult) 
called  all  the  Colonels  and  Officers  of  the  Field  [Field 
Officers,  as  distinguished  from  Leading  Officers],  together 
before  the  centre  of  the  Bodies,  and  told  them,  **  He  had 
sent  the  Adjutant-General  for  orders  ;  but  when  he  saw  there 
was  no  hope  of  orders,  he  told  them,  if  they  would  concur 
with  him,  he  would  immediately  charge  the  enemy's  right 
wing." 

Their  answer  was,  "  They  were  ready,  whenever  he  gave 
orders." 

He  told  them,  "  He  would  try  the  right  wing  with  the 
Blue  Regiment,  and  the  400  Firelocks  which  were  in  the 
intervals  of  the  French  Horse ;  "  and  wished  all  the  Field 
Officers  to  be  ready  at  their  several  posts. 

Major-General  Morgan  gave  orders  that  "  The  other  five 
Regiments  should  not  move  from  their  ground  ;  except  they 
saw  the  Blue  Regiment,  the  White,  and  the  400  Firelocks 
shock  the  enemy's  right  wing  right  off  the  ground  :  "  and 
further  shewed  the  several  Colonels,  what  Colours  they  were 
to  charge;  and  told  them  moreover  that,  "If  he  were  not 
knocked  on  the  head,  he  would  come  to  them." 

In  like  manner,  as  fast  as  he  could,  he  admonished  the 
whole  Brigade;  and  told  them,  "They  were  to  look  in  the 
face  of  an  enemy  who  had  violated  and  endeavoured  to  take 
away  their  reputation ;  and  that  they  had  no  other  way  but 
to  fight  it  out  to  the  last  man  !  or  to  be  killed,  taken  prisoner, 
or  drowned!"  And  further,  that  "The  honour  of  England 
did  depend  much  upon  their  gallantry  and  resolution  that 
day  1  " 

The  enemy's  wing  was  posted  on  a  sandy  hill,  and  had 
cast  the  sand  breast-high  before  them. 

Then  Major-General  Morgan  did  order  the  Blue  Regiment 
and  the  400  Firelocks  to  advance  to  the  Charge.  In  the 
meantime,  knowing  the  enemy  would  all  bend  upon  them 
that  did  advance ;  he  removed  the  White  Regiment  more  to 
the  right,  that  it  might  be  in  the  flank  of  them  by  that  time, 
the  Blue  Regiment  was  got  within  push  of  pike. 


414  6,ooo  English  chase  the  Spanish  Army.  P'' "^j  ^"".fisg: 

His  Royal  Highness,  the  Duke  of  York,  with  a  select 
party  of  Horse,  had  got  into  the  Blue  Regiment,  by  that 
time  the  White  came  in,  and  exposed  his  person  to  great 
danger.     But  we  knew  nobody  at  that  time. 

Immediately,  the  enemy  were  clear  shocked  off  their 
ground ;  and  the  English  Colours  flying  over  their  heads, 
the  strongest  Officers  and  soldiers  clubbing  them  down. 

Major-General  Morgan,  when  he  saw  his  opportunity, 
stepped  to  the  other  five  Regiments,  which  were  within  six 
score  [yards]  of  him  ;  and  ordered  them  to  advance  and 
charge  immediately. 

But  when  they  came  within  ten  pikes'  length,  the  enemy 
perceiving  they  were  not  able  to  endure  our  charge,  shaked 
their  hats,  held  up  their  handkerchiefs,  and  called  for 
"Quarter!  " 

But  the  Redcoats  cried  aloud,  "  They  had  not  leisure  for 
Quarter !  " 

Whereupon  the  enemy  faced  about,  and  would  not  endure 
our  charge ;  but  fell  to  run  :  having  the  English  Colours 
over  their  heads,  and  our  strongest  soldiers  and  Officers 
clubbing  them  down.  So  that  the  Six  Thousand  English 
carried  ten  or  twelve  thousand  Horse  and  Foot  before  them. 

The  French  army  was  about  musket  shot  in  the  rear  of 
us,  where  they  came  [had  come]  to  a  halt ;  and  never  moved 
off  their  ground. 

The  rest  of  the  Spanish  army,  seeing  the  right  wing  carried 
away,  and  the  English  Colours  flying  over  their  heads, 
wheeled  about  in  as  good  order  as  they  could.  So  that  we 
had  the  whole  Spanish  army  before  us  !  and  Major-General 
Morgan  called  out  to  the  Colonels,  **  To  the  right  1  as  much 
as  you  can  !  "  that  so,  we  might  have  all  the  enemy's  army 
under  the  English  Colours. 

The  Six  Thousand  English  carried  all  the  Spanish  army 
[before  it]  as  far  as  from  Westminster  Abbey  to  [St.]  Paul's 
Churchyard,  before  ever  a  Frenchman  came  in,  on  either 
wing  of  us.  But  then,  at  last,  we  could  perceive  the  French 
Horse  come  powdering  [scattered]  on  each  wing  with  much 
gallantry  :  but  they  never  struck  one  stroke;  and  only  carried 
prisoners  back  to  the  camp. 

Neither,  did  we  ever  seethe  Ambassador  Lockhart  till  we 
were  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy  ;  and  then,  we  could  see  him 


Sir  T.  Morganj  ^  ^  ^  SURRENDER  OF  Dunkirk.  415 

amongst  us,  very  brisk  ;  without  his  white  cap  on  his  head, 
and  neither  troubled  with  gravel  or  stone. 

When  we  were  at  the  end  of  the  pursuit,  Marshal  Turenne 
and  above  a  hundred  Officers  of  the  army  came  up  to  us, 
quitted  their  horses,  embraced  the  Officers,  and  said,  "  They 
never  saw  a  more  glorious  action  in  their  lives !  and  that 
they  were  so  transported  with  the  sight  of  it,  that  they  had  no 
power  to  move,  or  to  do  anything."  And  this  high  compliment, 
we  had  for  our  pains  !  In  a  word,  the  French  army  did  not 
strike  one  stroke  in  the  battle  of  Dunkirk;  only  the  Six 
Thousand  English  ! 

After  we  had  done  pursuing  the  enemy,  Major-General 
Morgan  raUied  his  forces,  and  marched  over  the  sands 
to  where  he  had  shocked  them  at  first,  to  see  what  slaughter 
there  was  made.  But  Ambassador  Lockhart  went  into  the 
camp  as  fast  as  he  could,  to  write  his  letters  for  England, 
of  what  great  service  he  had  done  1  which  was  just  nothing ! 

Marshal  Turenne  and  Major-General  Morgan  brought 
the  armies  close  to  invest  Dunkirk  again,  and  to  carry  on  the 
approaches. 

The  Marquis  de  Leida  happened  to  be  in  the  Counter- 
scarp, and  received  an  accidental  shot,  whereof  he  died  : 
and  the  whole  garrison,  being  discouraged  at  his  death,  came 
to  capitulate  in  a  few  days. 

So  the  town  was  surrendered,  and  Ambassador  Lockhart 
marched  into  it,  with  two  Regiments  of  English  for  a 
garrison  :  but  Major-General  Morgan  kept  the  field  with 
Marshal  Turenne,  with  his  other  four  Regiments  of 
English. 

The  next  siege  was  Bergen  St.  Winock,  six  miles  from 
Dunkirk  ;  which  Marshal  Turenne  beleaguered  with  the 
French  army,  and  the  four  Regiments  of  English  :  and,  in 
four  or  five  days'  siege,  it  was  taken  upon  capitulation. 

Marshal  Turenne  did  rest  the  army  for  two  days  after; 
and  then  resolved  to  march  through  the  heart  of  Flanders, 
and  take  what  towns  he  could,  that  campaign. 

The  next  town  he  took  was  Furnes,  the  next  Menin  ;  after 
that,  Oudenarde  :  and,  in  a  word,  eight  towns  besides  Dunkirk 
and  Ypres.     For  so  soon  as  the  Redcoats  came  near  the 


4i6  The   siege   of   Ypres.      P' '^ "^^"'xlsg; 

counterscarps,  there  was  nothing  but  a  capitulation,  and  a 
surrender  presently.  All  the  towns  we  took  were  towns  of 
strength  [i.e. ,  fortified] . 

The  last  siege  we  made,  was  before  the  city  of  Ypres, 
where  the  Prince  de  Ligny  had  cast  himself  in  before,  for 
the  defence  of  that  city,  with  2,500  Horse  and  Dragoons. 
Besides,  there  were  in  the  city,  4,000  burghers,  all  proper 
young  men,  under  their  arms.  So  that  the  garrison  did 
consist  of  6,500  men. 

Marshal  Turenne  sent  in  a  summons;  which  was 
answered  by  a  defiance. 

Then  Marshal  Turenne  broke  ground,  and  carried  on  two 
approaches  towardsthe  Counterscarp.  Major-General  Morgan 
went  into  the  approaches  every  night,  for  fear  of  any  mis- 
carriage by  the  English  ;  and  came  out  of  the  approaches 
every  morning  at  sunrising,  to  take  his  rest :  for  then  the 
soldiers  had  done  working. 

The  fourth  morning,  Major-General  Morgan  went  to  take 
his  rest  in  his  tent ;  but,  within  half  an  hour  afterwards, 
Marshal  Turenne  sent  a  Nobleman  to  him,  to  desire  him  to 
come  to  speak  with  him.  When  the  Major-General  came, 
there  were  above  a  hundred  Noblemen  and  Officers  of  the 
army  walking  about  his  tent.  And  his  Gentlemen  had  decked 
a  room  for  his  Excellency  with  his  sumpter  cloths ;  in  which 
homely  place,  there  were  about  twenty  Officers  of  the  army 
with  him  :  but  as  soon  as  Major-General  Morgan  came, 
Marshal  Turenne  desired  all  of  them  to  retire,  for  he  had 
something  to  communicate  to  the  Major-General. 

The  room  was  immediately  cleared,  and  Marshal  Turenne 
turned  the  Gentlemen  of  his  Chamber  out,  and  shut  the 
door  himself.  When  this  was  done,  he  desired  the  Major- 
General  to  sit  down  by  him  ;  and  the  first  news  that  he  spake 
of  was  that  "  he  had  certain  intelligence  that  the  Prince  of 
Conde  and  Don  Juan  of  Austria  were  at  the  head  of  11,000 
Horse  and  4,000  Foot,  within  three  leagues  of  this  camp  :  and 
resolved  to  break  through  one  of  our  quarters,  to  relieve  the 
city  of  Ypres,"  and  therefore  he  desired  Major-General 
Morgan  to  have  all  the  English,  under  their  arms,  every 
night,  at  sunset ;  and  the  French  army  should  be  so  like- 
wise. 


Sir  1 .  Morgan.j  Q^NERAL  MoRGAN  PROPOSES  AN  ASSAULT.   417 

Major-General  Morgan  replied,  and  said,  "The  Prince  of 
CoNDE  and  Don  Juan  of  Austria  were  great  Captains  ;  and 
that  they  might  dodge  with  Marshal  Turenne,  to  fatigue 
his  army  :"  and,  further,  that  *'  If  he  did  keep  the  army  three 
nights  to  that  hard  shift,  they  would  not  care  who  did  knock 
them  on  the  head  !  " 

Marshal  Turenne  replied,  "  We  must  do  it,  and  surmount 
all  difficulty  !  " 

The  Major-General  desired  to  know  of  his  Excellency, 
"  Whether  he  was  certain,  the  enemy  was  so  near  him  ?  " 

He  answered,  "  He  had  two  spies  just  come  from  them." 

Then  Major-General  Morgan  told  him,  "  His  condition 
was  somewhat  desperate!"  and  said  that  "A  desperate 
disease  must  have  a  desperate  cure  !  " 

His  Excellency  asked,  "  What  he  meant  ?  '* 

Major-General  Morgan  did  offer  him,  to  attempt  the 
Counterscarp  upon  [by]  an  assault ;  and  so  put  all  things  out 
of  doubt,  with  expedition. 

The  Major-General  had  no  sooner  said  this  ;  but  Marshal 
Turenne  joined  his  hands,  and  looked  up,  through  the  boards, 
towards  the  heavens,  and  said,  "  Did  ever  my  Master,  the 
King  of  France,  or  the  King  of  Spain  attempt  a  Counter- 
scarp upon  an  assault ;  where  there  were  three  Half  Moons 
covered  with  cannon,  and  the  ramparts  of  the  town  playing 
point  blank  into  the  Counterscarp  ?  " 

Further,  he  said,  "  What  will  the  King,  my  Master,  say 
of  me,  if  I  expose  his  army  to  these  hazards  ?  "  And  he  rose 
up,  and  fell  into  a  passion,  stamping  with  his  feet,  and  shak- 
ing his  locks,  and  grinning  with  his  teeth,  he  said,  "  Major- 
General  Morgan  had  made  him  mad  !  " 

But,  by  degrees,  he  cooled,  and  asked  the  Major-General, 
"  Whether  he  would  stay  to  dinner  with  him  ?  " 

But  the  Major-General  begged  his  pardon,  for  he  had  ap- 
pointed some  of  the  Officers  to  eat  a  piece  of  beef  at  his  tent 
that  day. 

His  Excellency  asked  him,  "  If  he  would  meet  him  at  two 
o'clock,  at  the  opening  of  the  approaches  ?  " 

The  Major-General  said,  "  He  would  be  punctual,  but 
desired  he  would  bring  none  of  his  train  with  him  (for  it  was 
usually  a  hundred  Noblemen  with  their  feathers  and  ri- 
bands) ;  because  if  he  did,  he  would  have  no  opportunity  to 

2D  2 


41 8  TuRENNE  &  Morgan  VIEW  CouNTERSCARP.p''^/^°',l3g: 

take  a  view  of  the  Counterscarp  :  for  the  enemy  would  dis- 
cover them,  and  fire  incessantly." 

His  Excellency  said,  "  He  would  bring  none  but  two  or  three 
of  the  Lieutenant-Generals." 

Major-General  Morgan  was  at  the  place  appointed,  a 
quarter  of  an  hour  before  his  Excellency  :  who  then  came 
with  eight  Noblemen,  and  three  Lieutenant-Generals,  and 
took  a  place  to  view  the  Counterscarp. 

After  he  had  looked  a  considerable  time  upon  it ;  he  turned 
about,  and  looked  upon  the  Noblemen  and  Lieutenant- 
Generals  and  said,  "  I  don't  know  what  to  say  to  you  !  Here 
is  Major-General  Morgan  has  put  me  out  of  my  wits !  for 
he  would  have  me  attempt  yonder  Counterscarp  upon  an 
assault." 

None  of  the  Noblemen  or  Lieutenant-Generals  made  any 
reply  to  him  ;  but  Count  Schomberg,  who  said,  "  My  Lord  ! 
I  think  Major-General  Morgan  would  offer  nothing  to  your 
Lordship,  but  what  he  thinks  feasible :  and  he  knows  he  has 
good  fighting  men." 

Upon  this,  Marshal  Turenne  asked,  "  How  many  English 
he  would  venture  ?  " 

The  Major-General  said,  "  He  would  venture  600  common 
men,  besides  Officers ;  and  fifty  pioneers." 

Marshal  Turenne  said,  "  600  of  Monsieur  la  Ferte's 
army  and  50  Pioneers  ;  and  600  of  his  own  army  and  50 
Pioneers  more,  would  make  better  [more]  than  2,000  men." 

Major-General  Morgan  replied,  "  They  were  abundance 
to  carry  it,  with  GOD's  assistance." 

Then  his  Excellency  said,  *'  He  would  acquaint  the  King 
and  his  Eminence  that  Major-General  Morgan  had  put  him 
upon  that  desperate  design." 

Major-General  Morgan  desired  his  pardon,  "  For  it  was 
in  his  [the  Marshal's]  power  to  attempt  it,  or  not  to  attempt 
it." 

But  in  the  close,  Marshal  Turenne  said  to  the  Major- 
General  that  "  He  must  fall  into  Monsieur  la  Ferte's 
approaches,  and  that  he  should  take  the  one  half  of  Monsieur 
LA  Ferte's  men  ;  and  that  he  would  take  the  other  half 
into  his  own  approaches." 

Major-General  Morgan  begged  his  pardon,  and  said  "  He 


sirT.Morgan.j  Another  MOVING  BiRNAM  Wood.     419 

desired  to  fall  on  with  the  English  entire  by  themselves, 
without  intermingling  them." 

Marshal  Turenne  replied,  "  He  must  fall  on  out  of  one  of 
the  approaches !  " 

The  Major-General  replied  that  "  He  would  fall  on  in  the 
plain  between  both  approaches." 

His  Excellency  said  that  "  He  would  never  be  able  to 
endure  their  firing ;  but  that  they  would  kill  half  his  men 
before  he  could  come  to  the  Counterscarp." 

The  Major-General  said  that  "  He  had  an  invention,  that 
the  enemy  should  not  perceive  him,  till  he  had  his  hands 
upon  the  stockadoes." 

Next,  his  Excellency  said,  "  For  the  signal,  there  shall  be 
a  captain  of  Monsieur  la  Ferte's,  with  20  Firelocks  ;  who 
shall  leap  upon  the  Point,  and  cry,  Sa !  Sa  !  Vive  le  Roi  de 
France !  "  and  upon  that  noise  all  were  to  fall  on  together. 

But  Major-General  Morgan  opposed  that  signal,  saying, 
**  The  enemy  would  thereby  be  alarmed,  and  then  he  should 
hardly  endure  their  firing." 

His  Excellency  replied  then,  that  "  He  would  give  no  signal 
at  all !  but  the  Major-General  should  give  it  !  "  and  he  would 
not  be  persuaded  otherwise. 

Then  the  Major-General  desired  his  Excellency  that  he 
would  give  order  to  them  in  the  approaches,  to  keep  them- 
selves in  readiness  against  sunset ;  for  at  the  shutting  of  the 
night  he  would  fall  on.  He  likewise  desired  his  Excellency 
that  he  would  order  a  Major  out  of  his  own  approaches,  and 
another  out  of  Monsieur  la  Ferte's  approaches  to  stand  by 
him,  and  when  he  should  be  ready  to  fall  on,  he  would 
despatch  the  two  Majors  into  each  of  the  approaches,  that 
they  might  be  ready  to  leap  out  when  the  Major-General 
passed  between  the  two  approaches  with  the  commanded 
English. 

Just  at  sunset.  Marshal  Turenne  came  himself,  and  told 
the  Major-General  "  He  might  fall  on,  when  he  saw  his  own 
time." 

The  Major-General  replied,  *'  He  would  fall  on  just  at 
the  setting  of  the  night,  and  when  the  dusk  of  the  evening 
came  on." 

The  Major-General  made  the  English  stand  to  their  arms, 


420  The  Frencpi  a  r  eb  eaten  off.  [_^'"'^,  ^^°[%l. 

and  divided  them  into  Bodies  ;  a  Captain  at  the  head  of  the 
Pioneers,  and  the  Major-General  and  a  Colonel  at  the  head 
of  the  two  Battalions. 

He  ordered  the  two  battalions  and  the  pioneers,  each  man, 
to  take  up  a  long  fascine  upon  their  muskets  and  pikes ;  and 
then,  they  were  three  small  groves  of  wood  ! 

Immediately  the  Major-General  commanded  the  two 
Majors  to  go  to  their  approaches ;  and  that  they  should  leap 
out  so  soon  as  they  should  see  the  Major-General  march 
between  their  approaches,  and  did  order  the  two  battalions 
that  when  they  came  within  three  score  [yards]  of  the 
stockadoes  to  slip  [off]  their  fascines,  and  fall  on. 

But  it  so  happened  that  the  French  never  moved  out  of 
their  approaches,  till  such  time  as  Major-General  Morgan 
had  overpowered  the  enemy. 

When  the  Pioneers  came  within  sight  of  the  stockadoes, 
they  slipped  the  fascines  down,  and  fell  on  :  the  Major- 
General  and  the  two  battalions  were  close  to  them.  When 
the  soldiers  began  to  lay  their  hands  on  the  stockadoes  they 
tore  them  down,  for  the  length  of  six  score  [yards]  ;  and 
leaped  pell  mell  into  the  Counterscarp  amongst  the  enemy. 
Abundance  of  the  enemy  were  drowned  in  the  moat ;  and 
many  taken  prisoners,  with  two  German  Princes  ;  and  the 
Counterscarp  cleared. 

The  French  were  in  their  approaches  all  this  time.  Then, 
the  English  fell  on  upon  the  Half  Moons  ;  and  immediately 
the  Redcoats  were  on  the  top  of  them  ;  throwing  the  enemy 
into  the  moat,  and  turning  the  cannon  upon  the  town.  Thus 
the  two  Half  Moons  were  speedily  taken. 

After  the  manning  of  the  Half  Moons,  he  did  rally  all 
the  English,  with  intention  to  lodge  them  upon  the  Counter- 
scarp, that  he  might  be  free  of  the  enemy's  shot  the  next 
morning.  And  they  left  the  other  Half  Moon  for  Marshal 
Turenne's  party,  which  was  even  before  their  approaches. 

Then  the  French  fell  on  upon  the  other  Half  Moon ;  but 
were  beaten  off. 

The  Major-General  considered  that  that  Half  Moon  would 
gall  him  in  the  day  time,  and,  therefore,  did  speak  to  the 
Officers  and  soldiers,  that  "  it  were  best  to  give  them  a  little 
help." 


Sir  T.  Morgan.^      "At    IT,     HAPPY-GO-LUC   KY!"       42  I 

The  Redcoats  cried,  "  Shall  we  fall  on  in  order,  or  happy- 
go-lucky." 

The  Major-General  said,  "In  the  name  of  GOD!  at  it, 
happy-go-lucky  !  "  And  immediately  the  Redcoats  fell  on, 
and  were  on  the  top  of  it,  knocking  the  enemy  down,  and 
casting  them  into  the  moat. 

When  this  work  was  done  the  Major-General  lodged  the 
English  on  the  Counterscarp. 

They  were  no  sooner  lodged,  but  Marshal  Turenne 
scrambled  over  the  ditches  to  find  out  the  Major-General  ;  and 
when  he  met^with  him,  he  was  much  troubled  the  French  did 
no  better;  for,  indeed,  they  did  just  nothing  ! 

Then  his  Excellency  asked  the  Major-General  to  "goto 
his  approaches  to  refresh  himself." 

But  the  Major-General  begged  his  pardon,  and  said,  "  He 
would  not  stir  from  his  post,  till  he  heard  a  drum  beat  a 
parley,  and  saw  a  white  flag  over  the  walls." 

Upon  that,  Marshal  Turenne  laughed  and  smiled,  and 
said,  "They  would  not  be  at  that  pass,  in  six  days!  and 
then  went  to  his  approaches,  and  sent  the  Major-General 
three  or  four  dozen  of  rare  wine,  with  several  dishes  of  cold 
meat  and  sweetmeats." 

Within  two  hours  after  sun-rising,  a  drum  beat  a  parley, 
and  a  white  flag  was  seen  over  the  walls. 

The  Major-General  ordered  a  Lieutenant,  with  a  file  of 
musketeers,  to  go  and  receive  the  drummer,  and  to  blindfold 
him,  and  to  carry  him  straight  to  Marshal  Turenne  in  his 
approaches. 

Marshal  Turenne  came  immediately,  with  the  drum- 
mer's message,  to  the  Major-General ;  and  was  much  troubled 
he  would  not  receive  the  message,  before  it  came  to  him. 

The  Major-General  replied  that  "that  was  very  improper, 
his  Excellency  being  upon  the  place." 

The  message  was  to  this  effect,  "  That  whereas  his 
Excellency  had  offered  them  honourable  terms  in  his  sum- 
mons, they  were  now  willing  to  accept  of  them,  provided 
they  might  have  their  Charter  and  the  privileges  of  the  city 
preserved.  That  they  had  appointed  four  of  their  Commis- 
sioners to  treat  further  with  four  Commissioners  from  his 
Excellency." 


42  2   Testimony  as  to  the  6,000  English.  p'''^?^°';i5": 

Marshal  Turenne  was  pleased  to  asked  the  Major- 
Geneial  "  whether  he  would  be  one  of  the  Commissioners  ?  " 
but  the  Major-General  begged  his  pardon,  and  desired  that 
he  might  abide  at  his  post  till  such  time  as  the  city  was 
surrendered  up. 

Immediately  then,  his  Excellency  sent  for  Count  Schom- 
BERG  and  three  other  Commissioners,  and  gave  them  instruc- 
tions how  to  treat  with  the  four  Commissioners  from  the 
enemy.  Just  as  Marshal  Turenne  was  giving  the  Com- 
missioners instructions,  Major-General  Morgan  said  "  that 
the  enemy  were  hungry  !  so  that  they  would  eat  any 
meat  they  could  have  "  :  whereupon  his  Excellency  smiled, 
and  shortened  their  instructions,  and  sent  them  away. 

Within  half  an  hour,  the  Commissioners  had  concluded. 
That  they  should  have  their  City  Charter  preserved. 
That  they  were  to  receive  a  French  garrison  in.  And 
that  the  Prince  de  Ligny  was  to  march  out  with  all  his 
forces,  next  morning,  at  nine  o'clock,  with  one  piece  of 
cannon,  colours  flying,  bullet  in  mouth,  and  match 
lighted  at  both  ends  ;  and  to  have  a  convoy  to  conduct 
him  into  his  own  territories. 

Marshal  Turenne  was  in  the  morning  betimes,  with 
several  Noblemen  and  Officers  of  the  army,  and  Major- 
General  Morgan  attending  near  the  gate,  for  the  Prince  de 
Ligny's  coming  out. 

The  Prince  having  noticed  that  Marshal  Turenne  was 
there,  came  out  of  his  coach ;  Marshal  Turenne  being 
alighted  from  his  horse,  and  Major-General  Morgan  :  at 
their  meeting  there  was  a  great  acclamation,  and  embracing 
one  another. 

After  a  little  time,  Marshal  Turenne  told  the  Prince  "  He 
very  much  admired  [wondered]  that  he  should  expose  his 
person  to  a  garrison  before  a  conquering  army." 

The  Prince  de  Ligny  replied  that  *'  If  Marshal  Turenne 
had  left  his  English  in  England,  he  durst  have  exposed  his 
person  in  the  weakest  garrison  the  King  of  Spain  had  in 
Flanders." 

So  they  parted,  and  his  Excellency  marched  into  the  town 
with  a  French  garrison,  and  the  Major-General  with  him. 

So  soon  as  the  garrison  was  settled,  Marshal  Turennb 


Sir T. Morgan.-j  ^^^  PHANTOM  CuPBOARD  OF  Plate.   423 

wrote  his  letters  to  the  French  King,  and  his  Eminence  the 
Cardinal,  how  that  "  the  city  of  Ypres  was  reduced  to  the 
obedience  of  His  Majesty,  and  that  he  was  possessed  of  it ; 
and  that  Major-General  Morgan  was  instrumental  in  that 
service,  and  that  the  English  did  wonders !  "  and  sent  the 
Intendant  of  the  Army  with  his  letters  to  the  King  and 
Cardinal. 

Monsieur  Tallon,  the  Intendant,  returned  back  from  the 
King  and  Cardinal  to  the  army  within  eight  days,  and 
brought  a  compliment  to  Major-General  Morgan  that  "  the 
King  and  his  Eminence  the  Cardinal  did  expect  to  see  him 
at  Paris,  when  he  came  to  his  winter  quarters  !  where  there 
would  be  a  Cupboard  of  Plate  [i.e.,  of  gold  and  silver  plate] 
to  attend  him." 

Major-General  Morgan,  instead  of  going  for  his  Cupboard 
of  Plate,  went  for  England  ;  and  His  Majesty  of  France  had 
never  the  kindness  to  send  him  his  Cupboard  of  Plate.  So 
that  this  is  the  reward  that  Major-General  Morgan  had  had 
from  the  French  King,  for  all  his  service  in  France  and 
Flanders. 


Killed  at  the  Battle  of  Dunkirk, 

Lieutenant-Colonel    Fenwick,   two  Captains,   one   Lieu- 
tenant, two  Ensigns,  two  Sergeants,  thirty-two  soldiers. 
And  about  twenty  wounded. 

Killed  at  the  Storming  of  Ypres. 

One  Captain,  one  Sergeant,  eight  private  soldiers. 
[Wounded],  about  twenty-iive  officers,  out  of  thirty-five; 
and  about  six  soldiers  slightly  wounded  after  they  were 
lodged  upon  the  Counterscarp. 

Sir  Thomas  Morgan  himself  slightly  hurt  by  a  shot  in 
the  calf  of  his  leg. 

THE     END. 


England's  Joy 


OR  A 


RELATION 


OF   THE 


Most  Remarkable  passages,  from  his  MA- 
JESTY'S Arrival  at  DOVER,  to  His 
entrance   at   WHITEHALL, 


London,  Printed  by  Thomas  Creak,  1660. 


427 


England's    jfor. 


EiNG  come  aboard  one  of  the  fairest  of  those 
ships  which  attended  at  Sluce  [}  H elvoetsluys] 
for  wafting  him  over  from  the  Hague  in 
Holland  ;  and  therein  having  taken  leave 
of  his  sisters,  the  Princess  Royal ;  he  set 
sail  for  England  on  Wednesday  evening, 
May  23rd,  1660.  And  having,  during  his 
abode  at  sea,  given  new  names  to  that 
whole  navy  (consisting  of  twenty-six  goodly  vessels),  he 
arrived  at  Dover  on  the  Friday  following  [May  25th]  about 
two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

Ready  on  the  shore  to  receive  him,  stood  the  Lord  General 
Monk,  as  also  the  Earl  of  Winchelsea  Constable  of  Dover 
Castle,  with  divers  persons  of  quality  on  the  one  hand ;  and 
the  Mayor  of  Dover,  accompanied  by  his  brethren  of  that 
Corporation  of  the  other,  with  a  rich  canopy.  As  soon  as  he 
had  set  foot  on  the  shore,  the  Lord  General  presenting 
himself  before  him  on  his  knee,  and  kissing  his  royal  hand  ; 
was  embraced  by  his  Majesty :  and  received  divers  gracious 
expressions  of  the  great  sense  he  had  of  his  loyalty,  and  in 
being  so  instrumental  in  his  Restoration. 

There  also  did  the  Corporation  of  Dover,  and  the  Earl  of 
Winchelsea  do  their  duties  to  him,  in  like  sort ;  all  the 
people  making  joyful  shouts  :  the  great  guns  from  the  ships 
and  castle  telling  aloud  the  happy  news  of  this  his  entrance 
upon  English  ground. 

From  thence,  taking  coach  immediately,  with  his  royal 
brothers,  the  Dukes  of  York  and  Gloucester,  he  passed 
to  Barham  Down — a  great  plain  lying  betwixt  Dover  and 
Canterbury — where  were  drawn  up  divers  gallant  troops  of 
horse,  consisting  of  the  nobility,  knights  and  gentlemen  of 
note,  clad  in  very  rich  apparel ;  commanded  by  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  Earls  of  Oxford,  Derby,  Northampton, 
Winchelsea,  Lichfield,  and  the  Lord,  Viscount  Mordaunt: 


428  Charles  II.  journeys  to  Blackheath.  [^^j^o. 

As  also  the  several  foot  regiments  of  the  Kentish  men. 
Being  entered  the  Down  on  horseback,  where  multitudes  of 
the  country  people  stood  making  loud  shouts,  he  rode  to  the 
head  of  each  troop — they  being  placed  on  his  left  hand,  three 
deep — who  bowing  to  him,  kissed  the  hilts  of  their  swords, 
and  then  flourished  them  above  their  heads,  with  no  less 
acclamations  ;  the  trumpets  in  the  meantime  also  echoing 
the  like  to  them. 

In  the  suburb  at  Canterbury  stood  the  Mayor  and 
Aldermen  of  that  ancient  city,  who  received  him  with  loud 
music,  and  presented  him  with  a  cup  of  gold  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds  value.  Whence,  after  a  speech  made  to 
him  by  the  Recorder,  he  passed  to  the  Lord  Campden's 
house,  the  Mayor  carrying  the  sword  before  him. 

During  his  stay  at  Canterbury  (which  was  till  Monday 
morning)  he  knighted  the  Lord  General  Monk,  and  gave 
him  the  ensigns  of  the  most  honourable  Order  of  the  Garter  : 
And  by  Garter  Principal  King  of  Arms  sent  the  like  unto 
Lord  Admiral  Montague,  then  aboard  the  navy,  riding  in 
the  Downs.  There  likewise  did  he  knight  Sir  William 
Maurice,  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons ;  whom  he 
constituted  one  of  his  principal  Secretaries  of  State. 

From  Canterbury  he  came  on  Monday  to  Rochester, 
where  the  people  had  hung  up,  over  the  midst  of  the  streets, 
as  he  rode,  many  beautiful  garlands,  curiously  made  up  with 
costly  scarves  and  ribbons,  decked  with  spoons  and  bodkins  of 
silver,  and  small  plate  of  several  sorts  ;  and  some  with  gold 
chains,  in  like  sort  as  at  Canterbury  :  each  striving  to  outdo 
the  other  in  all  expressions  of  joy. 

On  Tuesday,  May  the  29th  (which  happily  fell  out  to  be 
the  anniversary  of  his  Majesty's  birthday)  he  set  forth  from 
Rochester  in  his  coach ;  but  afterwards  took  horse  on  the 
farther  side  of  Blackheath:  on  which  spacious  plain  he  found 
divers  great  and  eminent  troops  of  horse,  in  a  most  splendid 
and  glorious  equipage  ;  and  a  kind  of  rural  triumph,  expressed 
by  the  country  swains,  in  a  morrice  dance  with  the  old  music 
of  taber  and  pipe  ;  which  was  performed  with  all  agility  and 
cheerfulness  imaginable. 

And  from  this  Heath  these  troops  marched  off  before  him; 
viz.  Major  General  Brown,  the  Merchant  Adventurers, 
Alderman    Robinson,    the    Lord    Maynard,    the    Earls   of 


j/gj       He  passes  through   London.         429 

Norwich,  Peterborough,  Cleveland,  Derby,  Duke  ol 
Richmond,  and  His  Majesty's  own  Life  Guards. 

In  this  order  proceeding  towards  London,  there  were 
placed  in  Deptford,  on  his  right  hand — as  he  passed  through 
the  town — above  an  hundred  proper  maids,  clad  all  alike  in 
white  garments,  with  scarves  about  them  :  who  having 
prepared  man}^  flaskets  covered  with  fine  linen,  and  adorned 
with  rich  scarves  and  ribbons ;  which  flaskets  were  full  of  flowers 
and  sweet  herbs,  strewed  the  way  before  him  as  he  rode. 

From  thence  passing  on  he  came  into  Saint  George's 
Fields  in  Southwark,  where  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Aldermen 
of  London  in  their  scarlet,  with  the  Recorder  and  other  City 
Council,  waited  for  him  in  a  large  tent,  hung  with  tapestry  ; 
in  which  they  had  placed  a  chair  of  state,  with  a  rich  canopy 
over  it.  When  he  came  thither  the  Lord  Mayor  presented 
him  with  the  City  sword,  and  the  Recorder  made  a  speech  to 
him;  which  being  done,  he  alighted  and  went  into  the  tent, 
where  a  noble  banquet  was  prepared  for  him. 

From  this  tent  the  proceeding  was  thus  ordered,  viz.  First 
the  City  Marshal,  to  follow  in  the  rear  of  His  Majesty's  Life 
Guards.  Next  the  Sheriff's  trumpets.  Then  the  Sheriff's  men 
in  scarlet  cloaks,  laced  with  silver  on  the  capes,  carrying 
javelins  in  their  hands.  Then  divers  eminent  citizens  well 
mounted,  all  in  black  velvet  coats,  and  chains  of  gold  about 
their  necks,  and  every  one  his  footman,  with  suit,  cassock 
and  ribbons  of  the  colour  of  his  Company:  all  which  were 
made  choice  of  out  of  the  several  Companies  in  this  famous 
City  and  so  distinguished  :  and  at  the  head  of  each  distinction 
the  ensign  of  that  Company. 

After  these  followed  the  City  Council,  by  two  and  two,  near 
the  Aldermen  ;  then  certain  Noblemen  and  Noblemen's  sons, 
Then  the  King's  trumpets.     Then  the  Heralds  at  Arms. 

After  them  the  Duke  of  Buckingham.  Then  the  Earl  of 
LiNDSEY,  Lord  High  Chamberlain  of  England  ;  and  the  Lord 
General  Monk.  Next  to  them  Garter  Principal  King  of 
Arms;  the  Lord  Mayor  on  his  right  hand  bearing  the  City 
sword,  and  a  Gentleman  Usher  on  his  left :  and  on  each  side 
of  them  the  Sergeants  at  Arms  with  their  maces. 

Then  the  King's  Majesty  with  his  equerries  and  footmen 
on  each  side  of  him  ;  and  at  a  little  distance  on  each  hand  his 
royal  brothers,  the  Dukes  of  York  and  Gloucester  :  and  after 


430  Charles  II.  enters  Whitehall.      [J^^ 

them  divers  of  the  King's  servants  who  came  with  him  from 
beyond  sea.  And  in  the  rear  of  all,  those  gallant  troops,  viz. 
The  Duke  of  Buckingham,  Earls  of  Oxford,  Northampton, 
WiNCHELSEA,  LiCHFiELD,  and  Lord  MoRDAUNT  :  as  also  five 
regiments  of  horse  belonging  to  the  army. 
\  In  this  magnificent  fashion,  His  Majesty  entered  the 
Borough  of  Southwark,  about  half-past  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  ;  and  within  an  hour  after,  the  City  of  London, 
at  the  Bridge  :  where  he  found  the  windows  and  streets 
exceedingly  thronged  with  people  to  behold  him,  and  the  wall 
adorned  with  hangings  and  carpets  of  tapestry  and  other 
costly  stuff:  and  in  many  places  sets  of  loud  music  ;  all  the 
conduits  as  he  passed  running  claret  wine ;  and  the  several 
Companies  in  their  liveries,  with  the  ensigns  belonging  to 
them  ;  as  also  the  trained  bands  of  the  city  standing  along  the 
streets  as  he  passed,  welcoming  him  with  loyal  acclamations. 

And  within  the  rails  where  Charing  Cross  formerly  was, 
a  stand  of  six  hundred  pikes,  consisting  of  knights  and 
gentlemen,  as  had  been  officers  in  the  armies  of  his  late 
Majesty,  of  blessed  memory :  the  truly  noble  and  valiant 
Sir  John  Stowell,  Knight  of  the  Honourable  Order  of  the 
Bath  (a  person  famous  for  his  eminent  actings  and  sufferings) 
being  in  the  head  of  them. 

YFrom  which  place,  the  citizens  in  velvet  coats  and  gold 
chains  being  drawn  up  on  each  hand,  and  divers  companies  of 
foot  soldiers;  his  Majesty  passed  betwixt  them,  and  entered 
White  Hall  at  seven  o'clock:  the  people  making  loud  shoutSf 
and  the  horse  and  foot  several  volleys  of  shots,  at  this  his 
happy  arrival.  Where  the  House  of  Lords  and  Commons 
of  Parliament  received  him,  and  kissed  his  royal  hand. 

At  the  same  time  likewise,  the  Reverend  Bishops  of  Ely, 
Salisbury,  Rochester  and  Chichester  in  their  episcopal 
habits,  with  divers  of  the  long  oppressed  orthodox  clergy ; 
met  in  that  royal  Chapel  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh  of 
Westminster,  and  there  also(sung  Te  DE  UM  S'C,  in  praise  and 
thanks  to  Almighty  GOD,  for  this  His  unspeakable  mercy, 
in  the  deliverance  of  his  Majesty  from  many  dangers,  and 
so  happily  restoring  him  to  rule  these  kingdoms,  according  to 
his  just  and  undoubted  right. 

FINIS. 


RELATION 


OF     THE 


great  sufferings 

AND 

Strange    adventures 

of  HENRY    PITMAN, 

Chirurgeon  to  the  late  Duke  of  Monmouth, 
containing  an  account 

I.  Of  the  Occasion  of  his  being  engaged  in  the  Duke's  service.  2.  Of  his  trial,  con- 
demnation, and  transportation  to  Barbadoes  ;  with  the  most  severe  and  unchristian 
jict  made  against  him  and  his  fellow  sufferers,  by  the  Governor  and  General  Assembly 
of  that  island.  3.  How  he  made  his  escape  in  a  small  open  boat  with  some  of  his 
fellow-captives,  namely,  John  Whicker,  Peter  Bagwell,  William  Woodcock,  John 
Cooke,  Jeremiah  Atkins,  &c.    And  how  miraculously  they  were  preserved  on  the  sea. 

4.  How  they  went  ashore  on  an  uninhabitable  island,  where  they  met  with  some  Priva- 
teers, that  burnt  their  boat,  and  left  them  on  that  desolate  place  to  shift  for  themselves. 

5.  After  what  manner  they  lived  there  for  about  three  months;  until  the  said  Henrt 
Pitman  was  taken  aboard  a  Privateer  and  at  length  arrived  safe  in  England.  6.  How 
his  companions  were  received  on  board  another  Privateer,  that  was  afterwards  taken 
by  the  Spaniards,  and  they  all  made  slaves  :  and  how,  after  six  months'  captivity,  they 
were  delivered  ;  and  returned  to  England  also. 

Licensed,   June    13th,    1689. 

London.    Printed  by  Andrew  Sowle  :  and  are  to  be  sold 

by  John  Taylor,  at  the  sign  of  the  Ship  in 

Paul's  Churchyard,  1689, 


433 


A   RELATION   &  c. 


S  A  necessary  introduction  to  the  following 
Relation,  it  will  be  convenient  that  I  give 
account  of  the  Occasion  of  my  being  en- 
gaged with  the  rest  that  went  in  to  the 
Duke  of  Monmouth  ;  and  how  far  I  was 
concerned  in  that  action. 

Being,  at  that  time,  but  newly  returned 
from  a  voyage  to  Italy,  I  went  to  see 
my  relations  at  Sandford  in  Somersetshire  :  where  I  had 
not  been  long,  before  the  Duke  landed  at  Lyme  ;  and  mak- 
ing forwards,  was  advanced  as  far  as  Ilminster.  Upon 
which,  I  was  induced  (partly  out  of  my  own  curiosity, 
and  partly  by  the  importunity  of  some  of  my  acquaintance) 
to  go  and  see  whether  his  strength  and  number  were 
answerable  to  what  the  common  rumour  had  spread  abroad  : 
and  to  that  purpose,  rode,  accompanied  by  my  brother  and 
some  other  friends,  to  Taunton  ;  whither  the  Duke  by  this 
time  was  marching,  with  such  forces  as  he  had  got  together. 
After  some  stay  there,  having  fully  satisfied  my  curiosity, 
by  a  full  view  both  of  his  person  and  his  army  ;  I  resolved  to 
return  home :  and  in  order  thereunto,  I  took  the  direct  road 
back  again,  with  a  friend,  who  had  the  same  intention  as 
myself :  but  understanding,  upon  the  road,  that  if  we  went 
forward,  we  should  be  certainly  intercepted  by  the  Lord  of 
Oxford's  Troop,  then  in  our  way ;  we  found  ourselves,  of 
necessity,  obliged  to  retire  back  again  to  the  Duke's  forces, 
till  w^e  could  meet  with  a  more  safe  and  convenient  oppor- 
tunity. 

2  E  2 


434  Pitman  doing  Red  Cross  Society  work,  [jo^uiri^^esg: 

But,  after  some  time,  losing  my  horse,  and  no  opportunity 
presenting  itself;  I  was  prevailed  with,  by  the  importunate 
desires  of  my  friends  and  aquaintance  then  in  the  army,  to 
stay  and  take  care  of  the  sick  and  wounded  men.  To  which 
I  was  the  rather  induced,  in  regard  I  thought  myself  liable 
to  the  same  punishment,  should  the  Duke  be  defeated,  as 
those  who  still  remained  in  the  army :  but  more  especially, 
for  that  I  saw  many  sick  and  wounded  men  miserably  lament- 
ing the  want  of  chirurgeons  to  dress  their  wounds.  So  that 
pity  and  compassion  on  my  fellow  creatures,  more  especially 
being  my  brethren  in  Christianity,  obliged  me  to  stay  and 
perform  the  duty  of  my  calling  among  them,  and  to  assist  my 
brother  chirurgeons  towards  the  relief  of  those  that,  otherwise, 
must  have  languished  in  misery ;  though,  indeed,  there  were 
many  who  did,  notwithstanding  our  utmost  care  and  diligence. 
Whose  lives,  perhaps,  might  have  been  preserved  to  this  day, 
had  we  had  a  garrison  wherein  to  have  given  them  rest ;  and 
not  have  been  constrained,  through  the  cruelty  and  inhuman- 
ity of  the  King's  soldiers,  to  expose  their  wounded  and 
fractured  limbs  to  the  violent  agitation  and  shogging  of  the 
carts,  in  our  daily  marches. 

But  as  I  was  never  in  arms  myself,  so  neither  was  I  want- 
ing in  my  care  to  dress  the  wounds  of  many  of  the  King's 
soldiers,  who  were  prisoners  in  the  Duke's  army  :  using  the 
utmost  of  my  care  and  skill  for  both.  And  thus  I  continued 
in  full  employment,  dressing  the  wounded  in  the  night-time 
and  marching  by  day  :  till  the  fatal  rout  and  overthrow  of  the 
whole  army  [at  Sedgmoor  on  July  6,  1685]. 

In  my  flight  homewards,  I  was  taken  prisoner,  and  com- 
mited  to  Ilchester  Gaol  by  Colonel  Hellier  ;  in  whose  porch, 
I  had  my  pockets  rifled  and  my  coat  taken  off  my  back,  by 
my  guard  :  and,  in  that  manner,  was  hurried  away  to  prison; 
where  I  remained,  with  many  more  under  the  same  circum- 
stances, until  the  Assizes  at  Wells ;  though,  perhaps,  there 
could  not  anything  have  been  proved  against  most  of  us,  to 
have  done  us  much  harm,  had  they  not  extorted  confessions 
from  us,  by  sending  certain  persons  to  the  prisons  where  we 
were. 

Who  called  us  forth,  one  after  another,  and  told  us,  that 
"the  King  was  very  gracious  and  merciful,  and  would 
cause  none  to  be  executed  but   such  as  had  been  Officers  or 


lo^uriTes^:] T II E  Bloody  Assizes  of  the  West.  435 

capital  offenders  :  and  therefore  if  we  would  render  ourselves 
lit  objects  of  the  King's  grace  and  favour,  our  only  way  was 
to  give  them  an  account  where  we  went  into  the  Duke's  army, 
and  in  what  capacity  we  served  him,  &c.  Otherwise  we 
must  expect  no  mercy  or  favour  from  the  King,  who  would 
certainly  punish  all  such  wilful  and  obstinate  offenders." 

By  which  means,  they  drew  us  into  the  acknowledgement 
of  our  guilt,  and  our  Examinations  and  Confessions  were 
written  and  sent  to  the  King,  before  the  Lord  Chief  Justice 
Jeffries  came  to  try  us  :  so  that  he  knew  beforehand  our 
particular  crimes  ;  and  likewise  received  orders  from  the  King, 
as  it  is  supposed,  who,  and  what  number  to  execute. 

But  seeing  our  former  Confessions  were  sufficient  only  to 
find  the  [True]  Bill  against  us,  by  the  Grand  Jury ;  and  not 
to  prove  us  "  Guilty  "  ;  the  Petty  Jury  being  obliged  to  give 
their  verdict  according  to  the  evidence  in  Court :  the  Lord 
Chief  Justice  (fearing  lest  we  should  deny  what  we  formerly 
confessed,  and  by  that  means,  put  them  to  the  trouble  of 
proving  it  against  us)  caused  about  twenty-eight  persons  at 
the  Assizes  at  Dorchester,  to  be  chosen  from  among  the  rest, 
against  whom  he  knew  he  could  procure  evidence,  and 
brought  them  first  to  their  trial.  Who  pleaded  "  Not 
Guilty  "  ;  but  evidence  being  produced,  they  were  immediately 
condemned,  and  a  warrant  signed  for  their  execution  the 
same  afternoon. 

The  sudden  execution  of  these  men  so  affrightened  the  rest, 
that  we  all,  except  three  or  four,  pleaded  "  Guilty  "  in  hopes 
to  save  our  lives  :  but  not  without  large  promises  of  the 
King's  grace  and  favour.  For  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  told  us 
that  '*  if  we  would  acknowledge  our  crimes,  by  pleading  Guilty 
to  our  Indictment,  the  King,  who  was  almost  all  mercy  [!], 
would  be  as  ready  to  forgive  us  as  we  were  to  rebel  against 
him  ;  yea,  as  ready  to  pardon  us,  as  we  would  be  to  ask  it 
of  him." 

And  now  was  that  common  saying  verified, "  Confess,  and  be 
hanged  !  "  For,  notwithstanding  his  large  promises  of  grace 
and  favour,  we  were  all  condemned  "  to  be  hanged,  drawn, 
and  quartered."  And  by  his  order,  there  were  two  hundred 
and  thirty  executed ;  besides  a  great  number  hanged  imme 
diately  after  the  Fight. 

The  rest  of  us   were    ordered   to   be   transported   to   the 


436  The  two  PiTx\rANS  sold  as  White  Slaves.  Qo^uSTos^: 

Caribbee  Islands.  And  in  order  thereunto,  my  brother  and  I, 
with  nearly  a  hundred  more,  were  given  to  Jeremiah  Nepho  ; 
and  by  him,  sold  to  George  Penne,  a  needy  Papist,  that 
wanted  money  to  pay  for  our  transportation,  and  therefore 
was  very  importunate  with  my  relations,  to  purchase  mine 
and  my  brother's  freedom. 

Which  my  relations,  at  first,  were  unwilling  to  do,  having 
no  assurance  of  his  performing  Articles  at  such  a  distance; 
and  therefore  thought  it  best  to  defer  it  until  we  came  to 
Barbadoes,  or  otherwise  to  agree  to  pay  him  as  soon  as  they 
should  receive  an  account  of  our  being  set  free.  But  this 
not  satisfying  him,  having  present  occasion  of  money,  he 
threatened  that  if  they  would  not  pay  him  now,  he  would  give 
orders  to  his  brother-in-law  at  Barbadoes,  that  our  freedom 
should  not  be  sold  us  after  we  came  there  :  but  that  he  should 
treat  us  with  more  rigour  and  severity  than  others. 

With  these  threats,  on  the  one  hand ;  and  promises  of 
particular  favour  on  the  other:  he,  at  length,  prevailed  with 
our  relations  to  give  him  £60,  upon  condition  that  we  should 
be  free  when  we  came  to  Barbadoes  ;  only  owning  some  person, 
whom  we  should  think  fit  to  nominate,  as  a  titular  Master. 
And  in  case  that  these,  with  other  conditions,  were  not  per- 
formed ;  the  said  George  Penne  was  bound  with  his  brother 
John  Penne,  in  a  bond  of  £120,  to  pay  the  3^60  back  again. 

And  thus  we  may  see  the  buying  and  selling  of  free  men 
into  slavery,  was  beginning  again  to  be  renewed  among  Chris- 
tians, as  if  that  heathenish  custom  had  been  a  necessary 
dependence  on  Arbitrary  Power. 

And  in  order  to  our  transportation,  we  were  removed  to 
Weymouth,  and  shipped  on  board  a  vessel  that  belonged  to 
London :  which,  in  a  few  days,  sailed  for  Barbadoes,  where 
we  arrived  in  about  five  weeks'  time ;  but  had  a  very  sickly 
passage,  insomuch  that  nine  of  my  companions  were  buried 
in  the  sea. 

We  had  not  been  many  days  in  Barbadoes,  before  the 
Governor  [Edward  Steed]  of  the  said  island  summoned  the 
General  Assembly,  who  welcomed  us  with  the  following  in- 
christian  and  inhuman  Act, 


lo^ureTes"]  Severe  A cr of  the  Barbadoes  Assembly.  437 

An  Act  for  the  governing  and  retaining  within  this  island, 
all  such  rebels  convict,  as  by  His  most  sacred  Majesty's 
Order  or  Permit,  have  been,  or  shall  be  transported  from 
his  European  dominion  to  this  place. 

Here  AS  a  most  horrid,  wicked,  and  execrable  Rebellion 
was  lately  raised  and  prosecuted  within  His  Majesty's 
Dominions,  by  James  Scot,  late  Duke  of  Mon- 
mouth, and  Archibald  Campbell,  late  Earl  of 
Argyle,  and  their  traitorous  complices,  with  intent 
to  destroy  His  Majesty's  most  sacred  Person  and  Royal  Family, 
to  overthrow  his  Crown  and  Government,  and  to  render  his 
Dominions  the  theatres  of  blood  and  misery.  In  prevention 
whereof,  it  hath  pleased  the  Divine  Providence  {which  is  ever 
pectdiarly  watcJiful  to  guard  the  thrones  of  Princes)  to  accompany 
His  Majesty's  counsel  and  arms  with  such  success  and  victory 
that  the  said  rebels  and  traitors  were  utterly  defeated  :  for  which 
impious  fact,  many  of  them  have  since  deservedly  suffered  the  pains 
of  death,  according  to  law  ;  which  the  rest  were  liable  unto,  being 
equally  guilty  of  those  barbarous  crimes,  and  must  have  under- 
gone, but  that  His  Majesty,  in  his  Princely  and  unparalleled  grace 
and  clemency,  hath  been  pleased  to  extend  his  mercy  in  sparing  the 
lives  of  several  thousands  of  them,  by  commuting  the  execution  of 
their  sentence  into  a  Temporary  Service  in  his  American  Colonies. 
A  nd  forasmuch  as  His  sacred  Majesty  hathsignified  it,  as  his  royal 
pleasure,  that  the  said  rebels  or  so  many  of  them  as  should  be  trans- 
ported to  his  said  American  colonies,  should  be  there  held  and 
obliged  to  serve  the  Buyers  of  them,  for  and  during  the  space  of  Ten 
Years  at  least;  and  that  they  be  not  permitted  in  any  manner 
whatsoever,  to  redeem  themselves  by  money  or  otherwise,  until  that 
time  be  fidly  expired. 

Therefore,  We,  His  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  his 
Lieutenant  Governor,  Council,  and  General  Assembly  of  this  His 
Majesty's  said  island,  taking  the  premises  into  our  serious  considera- 
tion; and  being  zealous,  to  render  all  due  and  ready  obedience  to  His 
Majesty's  command,  as  also  to  make  apparent  with  how  great  abhor- 
rence and  detestation,  we  resent  the  said  late  wicked  inhuman  and 
damnable  Rebellion,  and  all  those  that  were  promoters  and  actors 
therein,  have  thought  it  becoming  our  duty  to  Enact :  and  it  is 
hereby  Enacted  by  the  Right  Ho)iourable  Edward  Steed 
Esquire,  Lieutenant  Governor  and  Commander  in  Chief  of  this 


43S  Severe  A cr  of  the  Barbadoes  Assembly.  l,J]\ 


Pitman. 


and  other  the  Caribbcc  Islands,  the  Honourable  the  Council,  and 
General  Assembly  of  this  island,  and  authority  of  the  same  : 
That  what  person  or  persons  soever  wer^  guilty  of  the  aforesaid 
Rebellion,  and  have   been  therefore  convict[cd],  which  either 
already  have  been,  or  hereafter  shall  be  brought  to  this  island  ; 
either  by  His  Majesty's  order  or  permit  for  the  purpose  afore- 
said, shall  be  held  compelled  and  obliged  to  serve  and  obey 
the  Owner  or  Purchaser  of  him  or  them,  in  their  plantations 
within  this  island,  in  all  such  labour  or  service  as  they  shall 
be  commanded  to  perform  and  do  by  their  Owners,  Masters, 
or  Mistresses,  or  their  Overseers,  for  the  full  time  and  term  of 
Ten  Years  from  the  day  of  their  landing,  and  disposed  of  f idly 
to  be  completed  and  ended  ;  any  bargain,  law,  usage  or  custom 
in  this  island  to  the  contrary,  in  any  wise,  notwithstanding. 
And  to  the  intent  that  no  disobedience  may  be  suffered  or  done 
upon  His  Majesty's  said  Orders  and  Expectations  concerning  the 
said  rebels  convict[ed],  but  that  they  may  become  fully  liable  unto 
and  bear  the  aforesaid  mark  of  their  monstrous  villainy.    It  is 
further  Enacted  : 

That  if  any  Master  of  a  ship.  Importer,  Owner,  Master  or 
Purchaser  of  any  of  the  said  rebels  aforesaid,  shall  acquit, 
release,  or  discharge  them  or  any  of  them,  or  permit  them 
or  any  of  them  to  redeem  themselves  by  money  or  other  re- 
ward or  recompense  or  consideration  whatsoever,  respecting 
either  themselves  or  the  said  rebels  convict[cd] ,  before  the  term 
of  Ten  Years'  Service  in  this  island  as  aforesaid,  be  fully 
completed  and  ended ;  or  shall  connive  at  or  assist  unto  their, 
or  any  of  their  removes,  withdrawings,  or  escapings  from  off 
this  island :  the  Party  or  Parties  so  offending  herein  shall 
therefore  forfeit  and  pay  unto  His  Majesty  his  heirs  and 
successors,  the  sum  of  Two  Hundred  Pounds  [  =  £s^o  now]  ster- 
ling for  each,  or  every  one  of  the  said  rebels,  which  by  him 
or  them  shall  be  either  acquitted,  released,  discharged,  or  per- 
mitted to  be  redeemed ;  or  connived  at  or  assisted  unto  a 
remove,  withdrawing,  or  escaping  off  this  island  before  the 
full  end  of  the  Term  aforesaid  :  over  and  above  the  value  or 
recompense  for  which  it  was  permitted  or  done  ;  and  further 
shall  suffer  imprisonment  in  the  common  gaol  of  this  island 
for  the^  space  and  term  of  One  whole  Year  without  bail  or 
mainprize :  and  be  for  ever  thereafter  uncapable  of  bearing 
any  Public  Office  within  this  island. 


lo^une'ieSgO  SeVERE  A CT OF  THE  BaRBADOES  ASSEMBLY.  439 

And  it  is  hereby  further  Enacted  and  ordained  by  the  Authority 

aforesaid  : 

That  if  one  or  more  of  the  aforesaid  Servants  [i.e.,  Slaves]  or 
rebels  convict[ed],  shall  attempt,  endeavour,  or  contrive  to  make 
his  or  their  escape  from  off  this  island  before  the  said  Term 
of  Ten  Years  be  fully  complete[d]  and  ended ;  such  Servant 
or  Servants,  for  his  or  their  so  attempting  or  endeavouring  to 
make  escape,  shall,  upon  proof  thereof  made  to  the  Governor, 
receive,  by  his  warrant,  Thirty-nine  lashes  on  his  bare  body, 
on  some  public  day,  in  the  next  market  town  to  his  Master's 
place  of  abode  :  and,  on  another  market  day  in  the  same 
town,  be  set  in  the  pillory,  by  the  space  of  one  hour ;  and 
be  burnt  in  the  forehead  with  the  letters  F.  T.  signifying 
Fugitive  Traitor,  so  as  the  letters  may  plainly  appear  in  his 
forehead.  But  for  all  other  misdemeanours  and  miscarriages, 
they  shall  be  prosecuted  and  punished  according  to  the  laws 
of  this  island,  provided  for  the  governing  of  other  Servants. 
And  to  the  end  the  said  convict  rebels  may  be  the  better  known 

and  distinguished ;  it  is  hereby  further  Enacted  and  Ordained : 

That,  within  eight  days  after  the  arrival  of  any  ship  or  vessel  to 
this  island,  in  which  any  of  the  said  convict  rebels  are 
brought,  the  Master  of  the  said  ship  shall  deliver  to  the 
Governor,  and  into  the  Secretary's  Office  of  this  island,  a 
true  list  or  catalogue  of  those  names,  upon  oath ;  ajid  the 
Merchant  or  Merchants  to  whom  they  come  consigned,  or 
who  have  the  disposal  of  them,  shall  also,  within  eight  days 
after  finishing  the  Sale,  give  unto  the  said  Ojfice  a  just 
account  of  the  persons'  names  to  whom  they  were  sold  and 
disposed  of:  and  in  case  of  failure  herein,  the  same  shall 
forfeit  to  the  King  his  heirs  and  successors,  the  sum  of  Two 
Hundred  Pounds  sterling ;  and  the  Merchant  or  Merchants 
shall  forfeit  in  like  manner,  the  sum  of  Two  Hundred 
Pounds  sterling. 

And  for  such  of  the  said  convict  rebels  as  have  been  already  im- 
ported, before  the  making  and  publishing  of  this  Act,  the 
Master  and  Merchant  of  such  vessels  are  hereby  required 
forthwith  to  deliver  to  the  Secretary,  such  list  or  catalogue 
as  aforesaid,  upon  penalty  of  the  like  forfeiture  :  which  said 
list  or  catalogue,  the  said  Secretary  is  required  to  receive, 
and  write  out  fairly,  and  cause  to  be  hung  up  in  his  Office, 
that  all  persons  concerned  may  have  free  recourse  thereto. 


440  Severe  y^cr  OF  THE  Barbadoes  Assembly.  [lo^unlTesg! 

A  nd  in  case  the  first  Buyer  shall  sell  or  assign  over  any  such  rebel  or 
rebels  convict,  to  any  other  inhabitant  or  inhabitants  of  this 
island,  the  Vendor  is  hereby  required  to  give  notice  thereof  to 
the  Secretary,  to  the  end  the  name  or  names  of  such  Servant 
or  Servants  may  be  changed  m  the  Secretary's  Office,  from 
the  first,  to  the  second  or  oilier  purchaser  or  assigns,  [that  they] 
may  stand  charged  as  the  first. 
And  in  case  of  the  death  of  any  of  the  Servants  aforesaid,  it  is 

hereby  further  Enacted : 

That  the  present  Owner,  shall,  within  fourteen  days,  make,  or  cause 
oath  to  be  made,  before  the  next  or  some  Justice  of  the  Peace,  of 
the  name  and  death  of  such  Servant,  and  that  he  really  was 
in  the  Record,  and  not  another  of  the  same  name ;  that  by 
means  of  the  certificate  sent  to  the  Secretary's  Office,  the  Sec- 
retary may  charge  him.  Dead. 

A  nd  if  any  Owners  or  Vendors  shall  fail,  in  either  of  the  cases 
aforesaid,  he  or  they  shall  forfeit  to  His  Majesty  his  heirs 
and  successors,  the  sum  of  Twenty  five  Pounds  sterling  :  and 
for  the  Secretary's  pains  therein,  and  also  in  case  of  changing 
Masters  and  Mistresses,  the  Secretary  may  receive  for  such 
person  dead  or  assigned  over,  Six  Pence,  and  no  more. 
And  to  the  end,  none  of  the  Servants  or  convict  rebels  may  remove 

or  escape  from   this   island,  by  obtaining  Tickets  under  wrong 

names,  or  other  fraudulent  or  illegal  methods  of  this  kind  ;  it  is 

hereby  further  Enacted  and  Ordained  by  the  A  uthority  aforesaid : 

That  all  Justices  of  the  Peace  that  shall  hereafter  take  Affidavits 
{to  be  sent  to  the  Secretary's  Office)  for  persons  that  design  to 
go  off  this  island,  shall  always  express  and  insert  in  those 
Affidavits,  that  the  person  so  going  off ,  and  desiring  aTicket , 
is  not  one  of  these  Servants  and  convict  rebels  :  without  which, 
the  Secretary  is  hereby  forbidden  to  grant  or  produce  a  Ticket. 

And  the  Secretary  is  also  required  to  use  the  same  method  in 
such  Affidavits  as  shall  be  taken  before  himself,  under  the 
penalty  of  forfeiting  to  His  Majesty  his  heirs  and  successors, 
the  sum  of  Two  Hundred  Pounds  sterling,  for  his  neglect  in 
either  of  these  cases. 

And  whosoever  obtaining  a  Ticket  lawfully  out  of  the  Secre- 
tary's Office,  being  of  the  name  of  any  of  those  rebels,  or 
otherwise,  and  shall  permit  any  of  the  said  rebels  of  that 
name,  or  others,  to  have  such  Tickets,  by  which  he  may  be  in 
a  probable  way  of  making  his  escape  off  this  island,  shall 


ioj\ln^e'i689:]  Severe  Actofthe  Barbadoes  Assembly.  441 

forfeit  to  the  use  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  the  King  his  heirs 
and  successors,  the  sum  of  One  Hundred  Pounds  sterling,  ij 
he  be  able  to  pay  the  same ;  and  also  suffer  imprisonment  in 
the  common  gaol,  by  the  space  of  six  months,  without  bail  or 
mainprize.  The  said  commitment  to  be  made,  and  execution 
to  be  levied,  by  Warrant  from  the  Governor,  upon  proof 
made  before  him,  by  two  witnesses,  or  one  witness  with  preg- 
nant circumstances.  But  in  case  such  persons  be  uncapable 
to  make  payment  of  such  forfeiture,  he  is  hereby  ordered  to  lie 
in  prison  during  the  space  of  six  months,  and  be  set  once  in 
the  pillory,  by  the  space  of  two  hours  at  a  time,  in  each  of  the 
four  market  towns  of  this  island,  on  four  several  days. 
A  nd  for  the  encouragement  of  all  such  as  shall  inform  or  discover 
any  false,  fraudulent,  or  wicked  practice  of  this  kind  ;  it  is  hereby 
Enacted  : 

That  One  Fifth  part  of  all  forfeits  in  the  Act  mentioned,  shall  be 
to  the  use  and  benefit  of  such  Informers. 
And  to  the  end  the  restraint  continuing  and  holding  the  said  rebels 
convict  within  this  island,  during  the  Term  aforesaid,  may  be  the 
[more]  effectually  and  fully  secured  and  provided  for  ;  and  also  for 
preventing  the  Servants,  Slaves,  and  Debtors  of  this  island  from 
running  off,  by  which  some  have  perished  in  the  sea ;  it  is  hereby 
further  Enacted  and  Ordained,  by  the  Authority  aforesaid  : 
That  every  Owner  or  Keeper  of  any  small  vessel,  sloop,  shallop, 
wherry,  fishing-boat,  or  any  other  sort  of  boat  belonging  to 
this  island,  shall,  within  twenty  days  after  publication  hereof, 
give  into  the  Secretary's   Office  of  this  island,    [security]  in 
the   sum   of  Two  Hundred  Pounds  sterling   {excepting  the 
small  boats  and  wherries,  who  are  to  enter  in  the  sum  of  Ten 
Pounds  sterling),  that  he  will  not  convey  or  carry  off  from 
this  island  any  of  the  aforesaid  rebels  convict,  or  any  other 
person  that  hath  not  a  lawful  Ticket ;  or  will  permit,  siffer, 
or  consent  to  the  same :  but  will  use  his  utmost  skill,  care^ 
and   diligence   in  securing  and  guarding  his  small  vessel, 
sloop,  shallop,  or  boat,  in  such  manner  as  may  most  probably 
prevent  the  escapes  of  such  fugitives. 
And  if  any  Owner  or  Keeper  of  such  small  vessel,  sloop,  shallop, 
or   boat   shall   hereafter   make  sale,  change,  or   any   other 
alienation  thereof,  without  first  giving   notice  in  the   Sec- 
retary's Office,  that  new  security  may  be   taken  then :  such 
vessel,  shallop,  or  boat,  shall  be  forfeited  to  His  Majesty  his 


442  Severe  Act  of  the  Barbadoes  Assembly.  [jo^lmlTssg; 

heirs  and  successors;  and  the  Vendor  to  be  further  obliged  to 
put  in  security  to  answer  all  damages  that  may  happen,  by 
reason  of  such  sale,  before  security  so  given. 

And  the  like  method  and  forfeitures  is  hereby  required  and 
appointed  unto  Masters  of  ships,  in  case  they  shall  sell  or  dis- 
pose of  any  boat  to  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  island. 

And  whosoever  shall  hereafter  build  or  set  up  in  this  island, 
any  small  vessel,  sloop,  shallop,  or  boat,  shall,  when 
he  or  they  build  the  same,  enter  into  the  security  aforesaid, 
under  the  penalty  of  forfeiting  the  materials  thereof  to  His 
Majesty  his  heirs  and  successors. 
And  be  it  further  ordained  and  Enacted: 

That  the  Secretary  shall  have  and  receive  for  the  Bond  and  Cer- 
tificate for  wherries,  fishing-boats,  and  other  small  boats,  only 
Fifteen   Pence ;  and  for   all  other  vessels  of  greater   bulk. 
Five  Shillings  each,  as  has  been  customary. 
And  it  is  further  Enacted  by  the  Authority  aforesaid  : 

That  it  shall  be  Felony  in  every  Master  of  every  shallop,  sloop, 
wherry,  or  other  boat  belonging  to  this  island,  that  runneth 
away  with  any  shallop,  sloop,  wherry,  or  other  boat  which 
they  command  [although  such  boats  should  be  their  own 
property  !  ]. 
A  nd  it  is  further  Enacted  by  the  A  uthority  aforesaid  : 

That  if  any  woman  in  this  island,  Owner  or  Mistress  of  any  such 
convict  rebels,  by  any  means  whatsoever,  shall  intermarry 
with  any  of  the  said  convict  rebels,  whereby  the  said  rebels 
may  become  free  from  their  servitude  ;  or  suffer  or  consent 
to  the  marriage  of  their  daughters  or  other  near  relations,  by 
which  such  Servant  is  freed,  connived  at,  or  eased  from  his 
servitude  aforesaid  :  that  upon  notice  thereof  given  to  the 
Governor  and  Council,  of  such  marriage  or  marriages,  such 
rebel  or  rebels  shall,  notwithstanding,  be,  by  the  Governor  and 
Council  ordered  to  serve  the  remainder  of  his  time  to  some 
other  person,  whom  the  Governor  and  Council  shall  think  fit ; 
and  the  woman  so  marrying  as  aforesaid,  is  to  forfeit  to  our 
Sovereign  Lord  the  King  his  heirs  or  assigns,  the  sum  of 
Two  Htmdred  Pounds  sterling,  and  suffer  Six  Months'  im- 
prisonment for  such  her  intermarrying  with  any  of  the  said 
rebels  convict. 
And,  lastly,  it  is  Enacted  by  the  Authority  aforesaid: 

That  the  Act  be  published  by  the  Ministers  of  the  several  parishes 


lo^uniTe^sg.]  Condition  of  White  Slaves  at  Barbadoes.  443 

in  this  island,  in  their  several  parish  churches,  once  in  every 
six  months  from  the  date  hereof,  upon  such  penalty  as  the 
Governor  and  Council  for  the  time  being,  shall  think  fit  to 
impose  on  the  person  so  neglecting  to  publish  the  same. 

Given  under  my  hand,  the  Fourth  day  of  January,  1685  [-6], 

Edward    Steed. 

But  to  return  to  my  discourse 

We  were  consigned  to  Charles  Thomas  and  his  Company, 
with  particular  orders  and  instructions  from  George  Penne 
not  to  sell  me  or  my  brother,  but  permit  us  to  make  choice 
of  some  person  to  own  as  a  titular  Master.  However,  they 
were  so  unkind,  they  would  not  allow  us  that  liberty ;  but 
compelled  us,  contrary  to  our  desires  and  inclinations,  to  live 
with  one  Robert  Bishop  :  pretending  that  they  had  not 
absolutely  sold  us  to  him ;  but  could  remove  us  again,  in 
case  we  disliked  our  place. 

And  that  the  before-mentioned  George  Penne  might  not 
be  obliged  to  repay  the  money  we  gave  him  ;  they  told  us,  we 
should  have  the  yearly  salary  of  -£20,  which  they  were  to 
receive  for  our  service. 

But  these  pretences  were  only  to  amuse  us,  for  afterwards 
when  we  were  constrained,  by  the  great  unkindness  of  our 
Master,  to  address  ourselves  unto  them,  not  only  in  person, 
but  also  by  many  importunate  and  affectionate  letters,  intreat- 
ing  them  to  use  their  utmost  endeavour  and  Interest  with  our 
Master,  in  order  to  remove  us ;  we  found  it  in  vain  :  for  they 
had  positively  sold  us,  and  also  given  it  in,  on  their  oaths, 
at  the  Secretary's  Office. 

When  our  Master  perceived  that  we  were  uneasy,  and  un- 
willing to  serve  him  ;  he  grew  more  and  more  unkind  unto  us, 
and  would  not  give  us  any  clothes,  nor  me  any  benefit  of  my 
practice,  whereby  to  enable  me  to  provide  for  myself :  for  I 
was  obliged  to  give  him  an  account  of  what  physic  I  admi- 
nistered out  of  his  plantation,  and  he  received  the  money  for 
the  same. 

Our  diet  was  very  mean.  5  lbs.  of  salt  Irish  beef,  or  salt 
fish,  a  week,  for  each  man  ;  and  Indian  or  Guinea  Corn 
[maize]  ground  on  a  stone,  and  made  into  dumplings  instead  of 
bread. 


444  H.  Pitman  a  Slave,  though  a  Surgeon.  [,„" 


Pitman, 
une  1689. 


Which  coarse  and  mean  fare  brought  me  to  a  violent  flux 
[diarrhcea],  insomuch  that  1  was  forced  to  complain  to  my 
Master,  desiring  him  to  allow  me  some  flour,  instead  of 
Indian  corn,  to  make  dumplings  withal  ;  and  humbly 
recommended  to  his  consideration  my  Profession  and  practice, 
which  I  hoped  would  render  me  deserving  of  better  accommo- 
dation than  was  usually  allowed  to  other  Servants. 

But  he,  not  moved  with  pity,  angrily  replied,  "  I  should 
not  have  so  good  !  " 

Whose  unkind  answer  moved  me  so,  that  I  had  the  confi- 
dence to  tell  him  that  "  I  would  no  longer  serve  him,  nor  any 
other,  as  a  Surgeon,  unless  I  were  entertained  according  to 
the  just  merits  of  my  Profession  and  practice  ;  and  that  I 
would  choose  rather  to  work  in  the  field  with  the  Negroes  than 
to  dishonour  my  Profession  by  serving  him  as  Physician  and 
Surgeon,  and  to  accept  the  same  entertainment  as  common 
Servants." 

My  angry  Master,  at  this,  was  greatly  enraged,  and  the 
fiery  zeal  of  his  immoderate  passion  was  so  heightened  by 
some  lying  stories  of  a  fellow  Servant,  that  he  could  not 
content  himself  with  the  bare  execution  of  his  cane  upon  my 
head,  arms,  and  back,  although  he  played  so  long  thereon,  like 
a  furious  fencer,  until  he  had  split  it  in  pieces ;  but  he  also 
confined  me  close  prisoner  in  the  Stocks  (which  stood  in  an 
open  place),  exposed  to  the  scorching  heat  of  the  sun  ;  where 
I  remained  about  twelve  hours,  until  my  Mistress,  moved 
either  with  pity  or  shame,  gave  order  for  my  release. 

It  would  be  too  tedious  to  give  a  particular  account  of 
the  many  other  abuses  and  unkindnesses  we  received  at  his 
hands ;  and  therefore  it  shall  suffice  to  say,  that  in  this  con- 
dition we  lived  with  him  about  fifteen  months  [to  about  April, 
1687],  until  by  his  debauched  and  extravagant  course  of  life, 
he  had  run  himself  so  extremel}^  in  debt,  and  particularly 
to  those  merchants  that  sold  us  to  him,  that  he  could  not 
well  pay  for  us.  For  which  reason,  we  were  removed  from 
him  ;  but  the  merchants  were  forced  to  remit  the  money 
due  for  our  service,  before  he  would  return  us. 

And  now,  being  returned  again,  we  remained  in  the 
merchants'  hands,  as  goods  unsold ;  and  because  I  would 
not  consent  to  be  disposed  of,  at  their  pleasure ;  they  threat- 
ened to  horsewhip  me  and  put  me  to  servile  employment. 


lo^ureTs"']   Death  of  Pitman's  brother.   445 

But  we  had  not  been  long  here,  before  my  brother  died, 
and  I  being  wearied  with  long  and  fruitless  expectation  of 
my  Pardon ;  and  no  less  perplexed  and  tired  with  the  great 
abuses  I  had  received  at  their  hands,  resolved  to  attempt  the 
making  of  my  escape  from  off  the  island  :  to  which  purpose, 
after  several  contrivances  and  ways  that  came  into  my  head, 
and  those  well  weighed  with  the  consequent  circumstances 
that  possibly  I  could  foresee  ;  I  concluded  at  length  to  proceed 
after  this  manner. 

Being  introduced  by  a  friend  into  the  acquaintance  of 
one  John  Nuthall  [Not  a  White  Slave,  hut  a  Debtor,  seep.  355], 
a  carver;  whose  condition  was  somewhat  mean,  and  therefore 
one  that  wanted  money  to  carry  him  off  the  island  :  I 
imparted  my  design  unto  him,  and  employed  him  to  buy  a 
boat  of  a  Guiney  Man  [a  ship  trading  to  Guinea]  that  lay  in 
the  road  ;  promising  him  for  his  reward,  not  only  his  passage 
free,  and  money  for  his  present  expenses,  but  to  give  him 
the  boat  also,  when  we  arrived  at  our  port. 

By  the  way,  it  is  to  be  understood,  that  the  means  which 
enabled  me  to  defray  these  extraordinary  expenses,  was  a 
private  consignation  [consignment]  of  goods  from  my  relations, 
to  a  particular  friend  in  the  island ;  who  took  care  to  dispose 
of  them  for  me. 

John  Nuthall  therefore  readily  consented  to  what  I 
proposed  ;  and  after  I  had  enjoined  him  to  secresy,  I  delivered 
him  £12  to  buy  the  boat;  which  accordingly  he  did,  and 
gave  in  security  for  the  same  at  the  Secretary's  Office, 
conformable  to  the  custom  and  laws  of  the  island.  Never- 
theless all  that  would  not  prevent  the  jealousy  of  the  magis- 
trates, that  sprang  from  the  consideration  of  his  poverty,  and 
the  little  service  they  knew  the  boat  would  do  him. 

Whereupon,  they  sent  for  John  Nuthall,  and  strictly 
commanded  him  to  discover  who  it  was  that  had  employed 
him  to  buy  the  boat ;  and  threatened  to  put  him  to  his  oath. 
Nevertheless,  they  could  get  nothing  out  of  him,  for  the  man 
had  so  much  courage  that  he  confidently  denied  that  any 
person  had  employed  him  ;  but  that  he  bought  the  boat 
merely  for  his  own  use.  Yet  was  not  all  this  sufficient. 
They  still  threatened  to  seize  the  boat,  unless  he  gave  in 
better  security.  Upon  which,  he  came  to  me,  to  advise  what 
it  were  best  to  be  done.    I  ordered  him  forthwith  to  sink  the 


446    Pitman  prepares  to  escape.     [,o";,re'™8^: 

boat :    which  as  it  very  much  abated  the  suspicion  of  the 
Magistrates,  so  it  secured  the  boat  from  seizure. 

While  these  things  were  in  agitation,  one  of  John  Nut- 
hall's  creditors,  to  whom  he  owed  ■£']  for  tools,  threatened  to 
arrest  him,  unless  he  paid  him  down  the  money ;  which  was 
no  small  surprise  to  a  man  that  had  no  money  to  make  his 
payment :  however,  having  a  day's  respite  to  procure  satis- 
faction, he  came  and  told  me,  that  "  Unless  I  would  supply 
him  with  money  to  pay  his  debt,  necessity  would  constrain 
him  to  discover  my  design."  So  that,  well  knowing  the 
danger  I  was  in,  I  was  forced  to  supply  him. 

And  here,  I  must  not  omit  to  relate,  that,  by  this  time,  I 
had  discovered  my  design  to  two  of  my  acquaintance  under 
the  same  circumstances  [i.e.,  While  Slaves],  Thomas  Austin 
and  John  Whicker;  who  readily  agreed  to  be  my  com- 
panions, and  gave  me  what  money  they  could  well  spare,  to 
help  to  carry  on  the  design  :  but  I  myself  was  the  chief 
contriver  and  manager  of  the  whole,  having  more  time  and 
liberty  than  they.  For  I  usually  met  John  Nuthall  every 
night,  at  some  convenient  place  remote  from  the  town  by 
the  sea  side  ;  where,  after  we  had  consulted  together,  he 
took  his  instructions  how  to  proceed. 

In  this  interval  of  time,  the  boat  being  sunk,  and  by  that 
means,  the  suspicion  of  the  Magistrates  quite  over ;  John 
Nuthall's  debt  being  paid,  and  he  again  secured  to  secresy  : 
we  began  to  think  of  providing  necessaries  for  our  intended 
voyage  ;  which,  as  they  occurred  to  my  thoughts,  I  set  them 
down,  that  so  nothing  might  be  forgotten.  Which  take  as 
followeth.  A  hundredweight  of  bread,  a  convenient  quantity 
of  cheese,  a  cask  of  water,  some  few  bottles  of  Canary  and 
Madeira  wine  and  beer ;  these  being  for  the  support  of 
Nature  :  and  then  for  use,  a  compass,  quadrant,  chart,  half- 
hour  glass,  half-minute  glass,  log  and  line,  large  tarpaulin, 
a  hatchet,  hammer,  saw  and  nails,  some  spare  boards,  a 
lantern  and  candles.  All  which  were  privately  conveyed  to 
a  friend's  house,  not  far  from  the  water  side,  to  be  in  a 
readiness  against  the  time. 

Which  after  I  had  bethought  myself;  who  besides,  to  make 
choice  of  for  my  companions  was  the  next  thing  to  be  con- 
sidered of;  but  that  a  lucky  chance,  after  a  short  expectation, 
presented  itself  to  us. 


lo^une'iTsg:]  DrEADFUL    FRIGHT  WHEN  EMBARKING.  447 

For  within  few  days  the  Governor  of  Mevis  putting  in  at 
the  Barbadoes  ;  the  Governor,  for  his  more  nolole  entertain- 
ment, caused  the  Mihtia  of  the  town  to  be  in  arms  :  which 
was  attended  with  revelhng,  drinking,  and  feasting  to  excess; 
the  consequence  of  which,  I  easily  conjectured  would  be 
drowsy  security  and  carelessness. 

This  time,  I  therefore  thought  most  proper  for  our  in- 
tended enterprise ;  and  gave  notice  thereof  to  my  in- 
tended companions  (most  of  whom  I  kept  ignorant  of  my 
design  until  now,  fearing  it  should  by  any  means  be  dis- 
covered) :  and  ordered  them  not  to  carry  home  their  arms, 
but  to  bring  them,  after  it  was  night,  to  a  certain  storehouse 
by  the  wharf;  where  I  designed  to  put  to  sea.  The  store- 
house was  then  under  the  care  of  John  Whicker,  one  of  my 
confederates ;  and  therefore  a  most  happy  convenience  to 
conceal  both  them  and  their  arms,  till  it  was  time  to  sail. 

In  the  meantime,  John  Nuthall  employed  tv/o  lusty 
blacks  to  empty  the  water  out  of  our  skiff,  and  set  her 
afloat ;  and  then  brought  her  to  the  wharf  before  the  store- 
house :  whither  by  this  time,  we  had  conveyed  our  neces- 
saries ;  keeping  the  blacks  within  the  storehouse,  that  they 
might  have  no  opportunity  to  discover  our  design. 

About  II  o'clock  at  night  [gth  May,  1687],  thinking  it  time 
to  embark  in  our  small  vessel,  we  assigned  one  of  our  com- 
pany to  stand  sentry  at  the  head  of  the  wharf,  to  give  us 
notice  if  the  Watch  should  happen  to  come  that  way  ;  and 
then,  with  all  speed,  we  put  our  provisions  and  necessaries 
aboard  :  which  we  had  no  sooner  done,  but  we  had  an 
alarm  that  the  Watch  was  approaching  to  the  head  of  the 
wharf.  A  misfortune  which  so  surprised  us,  that  we  all,  of 
an  instant,  betook  ourselves  to  our  heels.  And  I,  for  my  own 
part,  soon  recovered  a  friend's  house,  giving  all  for  lost ;  sup- 
posing my  companions  were  fallen  into  the  enemy's  hands. 

But  whilst  I  was  condoling  my  misfortune  to  my  friend, 
and  giving  him  a  lamentable  account  of  our  attempt  and 
discovery ;  and  also  consulting  whether  to  retire  in  the 
country,  to  lie  dormant  if  possible  till  some  better  opportunity 
offered  itself,  I  heard  a  person  at  the  window  inquiring  for  me. 

At  first,  I  was  in  a  dreadful  fear,  lest  it  was  one  of  the 
Watch  in  quick  pursuit  after  me  :  but  knowing  him,  by  his 
voice  to  be  one  of  my  companions,   I   gladly  received  the 


44^  The  ESCAPE  of  eight  in  a  boat.  Qo^unl'lesg." 

account  he  gave  me.  Which  was,  that  the  Watch  came 
only  to  call  up  one  of  their  number,  that  was  to  watch  with 
them  that  night ;  and  then  went  away,  without  taking  the 
least  notice  of  the  boat. 

However,  I  was  so  disheartened  by  this  unlucky  accident, 
that  I  was  altogether  unwilling  to  make  a  second  attempt, 
till  at  length  overruled  by  the  importunity  of  my  friend  ;  more 
especially  when  he  told  me  that  they  all  waited  for  me, 
and  could  not  go  without  me,  for  none  of  them  had  any 
skill  in  navigation.  So,  considering  the  baseness  of  dis- 
appointing so  many  persons,  whom  I  had  engaged  in  so 
much  danger ;  I  resolved,  once  more,  to  hazard  a  burnt 
forehead  and  sore  back :  and  going  with  him  to  the  water 
side,  I  found  my  companions  by  the  boat,  waiting  for  me, 
and  not  a  little  glad  to  see  me  come  again. 

Then  we  put  the  Negroes  into  the  storehouse,  charging 
them  not  to  stir  forth  or  make  any  noise  till  the  morning  : 
and  to  encourage  them  to  be  faithful  to  us,  I  gave  them 
three  Half- Pieces  of  Eight  [=6s.  =  i85.  now]  for  their  good 
service. 

This  done,  and  thus  delivered  from  our  fears,  we  embarked 
in  our  small  vessel ;  being  in  number  eight,  viz.,  John 
Whicker,  Peter  Bagwell,  William  Woodcock,  John 
Cooke,  Jeremiah  Atkins,  and  myself,  which  were  Sufferers 
on  the  account  of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  :  the  other  two 
were  John  Nuthall,  who  bought  the  boat  for  me,  and 
Thomas  Waker.  Thomas  Austin,  of  whom  I  formerly 
spake,  was  so  possessed  with  fear  of  being  cast  away,  that  he 
would  not  go  with  us. 

About  midnight,  we  put  off  to  sea,  designing  for  Cura9oa, 
a  Dutch  island  that  lies  about  200  leagues  thence :  for  we 
durst  not  go  to  any  English  island,  for  fear  we  should  be 
taken  and  sent  back. 

We  rowed  softly  forward,  within  a  pistol's  shot  of  the 
Fort ;  and  there  lay  at  that  time,  a  man-of-war  in  the  road  : 
which  made  us  not  a  little  afraid  of  being  discovered  by  those 
watchful  enemies ;  but  Providence  so  ordered  it,  that  we 
passed  both  without  discovery. 

However,  by  the  time  that  we  were  got  clear  of  the  Fort  and 
the  shipping,  our  boat  being  so  extremely  leaky,  had  taken 
in  so  much  water,  that  we  were  almost  ready  to  sink;  not 


.o^uniTesg]  Steering  by  the  stars,  or  the  wind.  449 

daring  to  heave  it  out  before,  for  fear  of  making  a  noise  to 
alarm  our  enemies. 

But  having  the  conveniency  of  a  tub  and  a  large  wooden 
bowl ;  we  now  fell  to  work,  and  in  a  little  time,  we  pretty 
well  emptied  our  boat :  and  then  we  set  our  mast,  and  hoisted 
our  sail,  and  steered  our  course  south-west  as  near  as  I  could 
judge,  intending  to  make  the  Great  Grenada.  Our  candles 
being  bruised  into  one  mass  of  tallow,  and  our  tinder  and 
matches  being  wet,  we  could  not  strike  a  light  to  steer  by 
our  compass ;  neither  indeed  had  we  any  candles  lighted  for 
the  same  reason,  during  our  whole  voyage :  so  that,  in  the 
night,  we  were  forced  to  steer  by  the  stars;  and  when  it  was 
cloudy,  by  the  wind. 

That  which  troubled  us  most  was  the  leakiness  of  our  little 
vessel.  For  although  we  endeavoured  all  we  could  to  stop 
her  gaping  seams  with  our  linen  and  all  the  rags  we  had, 
which  we  tallowed  with  our  bruised  candles:  yet  she  was  so 
thin,  so  feeble,  so  heavily  ladened,  and  wrought  [laboured]  so 
exceedingly  by  reason  of  the  great  motion  of  the  sea,  that  we 
could  not  possibly  make  her  tight,  but  were  forced  to  keep 
one  person  almost  continually,  day  and  night,  to  throw  out 
the  water,  during  our  whole  voyage. 

The  same  night,  most  of  my  companions  were  so  sea-sick, 
that  notwithstanding  we  were  all  ready  to  sink,  I  could  hard 
persuade  them  to  throw  out  the  water;  and  my  place  being 
at  the  helm,  to  guide  and  govern  the  boat,  I  could  not  safely 
go  thence.  However,  at  length,  through  great  importunity 
and  earnest  persuasions,  I  prevailed  with  them  to  take  a  little 
pains  to  preserve  us  from  drowning.  My  companions  now 
began  to  wish  themselves  at  Barbadoes  again ;  and  would 
willingly  have  returned :  but  I  told  them  there  was  no 
possibility  of  it,  being  so  far  to  the  leeward  of  the  island. 

One  of  them,  through  carelessness  in  heaving  out  the 
water,  threw  over  our  wooden  bowl ;  and  we  running  away 
with  a  large  [full]  wind,  could  not  go  back  to  take  it  up ;  so 
that  we  had  nothing  left  to  throw  out  the  water  with,  but  our 
tub  ;  which  obliged  them  to  be  more  careful  of  it,  for  our  lives 
were  concerned  therein. 

May  the  loth  [1687],  in  the  morning,  we  were  got  almost 
out  of  sight  of  the  island  ;  at  least  far  enough  from  being 
descried  from  thence.     And  perceiving  no  sort  of  vessel  in 

2¥  2 


450  Sailing  away  from  Slavery.  [lo^unl'lesg: 

pursuit  of  us,  we  began  to  be  cheered  up  with  the  thoughts 
of  our  liberty,  and  the  hopes  of  our  safe  arrival  at  our  desired 
port. 

But  then,  alas,  the  night  no  sooner  approached,  but  we 
were  assailed  with  a  brisk  gale  of  wind ;  under  which  mis- 
fortune, another  worse  befel  us,  that  we  split  our  rudder  so 
that  we  were  forced  to  lower  our  sail,  and  with  an  oar  to  keep 
our  boat  before  the  sea,  whilst  one  of  my  company,  a  joiner, 
mended  our  helm  by  nailing  to  it  two  pieces  of  boards.  That 
done,  we  went  cheerily  on  again. 

May  the  nth,  we  had  indifferent  good  weather.  My 
companions  being  pretty  well  recovered  of  their  sea-sickness, 
we  now  had  time  to  put  things  in  a  better  posture  in  our 
boat ;  and  to  raise  her,  which  we  did  by  nailing  on  tarpolings 
[tarpatilings]  from  her  sides  to  our  oars  that  were  lashed  fast 
about  nine  inches  above,  which  did  us  good  service  in  keeping 
out  the  sea.  We  likewise  made  a  tilt  [awning]  with  a 
hammock  over  the  hinder  part  of  our  boat,  to  defend  us  from 
the  scorching  heat  of  the  sun. 

May  the  12th.  This  morning,  notwithstanding  we  steered 
south-west,  to  weather  the  Great  Grenada,  the  current  had 
set  us  so  much  to  the  northward,  that  we  made  the  Grena- 
dilloes  to  bear  west  of  us  :  which  obliged  us  to  steer  more 
southerly  to  weather  the  Great  Grenada. 

May  the  13th.  The  last  night,  we  weathered  the  Great 
Grenada,  and  steered  down  the  south  side  of  the  same ;  and 
then  shaped  our  course  for  the  Testigos.  For  I  could  not 
take  any  true  observation  by  my  quadrant,  because  of  the 
uneven  motion  of  the  sea,  and  the  nearness  of  the  sun  to  the 
zenith,  and  therefore  was  constrained  to  steer  a  course  from 
island  to  island,  though  the  further  way  about. 

May  the  14th.  We  had  fair  weather,  and  a  fresh  gale  of 
wind;  and  about  noon,  as  I  remember,  we  made  the  Testigos, 
bearing  south-south-west;  and  before  night,  made  the  north- 
east end  of  the  Margarita. 

But,  by  this  time,  being  so  extremely  spent  for  want  of 
sleep,  having  been  obliged  for  the  most  part,  night  and  day, 
to  steer  the  boat ;  I  was  desirous  to  take  a  little  rest :  but 
first  I  directed  one  of  my  companions  how  to  steer  down  by 
the  said  island ;  and  then  composed  myself  to  sleep. 

In  which  interval  of  time,  my  companions  eagerly  longing 


lo'junercs"".]     TwO   REMARKABLE   ESCAPES   FROM    PERIL.     45 1 

for  fresh  water,  in  regard  ours  stank  so  extremely  as  it  did, 
stood  in  for  the  land  ;  and  lowered  the  sail,  designing  to  go 
ashore.  At  which  time,  I  happily  [by  chance]  awoke  ;  and 
apprehending  the  great  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  Indians,  who  had  already  kindled  a  fire  on  the  shore  not 
far  from  us,  I  caused  the  sail  again  to  be  hoisted  up,  and 
hasted  away  with  all  expedition :  and  being  favoured  with  a 
brisk  gale  of  wind,  we  soon  got  out  of  fear  or  danger  of  those 
savage  cannibals. 

May  the  15th.  We  had  fair  weather,  and  very  pleasant 
sailing  down  the  north  side  of  this  island  [Margarita].  But 
when  we  had  got  about  the  middle  of  the  island,  my  com- 
panions were  no  less  importunate  than  before,  to  go  ashore 
for  fresh  water.  To  which  I,  at  length,  consented,  partly 
because  I  saw  that  part  of  the  island  free  from  inhabitants, 
and  partly  enticed  by  the  fair  appearance  of  a  sandy  bay  and 
that  the  water  seemed  so  smooth  that  I  thought  we  could 
not  injure  our  boat  by  running  her  ashore,  in  regard  we  had 
neither  anchor  nor  grapling  to  ride  her  off. 

But,  contrary  to  our  expectations,  and  to  our  great  sur- 
prisal,  we  found  the  ground  near  the  shore  extremely  foul ; 
and  the  sea  heaved  us  so  fast  in,  that  we  could  not  possibly 
have  avoided  being  split  on  the  rocks,  had  not  I  leaped  into 
the  sea  to  fend  her  off,  which  whilst  I  laboured  to  do  with 
my  feet  against  the  rock  till  I  was  almost  spent,  my  com- 
panions with  their  two  oars  rowed  her  off.  At  which,  our 
hearts  were  filled  with  joy,  and  our  mouths  with  praises  to 
the  LORD,  who  had  so  wonderfully  preserved  us  from  being 
cast  away  on  this  island  :  where  probably  we  must  either 
have  been  starved  ourselves,  or  have  become  food  for  those 
inhuman  man-eaters. 

From  the  west  end  of  this  island,  we  directed  our  course 
for  Saltatudos;  but  that  afternoon,  the  wind  increased,  and  a 
white  ring  encircled  the  moon,  which  I  thought  presaged  ill 
weather,  and  to  our  great  sorrow,  proved  too  true.  For  about 
nine  at  night,  a  dreadful  storm  arose,  which  made  us  despair 
of  ever  seeing  the  morning  sun.  And  now  the  sea  began  to 
foam,  and  to  turn  its  smooth  surface  into  mountains  and 
vales.  Our  boat  was  tossed  and  tumbled  from  one  side  to 
the  other ;  and  so  violently  driven  and  hurried  away  by  the 
fury  of  the  wind  and  sea,  that   I  was  afraid  we  should  be 


452   Safe  arrival  at  Tortuga.  [,o"unl'X 

driven  by  the  island  in  the  night-time :  and  therefore  we 
brought  our  boat  to,  with  her  head  against  the  sea  :  but  the 
wind  and  sea  still  increasing,  we  were  forced  to  bear  up  before 
it,  with  only  sail  sufficient  to  give  her  steerage  way. 

And  now,  in  vain  we  began  to  wish  ourselves  at  the 
Barbadoes  again,  or  (which  was  worse)  on  that  island  on 
which  we  were  so  lately  like  to  have  been  wrecked,  believing 
that  a  misery  then  which  now  we  should  have  thought  a 
happiness,  and  that  which  confirmed  us  the  more  in  the  cer- 
tainty of  our  approaching  ruin,  was  an  unexpected  voice, 
which  (to  our  thinking)  seemed  to  hallow  [holloa]  to  us  at  a 
great  distance.  But  the  Omnipotent  (who  is  never  unmindful 
of  the  cries  of  his  people  in  distress)  heard  our  prayers;  so 
that  when  all  our  hopes  were  given  over,  and  we  had  resigned 
ourselves  into  his  hands,  expecting  every  moment  when  the 
wide  gaping  sea  would  devour  and  swallow  us  up  :  GOD,  of 
his  infinite  mercy  and  unspeakable  goodness,  commanded 
the  violence  of  the  winds  to  cease,  and  allayed  the  fury  of  the 
raging  waves.     Eternal  praises  to  his  Name  for  evermore  ! 

May  the  i6th.  This  morning,  at  break  of  day,  we  saw  the 
island  of  Saltatudos  just  before  us,  and  when  it  was  suffi- 
ciently light,  that  we  could  discern  how  the  land  lay,  we 
steered  down  the  north  side  of  it,  intending  to  go  ashore  at 
some  convenient  place  to  refresh  ourselves  after  that  dread- 
ful storm,  and  to  take  on  board  some  fresh  water,  and  if 
possible  to  stop  the  leaks  of  our  boat,  in  order  to  proceed  in 
our  voyage  for  Curagoa  :  and  accordingly,  when  we  came  to 
the  leeward  of  a  small  island  hard  by  the  other,  we  stood  in 
directly  for  the  shore,  thinking  it  a  convenient  place  to  land. 
Which  we  had  no  sooner  done,  but  we  saw  a  canoe  coming 
thence,  directing  her  course  towards  us.  At  which  sight, 
being  a  little  surprised,  my  companions  provided  their  arms, 
and  charged  their  muskets  and  blunderbusses  with  glass 
bottles  :  for  we  coming  from  Barbadoes  in  so  great  a  hurry 
and  fear  ;  through  forgetfulness  they  left  their  bag  of  bullets 
on  the  wharf. 

When  they  were  come  somewhat  nearer,  that  we  could 
perceive  them  to  paddle  like  Indians,  we  bore  up  and  were 
running  from  them. 

Which  as  soon  as  they  perceived,  they  waved  their  hats 
and  hailed  us  ;  by  which  we  knew  they  were  not  Indians  as 


lo^une'^esg.]  ThEYFIND    26  PRIVATEERS  THERE.  453 

we  supposed :  and  therefore  we  permitted  them  to  come 
nearer,  and  perceiving  them  to  be  white  men,  we  enquired 
"  What  they  were  ?  " 

They  told  us,  "  They  were  EngHshmen  in  distress,  &c., 
and  waited  for  an  opportunity  to  go  off  the  island." 

The  account  we  gave  them  of  ourselves  was  very  short 
That  we  came  from  one  of  the  Windward  islands  :  by  which, 
they  supposed  we  had  fled  for  debt ;  and  should  have  con- 
tinued in  that  belief,  had  not  Thomas  Waker,  one  of  my 
companions,  privately  informed  them,  That  there  were  only 
he  and  John  Nuthall  that  were  debtors :  the  rest  of  us 
being  rebels  :  for  he  thought  thereby  to  ingratiate  himself 
and  friend  in  their  friendship. 

But  these  privateers,  for  so  they  were,  as  we  afterwards 
understood,  hated  them  the  more  for  their  treachery ;  and 
loved  us  the  better,  confessing  that  they  were  rebels  too, 
adding  that  "if  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  had  had  i,ooo  of 
them,  they  would  soon  have  put  to  flight  the  King's  army." 

But  to  proceed.  When  we  came  to  the  shore,  the 
privateers  assisted  us  to  haul  up  our  boat  that  she  might  not 
be  injured  by  the  sea  ;  having  no  conveniency  to  ride  her  off 
[i.e.,  at  anchor]. 

Which  done,  they  shewed  us  the  well  of  fresh  water  which 
was  hard  by  their  huts;  where  we  refreshed  ourselves  a 
little ;  and  with  our  sail  we  made  a  shade  to  keep  the  sun 
from  us :  and  when  we  had  so  done,  we  lay  down  under  it, 
to  refresh  ourselves  with  rest  and  sleep  ;  having  had  but 
little  of  either,  all  our  voyage,  being  so  extremely  thronged 
together  in  our  little  boat. 

These  privateers  at  first  were  very  kind  to  us,  and  gave  us 
some  of  their  provisions  :  and  related  to  us  the  story  of  their 
adventures ;  which,  to  the  best  of  my  memory,  was  thus  : 

That  they  formerly  belonged  to  one  Captain  Yanche, 
Commander  of  a  Privateer  of  48  guns,  that  designed  to 
plunder  a  Spanish  town  by  the  Gulf  of  Florida,  called  St. 
Augustine.  And  in  order  thereunto,  he  sent  30  of  them  out 
into  the  Gulf  of  Florida,  to  take  canoes  from  the  Indians ; 
for  the  more  convenient  and  speedy  landing  of  their  men. 
But  they  going  ashore  on  the  Main  to  turn  turtle  [i.e.,  on 
their  backs],  were  set  upon  by  the  Indians,  and  two  of  them 
killed  on  the  place.     However,  at  length,  they  put  the  Indians 


454     TlIE    PRIVATEERS    BURN    PiTMAn's    BOAT.     [  jo^u^fi^es": 

to  flight ;  and  some  time  afterwards,  took  two  or  three 
canoes,  and  one  Indian  prisoner :  who  conducted  them  to 
his  own  and  his  father's  plantations,  on  condition  they  would 
afterwards  set  him  free  ;  where  they  stored  themselves  with 
provisions  and  other  necessaries.  But  it  cost  them  dear. 
For  their  Quartermaster  and  one  more  of  the  company  were 
poisoned,  by  their  unwary  eating  of  casader  [cassava]  roots. 

The  rest  of  them  went,  with  those  canoes  and  the  Indian 
they  had  taken,  to  the  place  appointed,  expecting  to  meet 
their  man-of-war :  but  could  not  find  her,  and  therefore 
being  necessitated  to  shift  for  themselves  as  well  as  they 
could,  they  came  to  this  island,  hoping  to  meet  here  with 
some  vessel  loading  of  salt  in  which  they  might  get  a  passage 
for  some  English  port :  but  were  disappointed  here  also,  for 
the  ships  were  all  gone  before  they  came. 

After  we  had  sufficiently  refreshed  ourselves  with  rest  and 
sleep,  and  returned  to  the  LORD  the  praises  due  to  his 
Name,  for  his  wonderful  and  miraculous  deliverance  ;  we 
thought  it  time  to  consider  how  to  stop  the  leaks  of  our 
boat,  and  to  raise  a  deck  over  her  with  rinds  [barks]  of  trees, 
&c.,  that  we  might  proceed  in  our  intended  voyage  for 
Curagoa. 

Our  intentions  were  no  sooner  perceived  by  the  privateers, 
but  they  endeavoured  to  persuade  us  from  it :  alleging  the 
insufficiency  of  our  boat,  and  the  dangers  we  were  so  lately 
exposed  unto;  and  advising  us  rather  to  go  with  them  in 
their  pereagoes  [piraguas]  a  privateering  than  to  hazard  our 
lives  by  a  second  attempt.  With  the  like  argument,  they 
would  have  easily  prevailed  with  my  companions  to  consent 
to  go  with  them  ;   had  I  not  persuaded  them  to  the  contrary. 

But  when  the  privateers  saw  it  was  in  vain  to  persuade, 
they  thought  to  compel  us,  by  burning  our  boat :  supposing 
then  that  we  would  choose  rather  to  go  with  them,  than  to 
stay  upon  the  island  till  shipping  came  for  salt,  which  would 
be  eight  or  nine  months  ;  and  in  the  meantime,  to  be  in 
danger  of  being  taken  by  the  Spaniards  for  privateers,  or 
otherwise  to  be  starved  with  hunger,  for  we  had  no  more 
than  4lbs.  or  5lbs.  of  bread  for  each  man  left. 

But  this  contrivance  answered  not  their  expectations. 
For  notwithstanding  they  burnt  our  boat  and  took  our  sails 
and  other  utensils  from  us,  I  continued  my  resolution,  and 


"juneTesg.]  2  2  PRIVATEERS  SAIL  AWAY  FOR  THE  MAINLAND.  455 

chose  rather  to  trust  Divine  Providence  on  that  desolate  and 
uninhabitable  island  than  to  partake  or  be  any  ways  con- 
cerned with  them  in  their  piracy :  having  conlidence  in 
myself,  that  GOD,  who  had  so  wonderfully  and  miraculously 
preserved  us  on  the  sea  and  brought  us  to  this  island,  would,  in 
like  manner,  deliver  us  hence,  if  we  continued  faithful  to  Him. 

And  in  order  to  our  better  accommodation  and  preservation 
on  this  island,  I  gave  the  privateers  30  Pieces  of  Eight 
[  =  £6=£i8  now]  for  the  Indian  they  took  on  the  Main,  but 
were  not  so  true  to  their  promise  as  to  set  him  at  liberty ; 
who  I  expected  would  be  serviceable  unto  us  in  catching 
fish,  &c. 

About  the  25th  of  May  [16S7],  22  of  the  privateers,  having 
first  raised  the  sides  of  their  pereagoes  [piraguas]  with  boards, 
fastened  with  the  nails  they  saved  in  the  burning  of  our  boat, 
and  fitted  them  for  sea  ;  they  set  sail  :  leaving  four  of  their 
company  behind,  that  refused  to  go  with  them ;  as  also  a 
Spanish  boat  that  was  of  no  service  to  them,  neither  could 
be  of  any  use  to  us,  unless  we  had  sails  to  sail  her,  and  a 
rudder  to  guide  her,  both  of  which  we  wanted. 

In  this  situation,  they  left  us,  deprived  of  all  ways  and 
means  of  getting  off  until  the  season  aforesaid  :  unless  GOD, 
by  a  particular  Providence,  should  direct  some  vessel  or 
other  to  touch  here. 


But  before  I  proceed  to  give  account  of  our  manner  of  life 
in  this  place,  I  think  it  necessary  to  give  a  short  description 
of  the  island  itself;  which  is  situated  in  the  latitude  of 
11°  11'  N.  Lat.  Its  extent  is  about  twelve  miles  in  length, 
and  two  or  three  in  breadth ;  and  is  about  120  leagues 
from  Barbadoes. 

It  is  called  by  the  Spaniards,  Tortuga,  from  the  plenty  of 
turtle  that  resort  thither  :  but  our  English  give  it  the  name 
of  Saltatudos,  because  there  is  such  a  great  quantity  of  salt 
yearly  brought  from  thence.  The  Spaniards  claim  the  pro- 
priety of  this  island,  13'ing  so  near  the  Main  [South  America], 
where  they  inhabit ;  and  therefore  will  sometimes  take  our 
English  vessels  as  they  are  loading  salt  :  of  which  they  took 
two,  the  season  before  we  came  there. 

The  east  and  west  ends  of  this  island  are  for  the  most  part 


456  Manner  of  living  on  desolate  Tortuga.  [  ,<,"; 


Pitman. 


sand.  The  middle  consists  of  hard  and  craggy  rocks,  that 
are  very  porous,  and  resemble  honeycombs  :  and  therefore 
we  called  them  Honeycomb  Rocks.  There  are  plenty  of 
small  bushes  growing  out  of  the  sand,  and  of  shrubs  from 
between  the  rocks :  but  there  are  no  timber  trees  on  the 
whole  island. 

On  the  south  side,  near  the  east  end,  are  the  salinas  or  salt 
ponds ;  from  whence  the  salt  is  brought ;  which  is  thus 
made.  The  sea  or  salt  water  penetrates  through  the  beachy 
banks  of  the  sea,  and  overflows  a  large  plain  of  two  or  three 
miles  circumference,  nearly  a  foot  deep  ;  where,  by  the  scorch- 
ing heat  of  the  sun,  the  thin  aqueous  part  is  exhaled,  and  the 
saline  part  is  coagulated  into  pure  white  crystaline  salt.  And 
because  there  is  a  continual  supply  of  salt  water  from  the 
sea,  the  sun  continues  exhaling  and  coagulating,  until  the 
whole  Salinas  is  deeply  covered  over  with  salt ;  so  that  all  they 
have  to  do,  is  only  to  rake  it  together,  and  carry  it  aboard. 

There  is  great  plenty  of  birds  and  fowl,  as  pelicans,  flam- 
mans  [  ?  flamingoes],  paraquets,  mocking  birds,  and  an 
innumerable  company  of  sea  fowl :  and  also  some  vegetable 
productions,  of  which  I  shall  have  occasion  to  treat  hereafter. 


But  to  return  from  this  digression.  The  privateers  had  no 
sooner  left  us,  but  we  found  ourselves,  of  necessity,  obliged 
to  seek  out  for  provisions.  Being  led  by  the  example  of 
those  four  privateers  that  stayed  behind ;  we  walked  along 
the  sea  shore  to  watch  for  tortoises  or  turtle  :  which  when 
they  came  up  out  of  the  sea  to  lay  their  eggs  in  the  sand,  we 
turned  on  their  backs.  And  they  being  incapable  of  turning 
themselves  again,  we  let  them  remain  so  till  the  day  following, 
or  until  we  had  conveniency  of  killing  them  :  for  if  they  were 
sufficiently  defended  from  the  heat  of  the  sun  by  a  shade, 
which  we  usually  built  over  them,  they  would  live  several 
days  out  of  the  water. 

And  thus  we  walked  to  and  fro  in  the  night-time,  to  turn 
turtle  ;  and  in  the  day-time,  we  were  employed  in  killing 
them :  whose  flesh  was  the  chiefest  of  our  diet,  being  roasted 
by  the  fire  on  wooden  spits.  And  sometimes  when  we 
designed  a  festival,  we  left  some  part  of  the  flesh  on  the 
calapatch  and  calapee,  that  is,  the  back  and  breast  shells  ; 


io"uri'[68^:]  How    THEY    DRIED    THE    TURTLE.  457 

which  we   roasted,  by  setting   them  upright  in   two  forked 
sticks  thrust  into  the  sand,  before  a  large  fire. 

What  we  did  not  eat,  we  cut  into  long  and  slender  pieces; 
and  after  we  had  salted  it  very  well,  we  dried  it  carefully  in 
the  sun,  on  ranges  of  sticks  set  up  for  that  purpose :  for  we 
had  no  other  way  of  preserving  it,  having  nothing  to  wet 
salt  in.  But  we  found  it  so  difficult  to  divide  their  shells, 
that  we  broke  our  knives  ;  and  were  forced  to  make  new 
ones  out  of  the  swords  my  companions  brought  with  them  : 
which  we  did  after  this  manner.  First,  we  broke  them  into 
suitable  lengths,  and  softened  them  in  the  fire  ;  and  then 
rubbed  them  on  a  stone  to  a  fit  shape  and  thinness :  and 
after  we  had  hardened  them  again,  we  fixed  them  in  hafts, 
and  made  them  more  serviceable  than  our  former. 

And  here  for  the  better  information  of  some  persons,  I 
think  fit  to  describe  these  sea  beasts,  if  I  may  so  call  them. 
They  are  somewhat  of  an  oval  form,  strongly  defended  on 
the  back  and  on  the  breast  with  a  thick  shell ;  and  have  four 
fins  covered  with  thick  scales,  that  serve  them  instead  of  legs 
when  they  come  ashore.  They  feed  on  Woose  or  Sea  Grass 
that  grows  out  of  the  rocks ;  which  I  judge  is  the  true  reason 
they  do  not  eat  fishy.  They  breathe,  and  therefore  are 
obliged  to  come  frequently  up  to  the  surface  of  the  water;  on 
which  they  sometimes  float  so  soundly  asleep,  that  they  give 
seamen  an  opportunity  with  a  boat  to  take  them  up.  Their 
flesh  is  very  delightsome  and  pleasant  to  the  taste,  much 
resembling  veal ;  but  their  fat  is  more  yellow.  The  she  or 
female  turtle  come  up  on  the  shore  to  lay  their  eggs  in  the 
sand,  three  times  in  the  year,  in  the  months  of  April,  May, 
and  June  ;  where  they  are  brought  to  maturity  by  the  sweet 
influence  of  the  sun.  When  the  young  ones  are  hatched, 
they  muster  out  of  their  cells  and  march  into  the  sea  :  but 
not  without  danger  of  being  devoured  by  the  sea  fowl  that 
wait  to  destroy  them.  Each  of  these  tortoises  lays  about 
140  eggs  at  one  time,  in  about  an  hour's  space ;  which  are 
fully  as  large  as  hens'  eggs,  but  with  this  difference,  that 
these  are  round,  and  covered  only  with  a  thick  strong  mem- 
brane or  skin,  nor  will  their  whites  harden  by  heat  as  the 
whites  of  hens'  eggs.  Their  yolks  we  beat  in  calabashes 
with  some  salt ;  and  fried  them  with  the  fat  of  the  tortoise, 


458  Erecting  houses  against  bad  weather.  [  ,J]\ 


Pitman, 
une  1680. 


like  to  pancakes,  in  a  piece  of  an  earthen  jar  found  by  the 
sea-side  :  which  we  did  eat  instead  of  bread. 

I  never  saw  any  creature  so  lon.^;  a-dying  as  these  :  for 
after  we  had  cut  their  throats,  divided  their  bodies,  and  cut 
their  flesh  into  small  and  minute  parts ;  every  part  and 
portion  would  continue  twitching  and  moving  itself  a  long 
time.  They  have  a  threefold  heart,  said  to  be  the  heart  of 
a  fowl,  of  a  beast,  and  of  a  fish ;  which  will  stir  and  pant 
several  hours  after  it  is  taken  out  of  their  body. 

Our  continual  feeding  on  these  tortoises  brought  us  to  a 
violent  looseness  [diarrhcea]  which  I  speedily  stopped  with 
an  opiatic  tincture,  which  I  had  provided  on  another  occa- 
sion. For  before  we  came  from  Barbadoes,  I  thought  of  a 
way  to  deliver  ourselves  out  of  our  enemies'  hands,  in  case 
we  should  be  taken,  without  shedding  of  blood.  And  it  was 
thus.  I  dissolved  a  sufficient  quantity  of  opium  in  a  bottle 
of  rich  cordial  water,  which  we  carried  with  us  in  the  boat: 
intending  to  give  it  to  those  persons  that  should  take  us, 
which  I  supposed  they  would  readily  drink,  and  by  that 
means  would  be  overtaken  with  so  profound  a  sleep  that  we 
should  have  opportunity  sufficient  to  make  our  escape  from 
them. 

We  were  obliged  to  go  many  miles  from  the  well  of  fresh 
water,  to  turn  turtle,  and  to  fetch  salt  from  the  salinas. 
This  necessitated  us  to  carry  our  water  with  us  in  a  cask, 
over  those  uneven  rocks,  which  soon  wore  out  our  shoes, 
and  compelled  us  to  make  use  of  our  soft  and  tender  feet, 
unwilling  to  salute  those  hard  and  craggy  rocks  :  which  was 
very  irksome  to  us  at  first,  but  time  and  necessity  made  it 
more  familiar  and  easy,  that,  at  length,  the  bottoms  of  our 
feet  were  hardened  into  such  a  callous  substance  that  there 
were  scarcely  any  rocks  so  hard  but  we  could  boldly  trample 
them  under  our  feet. 

When  the  season  of  the  tortoises'  coming  ashore  was 
expired,  and  we  had  gotten  a  considerable  quantity  of  their 
flesh  salted  and  dried  for  our  winter  store ;  we  set  about 
building  houses  to  defend  us  from  the  stormy  weather,  which 
we  were  shortly  to  expect,  which  we  did  so  artificially,  and 
covered  them  so  well  with  coarse  grass  that  grew  by  the  sea- 
side, that  neither  the  violence  of  winds,  nor  fierceness  of 
storms   could    easily  injure  or   offend  us.     Our    household 


lo'juriTesg.']    The  plants  found  on  Tortuga.     459 

goods  consisted  chiefly  in  two  or  three  earthen  jars  left  us  by 
the  privateers,  some  few  calabashes,  and  shells  of  fish  that 
we  found  by  the  sea-side.  In  our  houses,  we  formed  a  kind 
of  little  cabins  to  repose  ourselves  in,  with  as  much  ease  as 
possibly  we  could. 

In  these  little  huts  or  houses,  we  spent  most  of  our  time ; 
sometimes  reading  or  writing.  And  at  other  times,  I  went 
abroad  with  my  Indian  a-fishing,  at  which  he  was  so  dex- 
terous that  with  his  bow  and  arrow,  he  would  shoot  a  small 
fish  at  a  great  distance.  Sometimes  we  caught  some  craw- 
fish, which  we  broiled  over  the  coals ;  and  for  change  of  diet, 
we  sometimes  ate  a  sort  of  shell  fish  that  live  on  the  rocks, 
and  are  like  snails,  but  much  larger,  called  W[hlilks. 

And  as  there  is  no  mountain  so  barren,  on  which  there 
may  not  be  found  some  medicinal  plant ;  so  neither  was  this 
island  so  unfruitful,  but  it  afforded  us  two  vegetable  produc- 
tions of  great  service  unto  us.  The  one  we  called  Turks' 
Heads,  being  of  an  oval  form,  beset  on  every  side  with  sharp 
prickles  like  a  hedgehog;  out  of  which  there  grew  in  the 
upper  part,  a  longish  red  and  pleasant  fruit,  about  the  big- 
ness of  a  small  nut,  in  taste  resembling  a  strawberry.  The 
other  was  much  more  sei-viceable  to  us,  called  Curatoe  [?  the 
Agave],  of  an  oval  body  or  stump,  like  the  former :  but  out  of 
this  grew  long  thick  leaves,  whose  edges  were  prickly,  and  its 
juice  so  exceeding  sharp  and  pungent  that  it  was  not  easily 
suffered  on  the  bare  skin  ;  with  which  we  washed  our  linen 
as  with  soap,  for  it  would  scour  excellently  well.  Through 
the  leaves  are  dispersed  long  and  thready  fibres,  with  which, 
when  we  had  separated  and  dried  them  in  the  sun,  we  made 
very  good  thread,  and  mended  our  clothes  therewith,  in 
needles  which  we  made  of  bones.  With  the  leaves,  I  made 
a  most  excellent  balsom  [poultice]  for  wounds,  by  boiling 
them  in  the  fat  of  the  tortoises,  which  I  brought  to  a  sufficient 
consistency  by  adding  bees'  wax  thereunto.  Thus  much  of 
its  external  use. 

Its  internal  use  follows.  After  we  had  cut  off  the  leaves 
about  three  or  four  inches  from  the  body,  we  digged  a  great 
hole  or  pit  in  the  sand,  and  heated  it  exceedingly  hot ;  and 
put  the  said  body  therein,  covering  it  up  in  the  hot  sand  : 
where  we  permitted  it  to  remain  five  or  six  days,  in  which 
time,  the  juice  that  was   before  extraordinarily   sharp    and 


460   Innumerable  birds  tasting  very  fishy.  [  .o^u^i'Iel,: 

corrosive,  by  this  digestion  became  so  strangely  changed 
that  it  was  extremely  sweet  and  pleasant,  like  the  syrup  of 
baked  pears.  And  after  we  had  pressed  it  forth,  and  fer- 
mented it  with  a  proportionable  quantity  of  water  ;  it  became 
a  most  pleasant  and  spirituous  liquor  to  drink.  The  inner- 
most part  of  the  body  or  stump,  we  cut  into  slices,  and  ate  it 
like  bread. 

At  this  island,  there  is  an  innumerable  company  of  sea 
fowl  that  lay  their  eggs  in  the  sand,  overspreading  at  some 
places,  nearly  twenty  yards  as  near  together  as  the  birds 
can  well  sit  to  lay  them.  And  when  the  young  ones  are 
hatched,  they  run  about  in  great  companies,  like  chickens,  a 
considerable  time  before  they  are  able  to  fly ;  which  often 
afforded  us  pleasant  diversion,  to  pursue  and  take  them  : 
which,  when  we  had  skinned,  salted,  and  dried  in  the  sun,  we 
could  preserve  a  long  time.  But  they  did  eat  extremely  fishy; 
much  like  red  herrings. 

We  endeavoured  to  make  a  pot  to  boil  our  turtle  in,  by 
tempering  the  finest  sand  with  the  yolks  of  turtles*  eggs  and 
goats'  hair :  for  we  could  find  no  clay  or  earth  in  the  whole 
island :  but  we  could  not  possibly  make  them  endure  the 
drying ;  so  that  we  were  forced  to  eat  our  turtle  roasted  by 
the  fire  on  wooden  spits. 

There  is  a  pleasant  fragrant  herb  grows  out  of  the  sand 
among  the  rocks,  which  we  call  Wild  Sage ;  whose  leaves 
we  smoked  instead  of  Tobacco :  and  for  want  of  a  pipe,  I 
smoked  it  in  a  crab's  claw ;  of  which  crabs  there  were 
plenty,  but  they  were  so  poor  that  we  did  not  eat  them. 

There  is  also  an  insect  called  a  Soldier  [?  the  hermit  crab] ; 
having  a  shell  like  a  snail :  but  some  say  this  shell  is  not 
proper  to  themselves.  For  having  weak  and  tender  bodies, 
they  get  possession  of  these  shells  to  defend  themselves 
against  the  injury  of  the  air,  and  attempts  of  other  creatures. 
As  they  grow  bigger,  they  shift  their  shells,  and  get  into 
large  ;  being  commonly  those  of  Peridwinkles.  They  have, 
instead  of  a  foot,  an  instrument  like  a  crab's  claw,  where- 
with they  close  the  entrance  of  their  shells,  and  thereby 
secure  their  whole  body.  When  they  are  set  near  the  fire, 
they  presently  forsake  their  quarters  ;  and  if  it  be  presented 
to  them  again,  they  go  backwards.  They  commonly  keep 
in  great  companies  about  the  rocks  near   the  well  of  fresh 


.oJun^'?689.]    Two   VESSELS   ARRIVE    OFF    THE    ISLAND.       46 1 

water.  When  they  intend  to  change  their  lodgings,  there 
sometimes  happens  a  serious  engagement,  managed  with 
that  clasping  instrument ;  still  the  strongest,  by  conquest, 
gets  possession,  which  he  carries  about  with  him,  on  his 
back,  during  his  pleasure. 

Another  little  insect  is  worthy  to  be  mentioned,  called 
Lizards.  They  were  so  familiar  and  friendly,  that  they 
would  come  boldly  among  us,  and  do  us  no  harm.  They 
have  four  legs  and  their  bodies  are  adorned  with  divers 
delightsome  colours.  They  feed  on  flies,  and  for  that  reason 
were  serviceable  unto  us  in  killing  them  :  which  they  per- 
formed with  great  nimbleness  and  cunning.  For  they  lay 
down  where  they  supposed  the  fly  would  come,  putting  their 
heads  into  as  many  different  postures  as  the  fly  shifts  places  ; 
and  when  they  find  their  advantage,  they  start  so  directly 
on  their  prey  with  open  mouth,  that  they  seldom  miss  it. 
They  are  so  very  tame  that,  when  we  were  eating,  they 
would  come  on  our  meat  and  hands  to  catch  flies. 


After  we  had  spent  about  three  months  [May-August,  1687] 
in  this  desolate  and  disconsolate  island  ;  we  saw  a  ship,  at- 
tended by  a  small  sloop,  steering  towards  the  shore.  At  which, 
we  were  at  once  possessed  with  hopes  and  fears  :  with  hopes, 
that  it  was  some  £•  glish  vessel,  in  which  we  might  prob- 
ably get  a  passage  thence ;  and  with  fear,  lest  it  should  be  a 
Spaniard,  who  doubtless  would  make  us  prisoners,  if  they 
could  take  us,  supposing  that  we  were  privateers. 

The  four  privateers  that  remained  with  us  all  this  time, 
drew  near  the  sea-side,  where  the  ship  was  at  an  anchor,  and 
after  they  had  discovered  them  to  be  privateers,  made  signs 
to  them  to  send  their  boat  ashore  :  which  accordingly  they 
did. 

And  after  they  had  carried  them  on  board,  the  Captain  of 
the  man-of-war  sent  up  the  sloop  to  that  part  of  the  island 
where  I  and  my  companions  were :  and  when  they  came 
ashore  unto  us,  they  inquired,  **  Which  was  the  Doctor?  " 

My  companions  informed  them  it  was  I.  One  of  them 
therefore  addressed  himself  particularly  to  me,  desiring  me, 
in  the  name  and  on  the  behalf  of  their  Captain,  to  go  with 
them  on  board  the  man-of-war ;  where  I  should  be  kindly 


462  The  privateers  will  only  take  Pitman.  [  ^^j 


Pitman, 
une  1689. 


entertained,  and  have  liberty  to  come  [go]  ashore  when  I 
pleased. 

I  readily  embraced  this  kind  invitation;  but  could  not 
procure  liberty  for  any  of   ny  companions  to  go  with  me. 

When  we  came  to  the  man-of-war,  I  was  very  honourably 
handed  up  the  side,  the  trumpets  in  the  meantime  sounding; 
and  very  kindly  received  and  welcomed  aboard  by  the  Cap- 
tain and  Doctor  :  who  invited  me  aft  into  the  Great  Cabin, 
where  I  was  not  only  feasted  with  wine  and  choice  provi- 
sions; but  had  given  me  by  the  Doctor  a  pair  of  silk 
stockings,  a  pair  of  shoes,  and  a  great  deal  of  linen  cloth  to 
make  me  shirts,  &c. 

After  a  long  discourse  concerning  the  affairs  of  England, 
more  particularly  of  the  progress  and  defeat  of  the  Duke  of 
Monmouth,  which  they  seemed  to  deplore;  I  addressed 
myself  to  the  Captain  in  the  behalf  of  myself  and  com- 
panions, humbly  entreating  him  to  permit  us  to  go  with 
them  either  to  that  port  to  which  they  were  bound,  or 
otherwise  to  put  us  on  board  some  English  ship  that  they 
should  accidentally  meet  withal.  For  I  understood  by  their 
discourse,  that  they  had  taken  a  rich  prize ;  and  were  bound 
directly  for  a  port,  to  spend  their  money,  as  they  usually  do  : 
so  that  I  apprehended  no  danger  in  going  with  them. 

But  the  Captain  not  being  able  to  take  us  aboard  without 
the  consent  of  the  Company,  having  but  two  votes  and  as 
many  shares  in  the  ship  and  cargo ;  the  Company  were 
called  together,  and,  after  some  debates,  they  voted  that 
they  would  take  me  with  them,  but  none  of  my  companions. 
However  they  were  so  kind  that  they  sent  them  a  cask  of 
wine,  some  bread  and  cheese,  a  gammon  of  bacon,  some 
linen  cloth,  thread  and  needles  to  make  them  shirts,  &c. 
And  the  next  day,  they  permitted  them  to  come  on  board, 
and  entertained  them  very  courteously. 

In  about  two  days'  time,  we  set  sail ;  leaving  my  com- 
panions on  the  island,  not  a  little  grieved  at  my  departure. 
We  stood  away  to  the  northward,  with  a  design  to  go  to 
Ilia  Terra. 

From  which,  at  present  I  shall  digress  to  give  an  account 
of  what  became  of  those  privateers  that  left  us ;  who  were 
the  occasion  of  my  being  delivered  from  this  place. 


lo juri'iTsg.]  They  sail  for  the  Bahamas.  463 

The  next  day  [26th  May,  1687],  after  they  went  from  us,  they 
arrived  at  the  main  continent,  where  they  hauled  up  their 
piraguas,  and  stayed  there  about  a  fortnight,  waiting  to 
seize  some  Spanish  vessel  that  might  come  that  way,  which 
they  designed,  if  possible,  speedily  to  board  before  the 
Spaniards  could  get  themselves  in  a  posture  of  defence.  But 
not  meeting  here  with  any  prize,  they  went  to  the  wind- 
ward ;  where  they  took  a  canoe  ladened  with  pork :  and 
meeting  with  some  English  vessel  at  one  of  the  Windward 
Islands,  they  parted  company.  Some  went  for  Carolina. 
The  others  went  in  a  small  sloop  to  Blanco  :  where  they 
met  with  a  man-of-war,  a  Privateer,  that  had  taken  a 
Portuguese,  a  great  ship  called  the  Grand  Gustaphus,  laden 
with  wine  and  linen  cloth,  &c.  When  these  had  shared  her 
cargo,  they  parted  company :  the  French  with  their  shares 
went  it  for  Petty  Guavas,  in  the  Grand  Gtistaplms ;  and  the 
English  being  informed  by  those  other  privateers  of  our 
being  on  Saltatudos,  came  thither  with  their  man-of-war,  as 
is  before  expressed. 

In  about  five  or  six  days  after  we  left  Saltatudos,  we  made 
Porto  Rico.  Our  vessel  being  so  extremely  leaky,  some  of 
the  Company  were  for  putting  into  Mena.  But  the  rest  not 
consenting,  we  steered  betwixt  Porto  Rico  and  Hispaniola, 
and  so  to  the  eastward  of  the  Abroldas  or  "  Handkerchers  "  : 
where  there  were  divers  vessels  on  the  Wrack,  diving  for 
plate.  But  we  stopped  not  here,  but  continued  our  course 
to  the  northward  until  we  came  into  the  latitude  of  Ilia 
Terra,  and  then  steered  away  west  for  the  island. 

As  we  were  running  down,  we  saw  a  ketch,  to  which  we  gave 
chase,  and  in  a  few  hours  came  up  with  her;  who  told  us  that 
they  came  from  New  York,  and  were  bound  for  Providence. 

As  soon  as  the  privateers  understood  that  Providence  [one 
of  the  Bahamas]  was  inhabited  again  ;  they  altered  their  reso- 
lutions, and  designed  to  go  with  them  to  that  place  :  and 
accordingly  kept  them  company. 

The  night  following,  we  met  with  bad  weather,  and  were 
like  to  run  ashore  on  Ilia  Terra,  through  the  carelessness  of 
our  pilot ;  had  not  a  person  from  the  quarter-deck,  that  was 
more  watchful  than  the  rest,  espied  the  land  just  before  us. 

But  this  was  not  all.     For  after  we  had  tacked  about,  and 


464  The  preaching  Governor's  signal.  [lo^uSTesg; 

were  lying  by,  with  the  heads  of  both  vessels  off  ashore,  the 
men  on  board  the  ketch  were  so  drunk  with  the  wine  the 
privateers  had  given  them,  that  they  suffered  their  ketch  to 
drive  aboard  us,  and,  with  the  violence  of  the  blow  she  gave 
us,  broke  down  our  cat-head  :  and  had  we  not  by  a  particular 
Providence,  got  free  from  her :  we  had  both  unavoidably 
sunk  down  in  the  sea.  For  our  vessel  was  so  extremely 
leaky  before,  that  at  the  same  time  she  had  three  feet  of 
water  in  her  hold  ;  and  our  pumps  being  both  out  of  order, 
we  were  forced  to  convey  it  out  with  tubs. 

The  next  day,  we  steered  into  Providence,  and  came  to 
anchor  under  the  command  of  a  small  stochadoe  fort  [stockade], 
built  by  the  new  inhabitants  ;  who  had  not  been  there  above 
eight  months.  But  they  had  so  well  improved  their  time, 
that  they  had  built  a  town  by  the  seaside  ;  and  elected  a 
Governor  from  among  themselves  :  who,  with  the  consent  of 
twelve  more  of  the  chief  men  of  the  island,  made  and  enacted 
divers  laws  for  the  good  of  their  little  commonwealth  ;  being 
as  yet  under  the  protection  of  no  Prince. 

The  privateers  found  here  a  kind  reception  by  the  inhabi- 
tants. After  they  had  gotten  their  goods  ashore,  they  ran 
their  ship  aground,  and  burnt  her ;  giving  their  guns  to  the 
inhabitants  to  fortify  the  island :  designing  to  divide  them- 
selves into  small  numbers,  and  to  go  thence,  to  some  other 
place  where  they  might  sell  their  goods,  and  betake  them- 
selves to  an  honest  course  of  life. 

The  Governor  of  this  island  was  a  very  sober  man,  an 
Independent ;  and  usually  preached  to  the  inhabitants  every 
First  Day  of  the  week :  at  which  time,  he  caused  a  gun  to 
be  fired  for  a  signal,  to  give  notice  to  the  people,  when  he 
was  going  to  begin. 

Whilst  I  remained  here,  the  privateers  had  two  false 
alarms ;  supposing  the  Spaniards  were  come  again  to  dis- 
possess them  of  the  island.  For  this  being  formerly  a  harbour 
for  privateers,  and  a  nest  of  robbers  ;  the  Spaniards,  on  a 
time  when  most  of  the  men  were  on  the  Old  Wrack,  pillaged 
and  burnt  their  towns  ;  carried  away,  as  it  was  reported, 
;^3o,ooo  [=;^go,ooo  now]  in  plate  and  money;  and  took  some 
of  the  inhabitants  prisoners.  The  others  fled  to  Ilia  Terra, 
where  they  remained  till  this  island  was  resettled  by  those 
few  inhabitants  that  came  from  Jamaica  and  other  parts. 


io"junl'i689.]  Pitman  goes  to   New  York.     465 

The  island  itself  is  very  fruitful,  and  if  the  report  of  the 
inhabitants  be  true,  the  quickest  in  production  of  any  I  ever 
heard  or  read  of.  There  is  plenty  of  wild  hogs  in  the 
woods,  which  the  inhabitants  often  kill ;  and  good  store  of 
wild  grapes,  with  which  they  make  good  wine ;  and  divers 
sorts  of  fruits,  as  oranges,  lemons,  limes,  guavas :  also 
medicinal  herbs  as  tea  radix,  Contra  yerva,  Jesuit's  bark,  &c. 
Of  eatable  roots,  there  are  partatoes,  yams,  edders,  &c. 


The  ketch,  with  whom  we  came  in  company  to  this  island, 
sold  part  of  their  bread  and  flour  to  the  privateers,  for  linen 
cloth  ;  and  some  they  sold  to  the  inhabitants. 

In  about  a  fortnight's  time,  they  set  sail  for  Carolina,  and 
I  with  them.  As  we  were  sailing  down  among  the  Bohemia 
islands  [Bahamas],  towards  the  Gulf  of  Florida;  we  were  like 
to  be  cast  away  on  the  rocks  and  shoals  that  lay  in  our  way  : 
but,  through  mercy,  we  got  clear. 

When  we  came  on  the  coast  of  Carolina,  we  met  with 
blowing  weather ;  and  by  the  mistake  of  our  Captain  fell  in 
[with  the  coast]  to  the  Southward,  where  we  came  to  an 
anchor  :  but  the  wind  was  so  high,  that  in  weighing  of  it, 
our  cable  broke. 

The  next  day  we  came  to  an  anchor  again  just  before  the 
bar  of  Carolina  [  ?  Charleston]  :  for  our  Captain  was  afraid  to 
go  in  with  his  vessel,  for  fear  they  would  seize  him,  because 
he  had  been  dealing  with  the  privateers  :  and  for  that  reason, 
he  only  sent  in  his  boat,  to  get  some  fresh  provisions,  and  to 
put  on  shore  a  passenger  that  came  with  us. 

And  because  I  found  no  vessel  here,  bound  directly  for 
England,  I  resolved  to  go  with  them  to  New  York.  And 
here  also,  we  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  our  other  anchor  : 
insomuch  that  when  we  came  to  Sandy  Hook,  we  were  forced 
to  ride  our  vessel  by  two  of  her  guns,  which  we  had  slung 
for  that  purpose,  until  our  boat  had  got  us  a  small  anchor 
from  on  board  some  other  vessel.  The  next  day,  we  went  up 
to  New  York. 

Where,  as  I  was  walking  one  morning  on  the  bridge,  I 
accidentally  met  with  a  person  I  knew,  that  came  lately  from 
Barbadoes.     At  first  I  was  surprised ;  but  having  confidence 

2G  2 


466  Hopes  &c.  at  Barbadoes,  after  the  escape. [" 


Pitman, 
une  1689. 


that  he  would  not  discover  me,  I  went  to  him,  and  desired 
him  to  come  to  some  house,  where  we  might  privately  dis- 
course together. 

He  was  glad  to  see  me  safe  there  :  and  according  to  my 
desire,  he  went  with  me  to  a  house  hard  by :  where  I  gave 
him  an  account  of  my  adventures,  and  what  had  happened 
to  me  since  I  left  Barbadoes. 

He,  in  requital,  gave  me  an  account  of  the  different  resent- 
ments people  had  at  our  departure,  and  how  after  we  were 
gone,  our  Masters  had  hired  a  sloop  to  send  after  us ;  but 
thinking  it  in  vain,  they  did  not  pursue  us.  However,  they 
sent  our  names  and  the  description  of  our  persons  to  the 
Leeward  Islands,  that  so,  if  any  of  us  came  thither,  we  might 
be  taken  prisoners  and  sent  up  again. 

At  one  time,  it  was  reported  that  we  had  gotten  aboard  a 
Dutch  vessel,  and  were  bound  for  Holland  :  at  another  time, 
that  we  were  taken  prisoners  at  St.  Christophers,  and  to  be 
sent  back  in  chains  ;  which  made  our  Masters  rejoice,  and 
insultingly  to  boast  of  the  severe  punishments  they  would 
inflict  upon  us.  They  were  resolved,  as  they  said,  that  I 
should  be  hanged  !  for  an  example  to  others ;  because  I  was 
the  chief  contriver  and  manager  of  our  escape.  But  these 
hopes  and  insultings  of  theirs  were  soon  over :  for  when,  at 
length,  they  could  hear  no  true  account  of  us,  they  concluded 
that  we  had  perished  in  the  sea. 

I  had  not  been  long  at  New  York,  before  I  got  passage  in 
a  vessel  bound  for  Amsterdam  ;  and  in  order  thereunto  took 
out  a  Ticket  from  the  Secretary's  Office  by  another  name. 

In  about  five  weeks'  time,  we  arrived  at  Cowes,  on  the  Isle 
of  Wight ;  where  this  vessel  stopped  to  clear. 

As  soon  as  I  had  got  my  chest,  &c.,  ashore,  I  embarked 
for  Southampton  ;  where  I  left  my  chest  at  a  friend's  house. 

I  returned  in  a  disguise  to  my  relations :  who,  before  this 
time,  unknown  to  me,  had  procured  my  Pardon  ;  and  joyfully 
received  me,  as  one  risen  from  the  dead.  For  having 
received  no  account  from  me,  since  I  left  Barbadoes;  they 
did  almost  despair  of  ever  seeing  me  any  more. 


,Jun^e'i689:]     PRAISING,    THANKING,    DEDICATING.        467 


Oiv  tmto  the  Eternal  and  True  GOD,  the 
sanded  Foimtaiji  of  all  mercies^  that  has  been 
zuith  me  in  all  daiigers  and  times  of  trials 
Who  miraculously  preserved  me  on  the  deep 
waters,  and  according  to  the  multitude  of  His  mercies 
delivered  me  zvhen  appointed  to  die :  unto  Him,  do  /, 
with  sincere  gratitude,  dedicate  the  remainder  of  my 
days  I  humbly  imploring  that  the  Angel  of  His  Presence 
may  always  attend  me  I  and  the  remembrance  of  His 
repeated  favours  more  and  more  engage  my  heart  to 
serve  Him  I  that  in  testimony  of  my  abundant  thank- 
fulness, I  may  return  to  Him,,  a  perpetual  sacrifice  of 
praise  and  thanksgivings  henceforth  and  for  ever  I 

From  my  lodging,  at  the  sign  of  the  Ship,  in  Paul's 
Churchyard,  London.     June  the  loth,  i68g. 

Henry    Pitman. 


468 


An    Accou7it    of    the     adventures    of    my 

Companions^   since   I  left  them 

on   Saltatudos. 

Communicated  to  me,  by  J  o  h  n    Whicker, 
since  his  arrival  in  England. 

Dear 


Doctor, 

N    ANSWER  to  your  request,  I  have  given  you 
the  following  account. 

About  a  fortnight  after  you  left  us  on  Salta- 
tudos [in  August,  1687J,  two  of  our  companions, 
John  Nuthall  and  Thomas  Waker  [the  two 
that  had  not  been  out  ivith  Monmouth],  having 
made  sails  of  the  cloth  the  privateers  left  us, 
and  fitted  the  Spanish  boat  for  the  sea,  went 
from  us,  designing  for  Curagoa.  But  the  boat  was  so  large 
and  unruly,  and  they,  so  unskilful  in  navigation  ;  that  I  fear 
they  either  perished  in  the  sea,  or  were  driven  ashore  on 
the  Main  among  the  cruel  Spaniards :  for  we  never  heard 
of  them  since. 

The  next  da}'  after  they  departed  from  us,  there  arrived 
here  a  small  Privateer  boat,  of  about  4  tons  ;  in  which  were 
eight  Englishmen  and  one  Negro,  that  formerly  belonged  to 
the  ship  in  which  you  embarked,  but  had  left  her,  and  went 
ashore  upon  an  island  called  Fernando  [Po],  which  lies  to 
the  southward,  on  the  coast  of  Brazil. 

Their  reason  for  leaving   their  ship  was   this.      Having 


^'  T'^'Sj    '^^^^  ^'^^'^  ^^^^  WOULD  NOT  TURN  PIRATES.     469 

been  out  of  Carolina,  about  a  year  and  a  half,  and  had  made 
nothing  considerable  of  a  voyage,  they  had  resolved  for  the 
South  Seas,  but  coming  to  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  they  met 
with  very  bad  weather,  which  forced  them  to  put  back  again  ; 
and  then  the}-  resolved  to  turn  pirates. 

But  these  eight  men  being  averse  to  the  rest  of  their  com- 
panions' design,  went  ashore  upon  the  island  aforesaid, 
carrying  with  them  what  they  had  on  board,  and  intending 
to  go  from  thence  in  a  small  boat,  which  was  given  them  by 
the  ship's  crew,  with  some  rigging  and  other  necessaries  ; 
which  they  designed  to  build  upon  and  raise  higher  in  case 
of  bad  weather,  having  in  their  company  two  carpenters  and 
a  joiner. 

Taking  their  leave  of  each  other,  the  ship  put  to  sea.  Next 
morning,  she  saw  a  sail  at  a  considerable  distance ;  but 
making  the  best  of  their  way,  they  soon  came  up  with  her; 
find  finding  her  to  be  a  Portuguese,  they  laid  her  aboard,  and 
took  her  with  very  little  resistance  ;  though  she  was  a  bigger 
ship,  and  had  more  men  than  the  Privateer. 

Having  made  her  a  prize,  they  brought  her  away  to  the 
same  island  [?  Fernando  Po],  on  which  were  their  com- 
panions ;  and  turned  the  prisoners  ashore  among  them, 
giving  them  a  boat  and  oars.  But  this  caused  no  small 
trouble  among  the  English  who  were  then  inhabiters  with 
them.  Being  well  armed,  they  kept  them  at  a  distance  from 
their  apartment  all  that  day :  but  the  next  night,  the  Portu- 
guese ran  away,  carrying  with  them  their  own  boat  and  the 
Englishmen's  too. 

Then  were  they  in  a  bad  condition,  not  having  a  ship  nor 
boat  with  which  they  could  convey  themselves  from  that 
desolate  island. 

Then  were  they  constrained  to  cut  and  fell  a  sort  of  trees 
called  mangroves  ;  and  in  the  best  manner  they  could, 
sawed  out  boats,  planks,  and  other  timbers  fit  for  their  use  ; 
and  began  to  build  a  new  boat  from  the  keel. 

In  six  weeks,  or  thereabouts,  they  finished  her,  being  in 
burden  as  they  judged  4  tons.  No  one  was  idle,  but  em- 
ployed himself;  some  about  their  new  vessel,  while  others, 
by  turns,  travelled  the  island  to  shoot  for  provision  :  which 
was  a  sort  of  birds,  called  Boobies,  something  resembling  our 
English  seagulls  or  pies,  but  bigger. 


4;o   Three  ruffians  try  to  master  the  rest.  ["^-  J^'^^H] 

This  island  affords  a  sort  of  very  large  and  pleasant  figs ; 
which  they  also  fed  on  sometimes.  There  are  a  great  many 
wild  dogs,  very  large  and  fat,  which  eat  very  little  or  nothing 
but  figs.  Likewise,  in  the  day-time,  there  came  ashore  sea 
lions  [?  walruses],  which  will  sit  by  the  water-side,  and  make 
hideous  roaring.  They  are  hairy  about  their  head  and  neck, 
much  like  our  land  lions;  their  paws  are  very  large,  with  a 
skin  like  the  foot  of  a  «wan,  which  serves  them  to  swim 
wdthal.  They  are  very  fearful  and  timorous,  not  suffering  a 
man  to  come  nigh  them  but  presently  they  make  to  the  sea. 
They  live  under  water  as  well  as  above. 

Having  launched  and  rigged  their  boat,  they  put  on  board 
their  provisions  ;  which  was  only  a  small  cask  of  pease  that 
was  given  them  by  the  ship,  which  they  kept  by  them  for 
their  sea  store. 

Having  water  and  all  things  aboard,  they  took  their  depar- 
ture from  Fernando  aforesaid,  committing  themselves  to  the 
protection  of  Almighty  GOD  and  the  mercies  of  the  seas,  and 
directing  their  course  for  Tobago.  But  missing  it,  the  pilot 
ordered  to  bear  up  the  helm  for  Saltatudos :  at  which  place 
they  arrived,  but  almost  famished ;  for  they  had  had  neither 
peas  nor  water  for  the  space  of  five  or  six  days  before. 

Having  lain  some  days  at  the  east  end  of  the  island  un- 
known to  us,  and  being  in  great  want  of  provisions,  they 
resolved  to  travel  over  the  island  to  see  if  they  could  find  out 
any  food.  By  chance,  they  found  some  salt  turtle,  which  we 
had  laid  upon  a  tree,  and  covered  it  over  with  a  calapatch  to 
secure  it  from  the  weather. 

Three  of  these  men  being  very  unprincipled  and  loose  kind 
of  fellows,  waiting  their  opportunity  when  three  of  their 
companions  were  abroad,  went  aboard  and  fetched  their 
arms :  then  came  to  the  hut,  where  the  other  two  were,  and 
presented  a  pistol  to  each  of  their  breasts,  and  swore  "  If 
they  would  not  carry  everything  aboard,  they  were  dead 
men  !  " 

The  two  men  being  surprised,  and  not  able  to  make  any 
resistance  (the  three  having  all  the  arms  in  their  custody) 
were  forced  to  comply,  and  carry  all  aboard. 

Which  done,  they  charged  them  that  "if  they  did  not 
acquaint  them  when  the  others  came  home,  they  would  make 
them  examples  !  " 


'■  T^'i689.]  '^^^  PRISONER  RUNS  TOWhICKEr's  COMPANY.  47  I 

They  promised  very  fair. 

Having  done  this,  they  went  aboard,  waiting  for  their 
coming  home. 

In  the  evening,  the  other  three  men  came  to  their  hut,  not 
mistrusting  what  had  happened  ;  but  finding  the  hut  rifled 
and  everything  gone,  inquired  the  meaning  of  it.  Which 
having  understood,  they  bethought  what  to  do. 

To  tarry,  they  were  afraid:  to  go,  they  could  not  tell  where. 
For  they  had  travelled  all  day,  and  could  not  find  a  drop  of 
fresh  water  ;  neither  was  there  any  at  the  hut,  for  the  others 
had  carried  all  aboard. 

Being  very  faint,  one  was  resolved  to  hail  the  boat,  and 
beg  a  little.  The  others  kept  close  [hid]  to  see  how  he  would 
fare. 

Who  having  hailed  them,  they  made  answer  "  He  should 
have  some."  So  coming  ashore,  they  laid  hold  on  him,  and 
tied  his  hands  behind  him ;  and  left  him  in  custody  with  one 
of  them,  while  they  went  to  look  for  the  rest.  The  reason 
why  they  endeavoured  to  take  them,  was  because  they  had 
hid  their  money  in  the  sand,  and  did  not  keep  it  in  their  chests. 

But  in  the  meantime,  while  they  were  looking  for  the 
others,  the  prisoner,  by  means  of  a  knife  he  had  in  his  pocket, 
cut  loose  the  line  with  which  his  hands  were  tied,  and  made 
his  escape. 

Being  thus  exiled  from  his  companions,  he  bethought  him- 
self of  ranging  the  island  to  look  for  men  :  for  the  turtle  which 
they  had  found  came  afresh  in  his  memory.  All  this  time 
ae  had  no  victuals,  nor  a  drop  of  water ;  being  excessively 
hot. 

At  length,  having  travelled  about  the  island  till  almost 
ready  to  faint;  he  came  near  our  huts  ;  and  seeing  us  dressing 
of  turtle  with  nothing  on  but  a  pair  of  drawers ;  the  man 
made  a  stand,  thinking  we  had  been  Indians,  for  we  were 
tanned  with  the  sun  almost  as  yellow  as  them. 

At  length,  he  advanced,  and  inquired  if  we  were  English- 
men ? 

We  told  him,  "  We  were." 

Then  he  begged  for  a  little  water,  which  we  gave  him,  and 
some  of  our  turtle. 

And  after  some  conference,  he  told  us  of  his  condition,  and 
desired  us  to  help  him  to  regain  what  was  so  ungratefully 


472     The  ruffians  are  left  on  Tortuga.   p^'^'iesg! 

taken  from  him  and  his  fellow  sufferers,  by  their  own  country- 
men and  boat's  crew.     Which  we  readily  agreed  to. 

And  when  we  had  fixed  our  arms,  we  travelled  all  night  till 
we  came  where  the  boat  lay ;  which  was  about  six  or  seven 
miles  from  that  place. 

When  we  came  near  the  place,  we  hid  ourselves  in  the 
bushes  by  the  sea-side,  waiting  their  coming  ashore  next 
morning,  which  they  usually  did,  as  we  were  informed. 

Morning  being  come ;  two  of  them  came  ashore,  and  the 
Negro  slave  bearing  a  vessel  to  fetch  water :  they  with  their 
arms,  and  leaving  one  aboard,  with  twelve  pieces  by  him 
ready  loaded. 

When  they  were  come  ashore,  we  appeared,  with  our  arms 
ready  cocked,  enclosed  them  and  took  them  prisoners. 

Then  we  brought  them  to  the  water- side,  and  shewed  the 
other  aboard  what  we  had  done,  commanding  him  not  to  fire, 
but  to  jump  overboard,  and  swim  ashore  to  us :  which  he 
immediately  did. 

So  taking  them  all  three  prisoners,  we  put  them  ashore, 
leaving  them  some  of  our  provisions. 

[?  Did  Defoe  get  his  idea  of  Will.  A  tkins  Qr^cfroni  fhis.l 

The  rest  we  put  aboard,  in  order  to  prosecute  our  voyage 
for  New  England.  So  victualling  and  watering  our  small 
frigate  in  the  best  manner  we  could,  we  left  them  upon  the 
island ;  and  the  24th  of  August  [1687]  we  took  our  departure 
from  Saltatudos. 

In  about  six  days'  time,  we  made  the  island  of  Porto  Rico  ; 
but  our  pilot  not  being  very  well  acquainted  with  that  country, 
supposed  it  to  be  the  high  land  of  Santo  Domingo  upon 
Hispaniola;  and  therefore  ordered  to  bear  up  the  helm  and 
stand  away  to  the  westward  before  the  wind. 

The  next  day,  we  could  see  no  land ;  which  caused  no 
small  trouble  amongst  us,  being  dubious  where  we  were. 

Towards  the  evening,  we  made  the  east  end  of  Hispaniola. 
Then  our  pilot  saw  his  error,  and  that  we  had  lost  our  passage 
between  the  islands  Hispaniola  and  Porto  Rico. 

We  were  sailing  down  the  south  side  of  Hispaniola  about 
nine  days,  having  sometimes  very  little  wind,  and  at  other 
times  tornadoes  that  we  could  carry  no  sail.  Our  water  was 
all  spent. 


T^'iess'.]  WhICKEr's  COMPANY  ENSLAVED  BySpANIARDS.  473 

Running  along  close  aboard  the  shore,  we  espied  three 
men  running  with  all  the  haste  that  possibly  they  could,  till 
they  came  to  a  canoe  which  lay  at  the  mouth  of  a  creek ; 
which  immediately  they  rowed  up  into  the  country  among 
the  woods.  We  imagined  they  were  afraid  of  us,  supposing 
us  to  be  Spaniards. 

Then  we  came  to  an  anchor,  and  I  myself  with  one  more, 
a  carpenter,  swam  ashore  :  but  with  a  great  deal  of  difficulty, 
for  the  rocks  lying  so  far  off  the  shore,  had  like  to  have 
dashed  out  our  brains. 

Coming  ashore,  we  swam  up  the  creek;  but  the  tide  being 
so  strong  against  us,  we  were  forced  to  return  back  again, 
neither  finding  the  men  nor  hope  of  getting  fresh  water. 
Therefore  we  swam  aboard  again. 

Weighing  our  anchor,  we  steered  within  the  isle  of  Ash, 
which  lies  almost  to  the  west  end  of  Hispaniola.  Our  pilot 
looking  over  his  Waggoner,  found  that  within  this  island 
was  a  fresh-water  creek,  into  which  we  designed  to  run  ; 
but  through  mistake  ran  about  two  leagues  up  into  a 
wrong  creek  where  we  could  find  no  fresh  water :  so  that 
with  drinking  salt  water,  our  mouths  were  almost  grown 
together  and  hardly  able  to  speak.  But  GOD  Almighty  was 
pleased  to  send  us  a  very  great  shower  of  rain,  which  lasted 
so  long  that,  by  means  of  a  sheet  held  up  by  the  four  corners, 
with  a  weight  in  it,  we  caught  about  two  gallons  of  water. 

So  lowering  our  sails  we  hauled  up  the  creek  into  the 
woods,  and  went  ashore,  and  concluded  to  dig  a  well.  When 
we  had  digged  about  four  or  six  feet  deep,  we  found  fresh 
water  to  our  great  comfort  and  satisfaction. 

Lying  ashore  all  night  to  take  up  the  water  as  it  sprang, 
we  were  almost  stung  to  death  with  a  sort  of  flies,  called 
Musquitoes  and  Merrywings,  which  drew  blisters  and  bladders 
in  our  skin,  that  we  looked  as  if  we  had  the  smallpox  ;  which 
were  very  tedious  for  our  bodies  too. 

By  next  morning,  we  had  got  about  forty  gallons  of  water 
aboard  ;  with  which  we  put  to  sea  again. 

But  we  had  not  been  at  sea  above  three  hours,  before  we 
saw  a  sail  within  the  west  end  of  the  isle  of  Ash  before 
mentioned.  We  bore  up  our  helm,  and  stood  away  for  her. 
In  a  short  time,  we  saw  her  come  to  an  anchor. 


474  The  death  of  J.  Atkins,  of  Taunton,  p  Y^'f^tl 

Supposing  her  to  be  a  Jamaica  sloop,  for  she  had  our  King's 
Jack  [arms]  and  ancient  'colours] ;  we  hailed  them. 

Whose  answer  was  "  From  Jamaica." 

So  coming  to  anchor  by  their  side,  they  laid  us  aboard 
with  two  canoes,  full  of  Spaniards,  all  armed  as  pirates,  and 
carried  us  aboard  their  sloop,  stripped  us  naked,  and  put  us 
down  in  their  hold  :  having  nothing  to  lay  our  naked  bodies 
upon  but  their  ballast  stones,  or  atop  of  their  water  cask. 

The  provisions  the}^  allowed  us  were  coarse  and  short : 
about  half  a  pint  of  Indian  corn  a  day  for  a  man,  for  nine 
days  together. 

The  place  where  they  carried  us  is  called  St.  Jago,  a 
Spanish  town  upon  Cuba. 

We  remained  in  this  condition  above  six  months.  When 
they  went  to  sea,  we  were  carried  as  their  slaves  ;  to  pump 
ship,  wash  their  clothes,  and  beat  corn  in  great  wooden 
mortars ;  with  Negroes,  with  naked  swords,  always  standing 
by  as  overseers  :  so  that  our  hands  have  been  bladdered,  and 
so  sore  that  we  could  hardly  hold  anything.  When  at  home, 
our  business  was  to  row  the  canoe  up  two  leagues  into  the 
country ;  full  of  jars,  to  fetch  water,  which  we  were  forced 
to  carry  upon  our  naked  backs  a  great  way,  to  fill  them  ; 
sometimes,  into  the  woods  to  cut  wood,  barefooted  and  bare- 
legged, with  neither  a  shirt  to  our  back,  nor  a  hat  to  our 
head,  but  only  a  rag  sufficient  to  cover  our  nakedness.  Our 
provisions,  as  I  told  you  before,  were  Indian  corn  boiled  in 
water  ;  but  a  larger  share  than  the  first. 

About  the  latter  end  of  October  [1687],  we  were  divided: 
myself  with  three  more  were  put  on  board  a  small  bark,  the 
rest  of  my  companions  remained  aboard  the  sloop ;  both 
vessels  being  bound  down  to  leeward  of  Cape  [de]  Cruz  ; 
having  information  of  a  Dutch  trader  that  lay  there,  before 
a  small  town,  called  Byan. 

In  which  voyage,  we  were  all  taken  very  sick  in  the  ague, 
as  well  Spaniards  as  English  ;  which  reduced  us  to  a  deplor- 
able condition,  having  nothing  to  yield  us  any  comfort. 

In  this  distemper,  died  one  of  our  companions,  Jeremiah 
Atkins,  of  Taunton.  During  his  sickness,  they  were  very 
cruel  to  him  ;  not  suffering  us  to  carry  him  down  into  the 
hold,  but  made  him  lie  day  and  night  upon  the  deck.  All 
we  could  do  for  him,  was  to  cover  him  with  the  bark  of  a 


■'■  T'^'iSG    ■'"^^  Spaniards  attack  two  ships.    475 

cabbage  tree,  to  keep  the  sun  fro;  a  him  by  day,  and  the  dew 
by  night.  In  thivS  languishing  condition,  he  lay  about  a 
week  ;  and  then  died.  When  dead,  they  threw  him  over- 
board, letting  him  float  astern  ;  without  using  any  means  to 
sink  him,  as  is  usual. 

Returning  back  again  for  St.  Jago,  without  their  expected 
prize  ;  myself  and  one  more  of  our  companions  were  taken 
again  from  on  board  the  bark,  and  put  aboard  the  sloop ;  and 
two  others  of  our  English  were  put  aboard  the  bark,  which 
took  its  departure  from  us  at  Cape  [de]  Cruz  aforesaid,  bound 
for  Cartagena,  a  Spanish  town  upon  the  main  continent. 

In  five  days,  we  arrived  at  our  port  of  St  Jago,  where  we 
lay  about  a  month. 

Having  careened  our  sloop,  we  put  to  sea  again,  bound 
for  the  north  side  of  Hispaniola,  to  take  Frenchmen. 

Turning  up  to  windward  of  Cuba,  we  met  with  a  Jamaica 
sloop  bound  for  the  Wrack.  The  Spaniard  commanded  him 
to  hoist  out  his  canoe,  and  come  aboard  :  which  he  refusing, 
went  his  way. 

Having  weathered  Cape  Myceze  [Maysi],  which  is  the  east- 
ward point  of  Cuba,  we  stood  along  shore,  bound  for  a  small 
town,  called  Barracco  [Baracoa],  wherein  two  days  we  arrived. 

We  lay  there  till  the  latter  end  of  October,  [1687],  at 
which  place  our  sloop  drave  ashore,  and  struck  off  about 
fourteen  ieet  of  her  false  keel  :  but  after  a  great  deal  of 
trouble,  we  got  her  off  again.  At  this  place,  they  got  two 
hogs ;  and  a  quantity  of  plantains,  a  sort  of  food  that  grow 
upon  trees,  and  are  made  use  of  instead  of  bread,  among  the 
inhabitants  in  the  West  Indies. 

We  then  proceeded  in  our  voyage  for  Hispaniola,  and  fell 
in  with  a  place  called  the  Mould.  Off  which  place,  we  saw 
two  sail  :  an  English  vessel  that  came  from  Jamaica,  bound 
for  New  York ;  and  a  French  sloop  bound  for  Petty  Guavas, 
a  French  town  to  leeward,  on  the  north  side  of  the  said 
Hispaniola. 

Having  a  fresh  gale,  we  came  up  with  the  Englishman, 
brought  him  by  the  lee,  commanded  the  Captain  with  four 
of  his  men  aboard,  and  put  twelve  Spaniards  aboard  his 
ship. 

Then  chasing  the  Frenchman,  we  came  up  with  him, 
about  an  hour  after  night.     The   Frenchman  stood  it  out 


476      How  Whicker's  company  were  freed,    p- 


Whicker. 


and  fought  us,  making  a  stout  resistance ;  although  they 
had  not  above  seven  or  eight  men,  and  of  the  Spaniards, 
there  were  thirty-five  men,  eight  guns,  six  patteroes,  and 
every  man  his  small  arms.  The  French  making  such  a  bold 
resistance  kept  them  off  till  such  time  as  they  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  run  their  sloop  aground  in  the  Mould,  in  the  dark  ; 
by  which  means  they  saved  their  lives  :  otherwise  they  had 
been  all  dead  men,  as  the  Spaniards  swore  if  they  took  them. 

In  the  next  morning,  we  ran  into  the  Mould,  and  brought 
out  their  sloop  ;  and  put  about  ten  men  aboard  :  bringing 
both  prizes  away  for  St.  Jago. 

From  the  English  Captain,  they  took  ;£'900  in  money,  and 
plundered  him  of  all  he  had,  save  a  suit  of  clothes  that  he 
wore:  and  but  waited  the  Governor's  [of  St.  Jago]  motion,  to 
make  a  prize  of  the  ship.  Which  would  have  been  done, 
had  not  the  Spanish  Governor  received  advice  of  the  Duke 
of  Albemarle's  arrival  at  Jamaica. 


Upon  which  news,  the  Governor  paid  the  English  Captain 
-;^6oo  of  his  money  back  again,  and  sent  him  away  to 
Jamaica;  and  all  the  English  prisoners,  that  would  go  with 
him,  were  freed  by  his  consent. 

By  this  time,  arrived  the  bark  in  which  were  the  other 
three  of  our  companions ;  who  were  very  glad  to  hear  of  our 
and  their  redemption. 

We  embarked  once  again  free  men  together,  by  GOD's 
grace,  bound  for  Jamaica  :  where  we  safely  arrived  about  the 
latter  end  of  March  [1688]. 

So  separating  ourselves,  we  endeavoured  in  the  best 
manner  we  could,  to  get  passage  for  England,  our  native 
country,  desiring  GOD  Almighty  to  deliver  us,  and  all  our 
dear  countrymen  Protestants,  from  the  barbarous  cruelty  of 
the  Spaniards  and  Papists. 

FINIS. 


A  true  and  exact  Account 
of 

The   Retaking  of    a    Ship,   called 

The  Friends'  Adventure^  oi  Topsham, 
from  the 

FRENCH; 

After  she  had  been  taken  six  days,  and  they 
were  upon  the  coasts  of  France  with  it  four  days. 

Where 

One  Englishman  a?2d  a  hoy  set  upon  Seven 

French jneUy  killed  two  of  them^  took  the  other 

Five  prisoners,  and  brought  the  ship 

and  them  safe  to  England. 

Their  Majesties'  Customs  of  the  said  ship  amounted  to  £i,ooo  and  upwards. 

Performed  and  written  by 

ROBERT  LYDE,  Mate  of  the  same  ship. 

L  0  N  D  O  N, 
Printed  for  R.  Baldwin,  near  the  Oxford  Jrms,  in  Warwick  lane. 

1693. 


479 


Courteous    Reader^ 

Here  present  you  with  a  token  of  GOU s 
almighty  goodness  in  relieving  me,  by  His 
special  Providence,  from  the  barbarity,  in- 
humanity, and  most  cruel  slavery  of  the  Most 
Christian  Turk  of  France :  zvhose  delight  it  is,  to  make 
his  own  subjects,  slaves ;  and  his  chief  study  to  put 
prisoners  of  war  to  the  most  tedious  and  cruel  lingering 
deaths  of  hmger  and  cold,  as  I  have  experivtentally,  to 
my  own  da7nage,  both  felt  and  seen,  by  a  four  months 
confinement  in  his  country.  Whereas,  by  their  cruel 
usage,  I  was  reduced  to  the  last  gasp  of  life :  but, 
throiigh  the  merciful  goodness  of  GOD,  I  did  recover ; 
notwithstanding  that  of  600  prisoners,  upwards  of  400 
zve7^e  starved  to  death,  as  by  the  sequel  m,ore  jully  will 
appear. 

What  I  have  written  is  really  matter  of  fact :  and  it 
had  never  appeared  in  print,  were  it  not  to  vindicate 
myself,  and  to  free  myself  from  the  many  calumnies 
and  aspersions  of  unreasonable  men :  who  have  not  so 
much  civility  as  to  com,m,end  the  action  ;  but,  on  the  con- 


480       Address  to  the  courteous  Reader.      [^t^^'etl 


trary,  tell  the  World,  that  I  attacked  the  Frenchmen  in 
cold  blood,  and  murdered  the  two  men  I  fairly  killed ; 
and  that  the  spirits  of  them  have  hatcnted  me  ever  since ^ 
and  will  till  I  am  hanged. 

Others  say,  that  I  retook  the  ship  withojd  a  Com- 
mission, and  I  might  have  as  zvell  taken  any  other  ship, 
and  so  been  hanged  for  a  pirate. 

And  others,  more  2inreasonably,  say,  that  the  boy 
solicited  me,  for  many  days  together,  to  stand  by  him  in 
the  attempt,  before  I  conse^ited  to  it. 

And  others  say,  that  I  had  the  help  of  the  Devil  to 
briiig  home  the  ship. 

And  therefore  to  convince  these,  and  to  satisfy  others  ; 
I  have  here  represented  you  zvith  an  exact  Relation  of  the 
whole  matter  of  fact.,  with  an  account  of  my  bringing 
the  ship  and  prisoners  home  together,  also  zvith  the  in- 
gratitude and  unkindness  of  the  owners  of  the  ship  and 
cargo  to  7ne. 

It  is  not  so  methodical  as  I  could  wish  it  was;  but 
I  hope  yotcr  candour  will  excuse  it :  for  it  was  not 
ambition,  but  respect  to  my  native  country^  together  with 
the  reasons  before  hinted,  that  prompted  me  to  make  it 
public. 

I  shall  detain  you  no  lottger :  but  wishing  prosperity 
to   Their  Majesties,  and  the  settlement  a7id  happitiess  of 
these  nations,  I  subscribe  my  self ^ 
Courteous  Reader, 

Your  cordial  and  real  friend^ 

ROBERT   L  Y  D  E  . 


A    true   and  exact    Account    of  the   retaking  of  the 

Friends'  Adventure,  of  Topsham,  from  the  French  ; 

after  she  had  been  taken  six  days,  and  upon 

the  coast  of  France  four  days : 

by  one  Englishman 

and  a  boy. 


T  IS  natural  for  all  men  living  to  have  a  certain 
kind  of  a  natural  affection  for  the  country 
from  whence  they  first  have  their  being  :  and 
every  man  ought  as  much  to  vindicate  his 
native  country  as  he  would  his  own  posterity ! 
for  the  fall  or  ruin  of  the  one  is  the  Prodromus 
of  the  other ;  besides  the  duty  and  allegiance 
which   we  owe,  by  GOD's  command,  to  our 


most    gracious  Sovereigns,  the    King  [William  III.]    and 
Queen  [Mary]. 

And  how  much  we  ought,  at  this  time  particularly,  to  fight 
in  vindication  of  all,  I  presume  none  can  be  ignorant  of.  For 
if  the  enemy  fall  upon  and  assault  us,  with  all  the  strength 
they  have,  we  ought  in  like  manner  to  resist  as  powerfully : 
and  if  unhappily  they  prove  victors  at  any  time,  this  book 
will  inform  you  how  cruelly  they  use  their  prisoners  of  war, 
contrary  to  the  ancient  custom  of  nations.  The  very  report 
of  which,  before  I  experimentally  knew  their  tyranny,  did  so 
exasperate  me  against  them,  that  if  I  could  possibly  have 
had  any  assistance,  next  to  Providence,  to  have  stood  by  me, 
I  would  never  have  gone  into  France,  a  captive  at  all  !  for  I 
had  resolved  to  myself  rather  to  die  upon  the  deck  fighting, 
than  ever  to  be  subject  to  those  that,  Nero  like,  rejoice  over 

2H  2 


482  Lyde,  a  prisoner  in  France,  in  Oct.  1689.  [^•^.'ggj. 

them  that  lie  languishing  under  their  torments.  And  so  I 
will  first  give  you  an  account  of  my  being  taken  the  first 
time. 


In  the  month  of  February,  1689,  I  [Robert  Lyde,  a  native 
of  Topsham,  "  a  lusty  young  man,  aged  about  twenty -three,'"  see 
p.  453]  shipped  myself  on  board  a  Pink  [a  fishing  boat]  in 
Topsham,  of  80  tons  burden,  Mr.  Isaac  Stoneham,  Master, 
bound  for  Virginia,  and  from  thence  to  Topsham  again  :  and 
on  the  i8th  of  May  following,  we  arrived  there. 

After  we  had  taken  in  our  lading,  we  set  sail  homeward 
bound,  with  100  Sail  of  merchantmen,  under  the  convoy  of 
two  Men-of-war. 

About  a  fortnight  after,  the  winds  separated  us  from  our 
convoy  :  so  that  our  ship  with  several  others,  made  the  best 
of  our  way  for  England  ;  but,  soon  after,  left  each  other's 
company. 

The  19th  of  October  following,  we  came  up  with  two 
Plymouth  vessels  that  were  of  our  said  fleet  :  being  then 
about  40  leagues  to  the  westward  of  Scilly,  having  the  wind 
easterly. 

On  the  2ist  of  the  same  month,  we  saw  four  other  ships 
to  leeward  of  us  ;  which  we  took  to  be  some  of  our  said  fleet. 
But  one  of  them  proved  to  be  a  French  Privateer ;  which 
came  up  under  our  lee  quarter,  and  went  ahead  of  us,  and  took 
a  Virginia-man  of  our  former  fleet,  belonging  to  London : 
which  gave  us  three  an  opportunity  to  make  our  escape  from 
the  said  Privateer.  But  the  two  Plymouth  men  being  in 
great  want  of  provisions,  and  an  easterly  wind  being  likely  to 
continue;  they  bore  away  for  Galicia  in  Spain.  But  our 
ship  kept  on  her  way  for  England. 

The  Mate  of  our  ship  and  I  made  an  agreement,  in  case 
we  should  be  taken  by  the  French,  and  left  on  board  our  own 
ship  ;  although  they  should  put  ten  men  on  board  with  us, 
to  carry  the  ship  and  us  to  France  :  yet,  if  we  lost  sight  of 
the  Privateer,  to  stand  by  each  other  and  attack  them  ;  and 
if  it  did  please  GOD  that  we  should  overcome  them,  to  carry 
home  the  ship. 

On  the  24th  of  this  month  [October,  1689],  we  were,  as  I 
feared,    taken    by    a    Privateer  of  St.  Malo,  of   22    guns,   8 


^■^^ell^  Miseries  of  English  prisoners  in  France.  483 

patteroes  [carronades],  and  100  and  odd  men.  But  the  Mate's 
design  and  mine  was  spoiled  :  for  we  were  put  on  board  the 
Privateer  with  three  more  of  our  men ;  and  the  Master  with 
four  men  and  a  boy  left  on  board,  with  eight  Frenchmen,  to 
navigate  the  prize  to  St.  Malo. 

On  the  26th,  we  had  as  much  wind  as  could  well  blow  at 
south-south-west,  so  that  the  Privateer  could  not  take  care 
of  the  prize,  and  so  left  her :  and  in  some  time  after,  she 
arrived  at  Havre  de  Grace. 

Then  I  made  it  my  endeavour  to  persuade  our  Mate  and 
the  [three]  other  prisoners,  to  attack  the  Frenchmen  [about  a 
hundred]  on  board  the  Privateer;  being  very  positive,  with 
the  assistance  of  GOD  and  theirs,  to  overcome  them,  and 
carry  home  the  ship  (with  less  trouble  to  my  share  than  I 
found  in  this  which  is  done).  But  they  concluded  it  im- 
possible ;  and  so  we  continued  attempting  no  resistance  at 
all. 

On  the  28th  of  October  [1689],  we  arrived  at  St  Malo ;  and 
were  carried  on  shore  and  imprisoned,  and  in  all  respect, 
during  the  space  of  seventeen  days,  were  used  with  such 
inhumanity  and  cruelty,  that  if  we  had  been  taken  by  the 
Turks  we  could  not  have  been  used  worse.  For  bread,  we 
had  61bs.,  and  one  cheek  of  a  bullock,  for  every  25  men  for  a 
day :  and  it  fell  out,  that  he  that  had  half  of  a  bullock's  eye 
for  his  lot,  had  the  greatest  share. 

This  makes  me  wish  that  I  could  be  the  prison  keeper, 
and  have  my  liberty  to  do  the  Frenchmen  that  are  brought 
in,  their  justice. 

They  daily  adding  to  our  number  until  the  prison  was  so 
full,  that  swarms  of  vermin  increased  amongst  us,  not  only 
here  at  St.  Malo,  but  also  at  Dinan  whereunto  we  were 
removed  ;  insomuch,  that  many  of  our  fellow  prisoners  died, 
three  of  whom  were  our  Mate  and  two  more  out  of  the  five 
of  our  company  :  and  all  that  did  survive,  were  become  mere 
skeletons.  I  was  so  weak  that  I  could  not  put  my  hand  to 
my  head.  There  died  out  of  600  men,  upwards  of  400  through 
their  cruelty,  in  three  months'  time. 

They  plundered  us  of  our  clothes,  when  we  were  taken. 
Some  of  us  that  had  money  purchased  rugs  to  cover  our  rags 
by  day,  and  keep  us  warm  by  night :  but,  upon  our  return 
home  from  France,  the  Deputy  Governor  of  Dinan  (in  hopes 


484  T iii^  Friends  Adventure sk\i.?>Sy.vt  30,  i69i.[^^g^ 

either  to  kill  us  with  cold,  or  to  disable  us  for  Their  Majesties* 
service  at  our  return)  was  so  cruel  as  to  order  our  said  rugs 
to  be  taken  from  us ;  and  himself  stayed,  and  saw  it  per- 
formed. And  when  some  of  our  fellow  prisoners  lay  a-dying ; 
they  inhumanly  stripped  off  some  of  their  clothes  three  or 
four  days  before  they  were  quite  dead. 

These  and  other  their  barbarities  made  so  great  an  im- 
pression upon  me,  as  that  I  did  then  resolve  never  to  go  a 
prisoner  there  again ;  and  this  resolution  I  did  ever  since 
continue  in,  and,  by  GOD's  assistance,  always  will  1 


And  so  I  was  released  [?  by  exchange],  and,  through  the 
goodness  of  GOD,  got  to  England. 

And  after  I  had  been  at  home  so  long  as  to  recover  my 
health  and  strength  fit  to  go  to  sea  again  ;  I  shipped  myself 
as  Mate  of  a  vessel  of  Topsham  [the  Friends'  Adventure]  of  80 
tons  burthen,  Roger  Briant  Master,  bound  from  thence  to 
Oporto  in  Portugal,  and  from  thence  to  London. 

Accordingly,  on  the  30th  day  of  September,  1691,  we  began 
our  voyage  ;  and  on  the  27th  of  December  following,  we 
arrived  at  Oporto. 

On  the  24th  of  February  following  [1692],  we  set  sail  from 
thence  to  London. 

On  the  29th  day,  being  then  about  25  leagues  north-west 
from  Cape  Finisterre,  about  six  in  the  morning,  we  saw  a 
ship,  which  came  up  with  us  at  a  great  pace.  At  ten  in  the 
morning,  he  was  within  half  a  league  of  us ;  and  then  put 
out  French  colours  and  fired  a  gun,  whereby  we  knew  him 
to  be  a  Frenchman. 

Then  I  took  a  rope  yarn,  and  seized  two  parts  of  the  top- 
sail hilliers  [halliards  or  ropes]  together,  that  our  men  might 
not  lower  the  topsail ;  for  I  was  desirous  to  have  as  much 
time  as  possibly  I  could,  to  hide  some  necessaries,  to  attack 
the  Frenchman  [i.e.,  the  prize  crew]. 

At  which,  the  Master  perceiving  and  knowing  my  intention, 
said,  "  Mate !  are  you  in  the  same  mind  now,  as  you  have 
been  in  all  the  voyage  ?  "  for  I  had  often  been  saying  what 
I  would  do  towards  the  retaking  of  our  ship. 

I  answered,  "  Yes  ;  "  and  said,  "I  did  not  question  but, 
with  GOD's  assistance,  to  perform  what  I  had  said," 


'^^  ^i693-] '^^^^^  ^^^  ^  French  Privateer  of  36  guns.  485 

The  Master  said  he  beHeved  I  could  not  do  it;  but  if  I 
should,  he  thought  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  carry  home 
the  ship. 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  I  was  not  discouraged,  but 
desired  him  to  pray  for  a  strong  gale  of  wind  after  we  were 
taken,  that  we  might  be  separated  from  the  Privateer,  and 
be  out  of  sight  of  her. 

Then  I  went  down  in  the  forecastle,  and  hid  a  blunderbuss 
and  ammunition  betwixt  decks,  amongst  the  pipes  of  wine. 
Before  I  went  aft  again  the  topsails  were  lowered  ;  and  I 
perceiving  that  it  would  not  be  long  before  the  enemy  would 
be  on  board  us,  I  took  a  five  gallon  vessel  of  my  own  wine 
[probably  Port],  and  with  a  hammer  beat  in  one  head,  and 
put  several  pounds  of  sugar  in  it,  and  then  drank  to  the 
Master :  and  said  that  "  I  designed  that  I  would  drink  my 
fill  of  it,  w^hile  I  had  the  command  of  it  :  and  if  it  would 
please  GOD  that  I  should  be  continued  on  board,  I  hoped 
that  I  should  not  be  long  dispossessed  of  the  rest. 

Betwixt  ten  and  eleven  o'clock,  by  the  Privateer's  com- 
mand, we  hauled  up  the  coasts  and  braced  to. 

Then  the  Privateer's  boat,  full  of  men,  came  on  board  us  : 
and  I  stept  over  the  side,  with  my  hat  under  my  arm, 
handing  the  French  gentlemen  in,  till  one  of  them  took  hold 
of  my  coat,  and  I  (not  daring  to  resist  him)  helped  it  off: 
and  ran  aft  into  the  cabin,  and  saved  myself  from  further 
damage. 

After  they  had  taken  away  almost  all  our  clothes,  and 
what  else  they  pleased  ;  the  Lieutenant  ordered  me  and  a 
boy  [John  Wright,  about  sixteen  years  old]  to  stay  on 
board:  which  I  was  very  glad  of;  but  could  heartily  have 
wished  they  had  left  a  man  in  the  boy's  room. 

Before  the  Master  and  I  parted,  for  he  and  four  of  our 
men  and  a  boy  were  carried  on  board  the  Privateer ;  I  asked 
him  privately,  "  What  he  had  done  with  the  money  he  had 
in  a  bag  ?  " 

He  told  me  he  had  given  it  to  the  Lieutenant,  and 
withal  would  know  of  me,  why  I  made  that  inquiry. 

I  answered,  "  Because  1  did  not  question  but  I  should 
have  secured  that  on  board,  by  retaking  our  ship." 

But  the  Master  said,  "'  It  was  an  impossible  thing  to  be 
done." 


486  Lyde  and  J.  Wright  are  left  on  board.  [^•^/6g3', 

I  replied,  "Although  it  seemed  to  him  to  be  so;  yet 
nothing  was  impossible  to  be  effected  by  GOD,  in  whom  I 
put  my  trust." 

Soon  after,  the  Lieutenant  and  our  men  returned  aboard 
the  Privateer ;  having  left  seven  of  his  men  on  board  our 
ship  to  navigate  her  to  St.  Malo. 

In  three  hours'  time,  the  Privateer  was  out  of  our  sight, 
which  I  was  very  glad  of. 

I  asked  the  Master,  "  If  I  should  fetch  a  barrel  of  wine 
up,"  in  hopes  to  make  them  drunk ;  and  then  I  should  com- 
mand them  with  the  less  trouble. 

He  said  I  might,  if  I  could  find  one.  Then  I  fetched  a 
barrel  of  five  gallons  of  sweet  strong  wine,  and  kept  it  tapped 
in  the  steerage.  I  drank  freely  of  it,  hoping  that  they  thereby 
would  be  induced  to  do  the  like,  and  so  drink  to  excess ;  but 
that  stratagem  failed  me,  for  they  were  never  the  worse  for 
drinking,  all  the  time  I  was  their  prisoner. 

Then  I  acquainted  the  boy  with  my  intent,  and  persuaded 
him  to  assist  me  in  overcoming  them ;  and  I  would,  with 
the  assistance  of  GOD,  carry  the  ship  to  Galicia  in  Spain. 
I  continued  soliciting  him  for  his  compliance  in  that,  and 
the  third  for  England  [?]  ;  but  could  not  prevail  with  him. 

On  the  3rd  of  March  [1692],  we  saw  Ushant  in  the 
night.  Being  within  two  ships'  length  of  the  Fern  Rock 
and  in  great  danger  of  being  lost,  they  called  up  me  and  the 
boy  to  save  our  lives.  "When  I  came  up  and  saw  that  the 
Frenchmen  had  got  the  tackle  in  the  boat  and  were  going 
to  hoist  her  out,  I  told  the  boy  "to  stay  aft;  for  when  the  boat 
is  overboard,  they  may  all  go  in  her,  if  they  will !  but  they 
shall  not  come  aboard  again  :  for  I  will  not  leave  the  ship, 
because  I  shall  get  the  ship  off  presently."  For  the  wind  was 
west-north-west;  and  the  Frenchmen  never  minded  [thought] 
to  trim  the  sails  close  by  the  wind,  and  I  would  not  tell 
them  of  it  because  I  would  get  them  out  of  the  ship,  till  I 
saw  they  did  not  get  out  the  boat,  but  gazed  at  the  Rock, 
some  crying,  and  others  calling  to  saints  for  deliverance. 
Then  I  desired,  and  helped  them  to  trim  the  sails,  and  soon 
got  the  ship  off  again. 

On  Friday  [^.th  March,  1692],  at  noon,  we  being  about  10 
leagues  to  the  eastward  of  Brest,  with  the  wind  easterly : 
they  bore   away  for   Port   bean,   or  some    such    name  they 


^'^1693'.]      Sailing  along  the  coast  of  France.      487 

called  it ;  which  was  about  4  or  5  leagues  to  the  eastward  of 
Brest. 

Then  I  called  the  boy  down  betwixt  decks,  and  read  two 
or  three  chapters  in  the  Bible ;  and  then  used  all  my  en- 
deavour to  persuade  him  to  assist  me :  but  by  all  the 
arguments  I  could  use,  I  could  not  prevail  at  this  time. 

Then  I  took  a  brick,  and  whetted  my  knife  upon  it ;  and 
told  the  boy,  "I  would  not  use  my  knife,  upon  any  account, 
till  I  was  carried  into  France  ;  except  it  were  to  cut  the 
throats  of  the  Frenchmen." 

At  which  words,  the  boy  startled  as  if  his  own  throat  had 
been  cutting ;  and  then  left  me,  and  went  up  on  deck. 

At  four  in  the  afternoon,  we  were  within  half  a  mile  of  the 
aforesaid  harbour.  Then  the  French  fired  a  patteroe  for  a 
pilot  to  come  off:  whereupon  I  went  upon  deck,  with  a 
sorrowful  heart,  to  see  how  near  we  were  to  the  shore  ;  but 
the  Frenchmen  were  as  joyful  as  I  was  melancholy. 

Then  considering  the  inhuman  usage  I  formerly  had  in 
France,  and  how  near  I  was  to  it  again ;  it  struck  me  with 
such  terror  that  I  could  stay  no  longer  upon  deck  :  but  went 
down  betwixt  decks,  and  prayed  to  GOD  for  a  southerly 
wind,  to  prevent  her  going  into  that  harbour;  which  GOD 
was  graciously  pleased  immediately  to  grant  me,  for  which 
I  returned  my  unfeigned  thanks. 

Friday  night,  the  wind  was  westerly ;  and  Saturday, 
southerly :  so  that  in  the  evening,  I  heard  the  Frenchmen 
say  that  they  saw  Cape  Farril  [Frehel], 

At  eight  on  the  Saturday  night,  I  prayed  again  for  a 
south-west  wind,  that  we  might  not  be  near  the  shore  in  the 
morning ;  and  immediately  I  heard  them  put  the  helm  a  lee, 
and  put  her  about,  and  got  the  larboard  tacks  aboard. 

The  boy  was  then  lying  by  my  side.  I  bade  him  go  up 
and  see  if  the  wind  was  not  south-west ;  which  he  ac- 
cordingly did  :  and  at  his  return,  told  me  it  was,  and  that 
the  ship  lay  off  north-north-west.  Then  I  rejoiced,  and 
gave  GOD  thanks  for  this  second  signal  deliverance. 

The  nearer  we  came  to  St.  Malo,  the  surlier  the  French- 
men were  to  me. 

At  twelve  a  clock,  on  Saturday  night,  they  called  me  to 
the  pumps ;  as  they  had  done  several  times  before,  although 
I  never  went  but  when  I  pleased :  nor  would  I  do  anything 


488  Sunday,  Mar.  6,  i692,thedayof  the  conflict,  [^^^e 


693- 


else  for  them,  thinking  it  much  inferior  for  an  Englishman 
to  do  anything  for  a  Frenchman. 

But  they  calling  on  me  several  times,  at  last  I  turned 
out,  and  stood  in  the  Gun  Room  scuttle ;  and  told  the 
Master  that  "  I  had  served  two  years  for  the  French  already, 
and  if  I  went  to  France  again,  I  should  serve  three  years." 

"  That  is  bien,''  said  the  Master. 

Then  I  told  them  that  "  I  had  nothing  in  the  ship  to  lose : 
and  that  if  they  would  not  pump  themselves,  the  ship  should 
sink  forme." 

Then  I  went  and  laid  myself  down  again,  fully  resolved 
that  if  they  came  to  haul  me  out  by  force,  that  I  would  make 
resistance,  and  kill  or  wound  as  many  of  them  as  I  could, 
before  I  died  myself:  but  they  let  me  alone. 

All  that  night,  when  the  boy  was  awake,  I  endeavoured 
to  persuade  him  to  assist  me  ;  but  still  could  not  prevail  : 
though  I  used,  as  I  had  done  ever  since  we  were  taken, 
many  arguments.  So  that  that  night,  I  slept  but  very  little ; 
and  when  I  did  slumber  at  all,  I  dreamt  that  I  was  attack- 
ing the  Frenchmen. 

For  sleeping  or  waking,  my  mind  ran  still  upon  the 
attacking  of  them. 

Sunday,  at  seven  in  the  morning,  we  being  then  about  five 
leagues  off  from  Cape  Farril ;  I  then  prayed  heartily  for  a 
south-south-east  wind  :  and  immediately  I  heard  them  take 
in  their  topsails  and  haul  up  the  foresail,  and  brace  them 
aback  and  lash  the  helm  a  lee,  and  let  the  ship  drive  off, 
with  her  head  to  the  westward.  Then  I  sent  the  boy  up 
again,  to  see  if  the  wind  was  not  come  at  south-south-east  : 
and  he  brought  me  word  it  was. 

Then  I  gave  GOD  thanks,  and  rejoiced  at  His  signal 
providential  mercy  on  me,  and  for  so  immediately  strengthen- 
ing my  faith,  and  confirming  my  hopes  of  redeeming  myself 
from  slavery  :  and  then  I  renewed  my  solicitation  to  the  boy 
to  yield  to  me,  but  still  he  would  not  consent ;  which  made 
me  think  of  attempting  it  myself,  and  then  I  went  and  took 
a  pint  of  wine,  and  half  a  pint  of  oil,  and  drank  it  to  make 
me  more  fit  for  action. 

At  eight  in  the  morning,  all  the  Frenchmen  sat  round  the 
cabin  table  at  breakfast,  and  they  called  me  to  eat  with  them. 
Accordingly  I  accepted  their  invitation,  but  the  sight  of  the 


^-  ^j^g3;]  Lyde  trying  to  persuade  J.  Wright  to  help.  489 

Frenchmen  did  immediately  take  away  my  stomach  and 
made  me  sweat  as  if  I  had  been  in  a  stove,  and  was  ready  to 
faint  with  eagerness  to  encounter  them.  Which  the  Master 
perceiving,  and  seeing  me  in  that  condition,  asked  me  in 
French,  "  If  I  were  sick  ?  "  and  because  he  should  not  mistrust 
anything,  I  answered  "  Yes."  But  could  stay  no  longer  in 
sight  of  them,  and  so  immediately  went  down  betwixt  decks, 
to  the  boy  ;  and  did  earnestly  intreat  him  to  go  up  presently 
with  me  into  the  cabin  and  to  stand  behind  me,  and  knock 
down  but  one  man  in  case  two  laid  hold  on  me  ;  and  I  would 
kill  and  command  all  the  rest  presently  [at  once] ;  "for  now," 
I  told  him,  "  was  the  best  time  for  me  to  attack  them,  while 
they  were  all  around  the  table ;  for  now  I  shall  have  them 
all  before  me  purely,  and  it  may  never  be  the  like  opportunity 
again." 

After  many  importunities,  the  boy  asked  me,  "  After  what 
manner  I  intended  to  encounter  with  them  ?  " 

I  told  him,  "  I  would  take  the  crow  of  iron,  and  hold  it  on 
the  middle  with  both  hands !  and  I  would  go  into  the  cabin, 
and  knock  down  him  that  stood  at  the  end  of  the  table  on 
my  right  hand,  and  stick  the  point  of  the  crow  into  him  that 
sat  at  the  end  of  the  table  on  my  left  hand  :  and  then  for  the 

other  five  that  sat  behind  the  table "     But  still  he  not 

consenting,  I  had  second  thoughts  of  undertaking  it  without 
him  :  but  the  cabin  was  so  low  that  I  could  not  stand  upright 
in  it  by  a  foot ;  which  made  me  desist  at  that  time. 

By  this  time  they  had  eat  their  breakfast,  and  went  out 
upon  the  deck.  Then  I  told  the  boy,  with  much  trouble 
[vexation]  we  had  lost  a  brave  opportunity,  for,  by  this  time, 
I  had  had  the  ship  under  my  command  ! 

"  Nay,"  says  the  boy,  *'  I  rather  believe  that,  by  this  time, 
you  and  I  should  have  both  been  killed." 

In  a  little  time  after  they  had  been  on  deck,  they  separated 
from  each  other,  viz.,  the  Master  lay  down  in  his  cabin ;  two 
of  the  men  lay  down  in  the  Great  Cabin,  and  one  in  a  cabin 
between  decks,  and  another  sat  down  upon  a  low  stool  by 
the  helm,  to  look  after  the  Glass  [sand-glass  to  measure  each  half- 
hour  of  time],  to  call  to  pump,  which  they  were  forced  to  do 
every  half-hour  by  reason  of  the  leakiness  of  the  ship ;  and 
the  other  two  men  walked  upon  the  decks. 

Then  hoping  I  should  prevail  with  the  boy  to  stand  by  me; 


490  Bitter  memories  of  his  sufferings,  [^"^^^g^ 

if  not,  I  was  resolved  to  attack  them  myself:  I  immediately 
applied  myself  to  prayer,  and  desiring  GOD  to  pardon  my 
sins  which  I  had  committed,  and  to  receive  my  soul  and  the 
boy's  to  mercy.  For  I  thought,  if  they  overcame  me,  they 
would  give  the  boy  no  quarter ;  although  he  did  nothing 
against  them.  I  prayed  also  for  my  enemies  who  should 
happen  to  die  by  my  hands,  because  they  might  not  have 
time  to  call  for  mercy  themselves.  I  prayed  also  that  GOD 
would  strengthen  me  in  my  design,  that  my  heart  fail  not  in 
the  action. 

And  then  I  endeavoured  again  to  persuade  the  boy,  telling 
him  that  we  should  bring  a  great  deal  of  honour  to  our  native 
country,  besides  the  particular  honour  which  would  accrue  to 
ourselves :  but  all  this,  and  much  more  to  that  purpose,  too 
long  to  be  here  insisted  on,  would  not  prevail  with  him  to 
consent. 

Then  the  Glass  was  out,  it  beinghalf  an  hour  after  eight,  and 
the  two  men  that  were  upon  deck  went  to  pump  out  the  water. 

Then  I  also  went  upon  deck  again,  to  see  whether  the  wind 
and  weather  were  like  to  favour  my  enterprise,  and  casting  my 
eyes  to  windward,  I  liked  the  weather,  and  hoped  the  wind 
would  stand.  Then  immediately  I  went  down  to  the  boy, 
and  begged  of  him  again  to  stand  by  me,  while  two  of  the 
men  were  at  the  pump.  For  they  pumped  on  the  starboard 
side,  and  the  steerage  door  opened  on  the  larboard  side ;  so 
that  they  could  not  see  me  go  aft  to  them  in  the  cabin.  But 
I  could  by  no  persuasions  prevail  with  the  boy ;  so  that  by 
this  time  the  men  had  done  pumping. 

Whereupon  losing  this  opportunity  caused  me  again  to  be 
a  little  angry  with  the  boy  for  not  yielding  to  me.  Telling 
him  that  "  I  had  prayed  three  times  for  the  change  of  the 
wind,  and  GOD  was  pleased  to  hear  my  prayers,  and  to  grant 
my  request ;  and  thereupon  I  had  a  firm  belief  wrought  in 
me,  that  I  should  not  be  carried  a  prisoner  into  France,  where 
I  had  suffered  such  great  hardship  and  misery.  Our  allowance 
of  food  at  St.  Malo,  where  we  were  kept  prisoners  for  seven- 
teen days,  was  only  one  cheek  of  a  bullock  and  81bs.  weight 
of  bread  for  25  men  a  day ;  and  only  water  to  drink.  And 
at  Dinan,  where  we  were  kept  close  prisoners  for  three 
months  and  ten  days,  our  allowance  was  3lbs.  weight  of  an 
old  cow  beef,  without  any  salt  to  savour  it,  for  7  men  a  day. 


^■^iSa-]  Wright  asks,  What  he  should    do?  491 

But  I  think  we  had  2lbs.  of  bread  for  each  man,  but  it  was  so 
bad  that  dogs  would  not  eat  it ;  neither  could  we  eat  but  very 
little,  and  that  we  did  eat  did  us  more  hurt  than  good,  for  it 
was  more  orts  [refuse  food]  than  bread ;  so  we  gave  some  of  it 
to  the  hogs,  and  made  pillows  of  the  rest  to  lay  our  heads  on. 
For  they  allowed  us  fresh  straw  but  once  every  five  weeks  ; 
so  that  we  bred  such  swarms  of  lice  in  our  rags  that  one  man 
had  a  great  hole  eaten  through  his  throat  by  them ;  which 
was  not  perceived  till  after  his  death  :  and  I  myself  was  so 
weak  that  it  was  fourteen  weeks  after  my  releasement  before 
I  recovered  any  tolerable  strength  again.  And  all  this  was 
through  their  cruel  tyranny  in  not  allowing  us,  as  their  men 
are  allowed  in  England." 

Said  the  boy,  "  If  I  do  find  it  so  bad  as  you  do  say,  when 
I  am  in  France,  I  will  go  along  with  them  in  a  Privateer !  " 

These  words  of  his  struck  me  to  the  heart,  which  made  me 
say,  "You  dog!  what!  will  you  go  with  them  against  your 
King  and  country,  and  father  and  mother  ?  Sirrah  !  I  was 
in  France,  a  prisoner  four  months,  and  my  tongue  cannot 
express  what  I  endured  there ;  yet  I  would  not  turn  Papist 
and  go  with  them  !  Yet  they  came  daily  persuading  me  and 
others  to  go  out;  and,  the  time  I  was  there,  I  think  17  turned 
Papists,  and  were  kept  in  a  room  by  themselves  ;  but  GOD 
was  pleased  to  make  an  example  of  them ;  for  I  think  12  of 
them  died  while  I  was  there.  And  if  thou  dost  turn  Papist, 
thou  mayest  fare  as  they  did  I  and  if  thou,  or  any  of  them 
that  be  turned,  be  ever  taken  again,  you  will  certainly  be 
hanged  in  England  by  the  law !  But  I  had  the  command  of 
a  Privateer,  and  should  take  my  brother  in  a  French  Privateer, 
after  he  had  willingly  sailed  with  them,  I  would  hang  him 
immediately !  " 

I,  seeing  the  boy  seemed  to  be  reconciled,  told  him  that 
"  he  should  not  go  into  France,  if  he  would  do  as  I  would 
have  him  do  !  " 

The  boy  asked,  "  What  I  would  have  him  do  ?  " 

I  told  him,  "to  knock  down  the  man  at  the  helm  sickore 
[for  certain]  ;  and  I  would  kill  and  command  all  the  rest  pre- 
sently [at  once]. 

Saith  the  boy,  "  If  you  be  sure  to  overcome  them,  how  many 
do  you  count  to  kill  ?  " 

I  answered  that  "  I  intended  to  kill  three  of  them." 


492      Lyde's     plan     of     attack.     [^-  ';^^3; 

Then  the  boy  repHed,  "  Why  three,  and  no  more  ? " 
I  answered  that,  "  I  would  kill  three,  for  three  of  our  men 
that  died  in  prison  when  I  was  there.  And  if  it  should  please 
GOD  that  I  should  get  home  safe  to  England,  I  would,  if  I 
could,  go  in  a  Man-of-war  or  fireship,  and  endeavour  a  revenge 
on  the  enemy,  for  the  death  of  those  400  men  that  died  in  the 
same  prison  of  Dinan  !  " 

But  the  boy  said  "  Four  alive  would  be  too  many  for  me." 

I  then  replied,  "  I  would  kill  but  three,  but  I  would  break 
the  legs  and  arms  of  the  rest,  if  they  won't  take  quarter,  and 
be  quiet  without  it." 

Then  the  boy  asked  me,  "  Which  three  I  designed  to 
kill  > " 

Itold  him,  "I  designed  to  kill  those  three  that  I  judged  to 
be  the  strongest ;  which  were  those  that  carried  themselves 
most  surly  towards  me  :  but  if  any  of  the  rest  did  take  hold 
on  me,  and  that  my  life  were  in  danger,  I  would  then  en- 
deavour to  kill  a  fourth,  and  not  otherwise." 

Then  said  the  boy,  *'  What  do  you  intend  to  do  with  the 
other  Frenchmen  that  shall  remain  alive  ?  " 

I  answered,  "  I  will  command  three  of  them  down  into  the 
Forepike  [fore  hold]  and  nail  the  scuttle  upon  them  :  and  I 
would  keep  the  fourth  above  deck,  to  help  to  carry  the  ship 
for  England." 

Then  the  boy  asked  me,  "  How  I  thought  to  carry  the  ship 
to  England,  with  only  the  assistance  of  him  and  one 
Frenchman  ?  " 

I  answered,  "  I  did  not  at  all  question  that,  but  I  did 
verily  believe  that  I  should  carry  the  ship  safe  to  an  anchor, 
either  in  Plymouth  or  Dartmouth,  before  twelve  o'clock  the 
next  day  :  for  this  is  a  fair  wind  for  that  purpose." 

"  But,"  said  the  boy,  "  how  do  you  think  to  pump  out  the 
water,  seeing  the  ship  is  so  very  leaky,  and  to  have  time  to 
refresh  ourselves  with  sleep  ;  for  it  may  be  a  longer  time  than 
you  suppose  before  we  shall  come  to  an  anchor  ?  " 

I  answered  that  "  the  assistance  of  GOD  would  be  suffi- 
cient to  enable  us  to  do  all  this  and  more  ;  for  the  joy  of  over- 
coming them  will  banish  sleep  from  my  eyes  !  and  work  will 
weary  me  but  little  !  " 

The  boy's  asking  me  these  several  questions  did  encourage 
me  to  hope  that  he  would  at  last  be  prevailed  with  to  stand 


^■^^efs']  "LORD  !  BE  WITH  US,  AND  STRENGTHEN  US!"   493 

by  me  :  and  still  he  proceeded  in  his  inquiries,  and  asked  me, 
"  How  I  did  intend  to  attack  them  ?  " 

I  told  him,  "  I  would  take  the  crow  [crowbar]  of  iron,  and 
hold  it  with  both  hands  in  the  middle  of  it ;  and  go  into  the 
[Great]  Cabin,  and  knock  down  one  with  the  claws,  and 
strike  the  point  into  the  other  that  lay  by  his  side  in  the 
cabin  !  and  I  would  wound  the  Master  in  his  cabin  !  and  do 
thou  take  the  drive-bolt  [a  long  iron  pin  for  driving  out  bolts], 
and  be  sure  to  knock  down  the  man  at  the  helm !  so  soon  as 
you  hear  me  strike  the  first  blow  ;  for  otherwise  if  he  should 
hear  the  blow,  he  may  come  into  the  cabin,  and  lay  hold  on 
me,  before  I  shall  overcome  them  three." 

And  I  resolved  to  myself,  of  which  I  said  nothing  to  the 
boy,  that  if  they  should  all  rise  against  me  before  I  could  get 
into  the  cabin,  I  would  strike  at  them,  and  either  kill  them 
or  do  them  as  much  hurt  as  I  could  before  I  died  myself: 
concluding  that  after  I  had  once  begun,  if  I  should  yield,  then 
I  should  certainly  die  by  them ;  and  therefore  did  resolve  to 
sell  my  life  as  dear  as  I  could. 

Then  the  boy  asked  me,  "  What  he  should  do  when  he  had 
knocked  down  the  man  at  the  helm  ?  " 

I  told  him,  "  He  should  stand  without  the  [Great]  Cabin 
door,  and  not  stir  from  thence,  but  to  have  his  eye  upon  the 
two  Frenchmen  that  were  upon  deck  :  and  not  to  come  into 
the  cabin  tome,  unless  he  observed  them  coming  towards  the 
cabin;  andthenhe  shouldtell  me  of  it,  and  come  into  thecabin. 

At  nine  in  the  morning,  the  two  men  upon  deck  went  to 
pumping.  Then  I  turned  out  from  the  sail,  where  the  boy 
and  I  then  lay,  and  pulled  off  my  coat  that  I  m.ight  be  the 
more  nimble  in  the  action  :  and  having  [but]  little  hair,  I 
hauled  off  my  cap,  that  if  they  had  the  fortune  to  knock  me  in 
the  head,  they  might  kill  me  with  it. 

Having  fitted  myself  for  the  action,  I  went  up  the  Gun 
Room  scuttle  into  the  Steerage,  to  see  what  posture  they  were 
in  ;  and  being  satisfied  therein,  I  leapt  down  the  scuttle  and 
went  to  the  boy  :  who  seeing  me  resolved  upon  the  action, 
with  an  earnest  entreaty  to  him  to  join  with  me  ;  he,  at  last, 
did  consent. 

Then  the  boy  coming  to  me,  I  leapt  up  the  Gun  Room 
scuttle,  and  said,  "  LORD  !  be  with  us,  and  strengthen  us 


494   Wright  knocks  down  the  steersman.    p-^^eS". 

in  the  action  !  "  :  and  then  I  told  the  boy  that  the  drive-bolt 
was  by  the  scuttle  in  the  Steerage. 

Then  I  went  softly  aft  into  the  Cabin,  and  put  my  back 
against  the  bulk  head,  and  took  the  iron  crow  (it  was  laying 
without  the  Cabin  door),  and  held  it  with  both  my  hands  in 
the  middle  of  it,  and  put  my  legs  abroad  to  shorten  myself, 
because  the  Cabin  was  very  low. 

But  he  that  lay  nighest  to  me,  hearing  me,  opened  his  eyes ; 
and  perceiving  my  intent,  and  upon  what  account  I  was  com- 
ing, endeavoured  to  rise,  to  make  resistance  against  me :  but 
I  prevented  him,  by  a  blow  upon  his  forehead,  which  mortally 
wounded  him.  And  the  other  man,  which  lay  with  his  back 
to  the  dying  man's  side,  hearing  the  blow,  turned  about  and 
faced  me  ;  very  fiercely  endeavouring  to  come  against  me.  I 
struck  at  him,  but  he  let  himself  fall  from  his  left  arm,  and 
held  his  arm  for  a  guard  ;  whereby  he  did  keep  off  a  great 
part  of  the  blow :  but  still  his  head  received  a  great  part  of 
the  blow. 

The  Master  laying  in  his  Cabin  on  my  right  hand,  hearing 
the  two  blows,  rose,  and  sat  in  his  cabin  ;  and  seeing  what  I 
had  done,  he  called  me  Boogra  !  and  Footra  !  But  I  having 
my  eyes  every  way,  I  pushed  at  his  ear  betwixt  the  turnpins 
with  the  claws  of  the  crow  :  but  he  falling  back  for  fear  thereof. 
It  seemed,  afterwards,  that  I  struck  the  claws  of  the  crow  into 
his  cheek,  which  blow  made  him  lie  still  as  if  he  had  been 
dead. 

While  I  struck  at  the  Master,  the  fellow  that  fended  off 
the  blow  with  his  arm,  rose  upon  his  legs,  and  ran  towards 
me,  with  his  head  low  (I  suppose  he  intended  to  run  his 
head  against  my  breast  to  overset  me)  :  but  I  pushed  the 
point  at  his  head,  and  stuck  it  an  inch  and  a  half  into  his  fore- 
head (as  it  appeared  since  by  the  chirurgeon  that  searched 
the  wound)  ;  and  as  he  was  falling  down,  I  took  hold  of  him 
by  the  back,  and  turned  him  into  the  steerage. 

I  heard  the  boy  strike  the  man  at  the  helm,  two  blows ; 
after  I  knocked  down  the  first  man  :  which  two  blows  made 
him  lie  very  still. 

As  soon  as  I  turned  the  man  out  of  the  Cabin,  I  struck  one 
blow  more  at  him  that  I  struck  first,  thinking  to  leave  no  man 
alive  aft  of  myself. 

The  Master  all   this  while  did  not   stir :  which  made  me 


^^^il-i^     LyDE    struggling    with    4    MEN    AT    ONCE.     495 

conclude  that  I  had  struck  him  under  the  ear,  and  had  killed 
him  with  the  blow. 

Then  I  went  out  to  attack  the  two  men  that  were  at  the 
pump ;  where  they  continued  pumping,  without  hearing  or 
knowing  what  I  had  done. 

As  I  was  going  to  them,  I  saw  that  man  that  I  had  turned 
out  of  the  Cabin  into  the  Steerage,  crawling  out  upon  his 
hands  and  knees  upon  the  deck;  beating  his  hands  upon  the 
deck  to  make  a  noise,  that  the  men  at  the  pump  might  hear: 
for  he  could  not  cry  out  or  speak. 

And  when  they  heard  him,  seeing  the  blood  running  out 
of  the  hole  in  his  forehead,  they  came  running  aft  to  me, 
grinding  their  teeth  as  they  would  have  eaten  me. 

But  I  met  them  as  they  came  with  the  Steerage  door, 
and  struck  at  them :  but  the  Steerage  being  not  about  four 
foot  high,  I  could  not  have  a  full  blow  at  them.  Where- 
upon they  fended  off  the  blow,  and  took  hold  of  the  crow 
with  both  their  hands  close  to  mine,  striving  to  haul  it  from  me. 
Then  the  boy  might  have  knocked  them  down  with  much 
ease,  while  they  were  contending  with  me  ;  but  that  his  heart 
failed  him,  so  that  he  stood  like  a  stake  at  a  distance  on  their 
left  side. 

Two  feets'  length  of  the  crow  being  behind  their  hands, 
on  their  left  side,  I  called  to  the  boy  to  "  take  hold  of  it,  and 
haul  as  they  did,  and  I  would  let  it  go  all  at  once  !  "  Which 
the  boy  accordingly  did.  I  pushed  the  crow  towards  them, 
and  let  it  go  :  and  was  taking  out  my  knife  to  traverse  [nish 
in]  amongst  them :  but  they  seeing  me  put  my  right  hand 
into  my  pocket,  fearing  what  would  follow,  both  let  go  the 
crow  to  the  boy,  and  took  hold  of  my  right  arm  with  both 
their  hands,  grinding  their  teeth  at  me. 

The  Master,  that  I  thought  I  had  killed  in  his  Cabin, 
coming  to  himself;  and  hearing  that  they  had  hold  of  me, 
came  out  his  Cabin  and  also  took  hold  of  me,  with  both  his 
hands  round  my  middle. 

Then  one  of  the  men  that  had  hold  of  my  right  arm,  let 
go ;  and  put  his  back  to  my  breast,  and  took  hold  of  my  left 
hand  and  arm,  and  held  it  close  to  his  breast,  and  strove  to 
cant  me  upon  his  back. 

And  the  Master  let  go  from  my  middle,  and  took  hold  of  my 
right  arm,  and  he,  with  the  other  that  had  hold  of  my  right  arm, 


496  Wright  misses  his  blow  at  the  French.  [^  ^J^^^^ 

did  strive  to  turn  me  over  from  the  other  back  :  thinking  to 
get  me  off  my  legs.  But  I  knowing  that  I  should  not  be  long 
in  one  piece  if  they  got  me  down,  I  put  my  left  foot  against  the 
ship's  side  on  the  deck  for  a  supporter,  and,  with  the  assis- 
tance of  GOD!  I  kept  upon  my  feet ;  when  they  three,  and 
one  more  (for  the  man  that  the  boy  knocked  down  at  the 
helm,  rose  up  and  put  his  hands  about  my  middle,  and  strove 
to  haul  me  down)  did  strive  to  throw  me  down. 

The  boy  seeing  that  man  rise,  and  take  hold  of  me,  cried 
out !  fearing  then  that  I  should  be  overcome  by  them ;  but 
did  not  come  to  help  me,  nor  did  strike  one  blow  at  any  of 
them  :  neither  did  they  touch  him  all  the  time. 

When  I  heard  the  boy  cry  out,  I  said,  "  Do  you  cry  !  you 
villain  !  now  I  am  in  such  a  condition  !  Come  quickly,  and 
knock  this  man  on  the  head  that  hath  hold  on  my  left  arm  !  " 

The  boy  perceiving  that  my  heart  did  not  fail  me  ;  he 
took  some  courage  from  thence,  and  endeavoured  to  give 
that  man  a  blow  on  his  head  with  the  drive-bolt :  but  struck 
so  faintly,  that  he  missed  his  blow ;  which  greatly  enraged 
me  against  him. 

And  I  feeling  the  Frenchman  which  hung  about  my  middle 
hang  very  heavy,  said  to  the  boy,  '*  Do  you  miss  your  blow  ! 
and  I  in  such  a  condition  !  Go  round  the  binnacle,  and 
knock  down  that  man  that  hangeth  upon  my  back;" 
which  was  the  same  man  the  boy  knocked  down  at  the  helm. 

So  the  boy  did  strike  him  one  blow  upon  the  head,  which 
made  him  fall,  but  he  rose  up  immediately ;  but  being  in- 
capable of  making  any  further  resistance,  he  went  out  upon 
deck  staggering  to  and  fro,  without  any  further  molestance 
from  the  boy. 

Then  I  looked  about  the  beams  for  a  marlin-speck  [spike], 
or  anything  else  to  strike  them  withal  :  but  seeing  nothing, 
I  said,  ''LORD  !  what  shall  I  do  ?  " 

Then  casting  up  my  eye  upon  my  left  side,  and  seeing 
a  marlin-speck  hanging  with  a  strap  to  a  nail  on  the  larboard 
side,  I  jerked  my  right  arm  forth  and  back,  which  cleared 
the  two  men's  hands  from  my  right  arm,  and  took  hold  of 
the  marlin-speck,  and  struck  the  point  four  times,  about  a 
quarter  of  an  inch  deep,  into  the  skull  of  that  man  that  had 
hold  of  my  left  arm,  before  they  took  hold  of  my  right  arm 
again.     I  also  struck  the  marlin-speck  into  his  head  three 


^  VegaG    LydE     kills     A     SECOND     FRENCHMAN.    497 

times  after  they  had  hold  of  me,  which  caused  him  to  screech 
out :  but  they  having  hold  of  me,  took  off  much  of  the  force 
of  the  three  last  blows ;  and  he  being  a  strong-hearted  man, 
he  would  not  let  go  his  hold  of  me. 

The  two  men  finding  that  my  right  arm  was  stronger 
than  their  four  arms  were,  and  observing  the  strap  of  the 
marlin-speck  to  fall  up  and  down  upon  the  back  of  my  hand 
so  that  it  struck  him  that  had  his  hands  nearest  to  my  right 
one :  he  let  go  his  right  hand  and  took  hold  of  the  strap, 
and  hauled  the  marlin-speck  out  of  my  hand.  And  I,  fear- 
ing what  in  all  likelihood  would  follow,  put  my  right  hand 
before  my  head  for  a  guard,  although  three  hands  had  hold 
of  that  arm  :  for  I  concluded  he  would  knock  me  on  the  head 
with  it,  or  else  throw  it  at  my  head. 

But,  through  GOD's  wonderful  providence !  it  either  fell 
out  of  his  hand,  or  else  he  threw  it  down  !  for  it  did  fall  so 
close  to  the  ship's  side  that  he  could  not  reach  it  again, 
without  letting  go  his  other  hand  from  mine.  So  he  did  not 
attempt  the  reaching  of  it ;  but  took  hold  of  my  arm  with 
his  other  hand  again. 

At  this  time, the  Almighty  GOD  gave  me  strength  enoughto 
take  one  man  in  one  hand,  and  throw  at  the  other's  head  :  and 
looking  about  again  to  see  for  anything  to  strike  them  withal, 
but  seeing  nothing  I  said,  "  LORD  !  what  shall  I  do  now  ?  " 

And  then  it  pleased  GOD  to  put  me  in  mind  of  my  knife 
in  my  pocket.  And  although  two  of  the  men  had  hold  of  my 
right  arm,  yet  GOD  Almighty  strengthened  me  so,  that  I 
put  my  right  hand  into  my  right  pocket,  and  took  out  my 
knife  and  sheath,  holding  it  behind  my  hand  that  they 
should  not  see  it.  But  I  could  not  draw  it  out  of  the 
sheath  with  my  left  hand,  because  the  man  that  I  struck  in 
the  head  with  the  marlin-speck  had  still  hold  of  it,  with  his 
back  to  my  breast. 

So  I  put  it  between  my  legs,  and  drew  it  out ;  and  then  cut 
that  man's  throat  with  it,  that  had  his  back  to  my  breast :  and 
he  immediately  dropped  down,  and  scarce  ever  stirred  after. 

Then  with  my  left  arm,  I  gave  both  the  men  a  push  from 
me  ;  and  hauled  my  right  arm,  with  a  jerk,  to  me  ;  and  so 
cleared  it  of  them :  and  fetching  a  stroke  with  an  intent  to 
cut  both  their  throats  at  once,  they  immediately  apprehend- 
ing the  danger  they  were  in,  both  put  their  hands  together, 

2 1  2 


498  Lyde   gets    hold   or   the    blunderbuss.  [^"^1^03. 

and  held  them  up  crying,    "  Corte  !  Corte  !  Monsieur!  moy  allay 

pur  Angleterye  si  vou  plea  [Quarter  \  Quarter!  Sir!   I  will  go 

for  England,  if  you  please!]." 

With  that,  I  stopped  my  hand,  and  said,  "  Good  Quarter 

you  shall  have;  Alle  a  Pro  [Go  to  the  prow]."  And  then  I  put 

my  knife  into  the  sheath  again. 

But  they  not  obeying  my  command,  but  standing  still;  I 

concluded  they  had  a  mind  to  have  the  other  bout  with  me  ; 

and  I  drew  out  my  knife  again,  resolving  to  cut  their  throats. 

But  then  their  countenances  immediately  changed  ;  and  they 

put  off  their  hats  and  said,  "  Moy  alle  pro  Monsieur,     Moy 

travallay  pur  Angleterre  si  vou  plea  [I  will  go  for  Monsieur. 

I  will  work  for  England,  if  you  please]." 

Then  I  stopped  my  hand  again ;    and  they  went  out  upon 

deck,  and  went  forwards. 

Then  I  made  fast  the  Steerage  door,  and  ordered  the  boy 

to  stand  by  it  and  to  keep  it  fast ;    and  to  look  out  through 

the  blunderbuss  holes ;  and  if  he  did  see  any  man  coming 
towards  the  door,  with  anything  in  his  hand  to  open  the 
door,  he  should  tell  me  of  it,  and  come  into  the  Cabin  for  the 

blunderbuss  and  ammunition,  which  I  had  hid  away  before 
we  were  taken,  but  which  the  Frenchmen  had  found  and 
kept  in  the  Cabin. 

After  I  had  loaded  it,  I  came  out  with  it  in  the  Steerage, 
and  looked  forward  out  of  the  Companion  to  see  if  any  man 
did  lie  over  the  Steerage  door  with  a  bit  [bight]  of  a  rope  to 
throw  over  me,  or  any  other  thing  that  might  prejudice  me 
as  I  should  go  out.  But  seeing  no  man  there,  I  went  out 
upon  deck ;  and  looked  up  to  the  maintop,  for  fear  the 
two  wounded  men  were  there,  and  should  throw  down  any- 
thing upon  my  head  to  do  me  an  injury. 

But  seeing  no  man  there,  I  asked  the  boy,  "  If  he  could 
tell  me  what  was  become  of  the  two  wounded  men  that 
came  to  themselves,  and  went  out  upon  the  deck,  while  I 
was  engaged  with  the  three  men  in  the  Steerage." 

The  boy  told  me,  "  They  had  scrambled  overboard  !  "  For 
he  said,  "  he  looked  through  the  blunderbuss  holes  in  the 
bulkhead,  and  saw  them  staggering  to  and  fro  like  men  that 
were  drunk." 

I  thought  it  very  strange  they  should  be  accessory  to  their 
own  deaths. 


^■^leS:]  1'he  Frenchmen  are  put  in  the  forehold.  499 

Then  I  ordered  the  boy  to  stand  by  the  Steerage  door,  to  see 
if  that  man  betwixt  decks  did  come  up  ;  and  if  he  did,  to  tell 
me  of  it,  and  come  forward  to  me  :  which  he  promised  to  do. 

Then  I  went  forward  to  the  two  men  that  cried  for 
Quarter  ;  who  stood  by  the  boat  side  :  but  they  being  afraid, 
ran  forwards  and  were  going  up  in  the  foreshrouds;  but  I  held 
up  the  blunderbuss,  and  said  "  Veiii  abau  e  montc  a  Cuttelia  et 
ally  abau  [Come  below,  and  raise  the  scuttle,  and  go  below  !  ]." 

And  then  they  put  off  their  hats,  and  said,  "  Monsieur,  moy 
travalli  pur  Angletcrre  si  vous  plea!  [Sir,  I  will  work  for 
England,  if  you  please]." 

But  I  answered,  "Alle  abau  [Go  below];  fori  don't  want 
your  help." 

Then  they  said  "Oiiy,  Monsieur;'"  and  unlid[ed]  the  scuttle, 
and  went  down. 

Then  I  went  forward,  and  as  I  came  before  the  foot  of  the 
mainsail,  I  looked  to  the  foretop,  and  seeing  no  man  there,  I 
went  and  looked  down  into  the  Forecastle ;  and  shewed  the 
two  men  a  scuttle  on  the  larboard  side  that  went  down  into 
the  Fore-peak,  and  said,  "  Le  monte  Cuitelia  et  ally  abau  !  [Raise 
the  scuttle  and  go  below  !  ]." 

They  answered,  "  Ouy,  Monsieur  !  "  and  then  unlid[ed]  the 
scuttle,  and  put  off  their  hats  and  went  down  ;  giving  GOD 
thanks  for  His  mercy  towards  them,  in  giving  them  a 
longer  life. 

Then  I  called  down  to  them,  and  asked  them,  **  If  they 
saw  any  man  betwixt  decks  before  they  went  down  ?  " 

And  they  answered  "  No  !  " 

Then  I  called  forward  the  boy,  and  gave  him  the  blunder- 
buss ;  and  bid  him  present  it  down  the  Forecastle,  and  "  if 
he  saw  any  man  take  hold  of  me,  so  that  I  could  not  get 
clear  of  them,  or  if  I  called  on  him  for  his  help  :  then,  he 
should  be  sure  to  discharge  the  blunderbuss  at  us,  and  kill 
us  all  together,  if  he  could  not  kill  them  without  shooting  me." 

The  boy  promised  he  would,  but  he  would  not  shoot  me. 

Then  I  took  the  boy's  bolt-[driver]  and  put  myhead  down  the 
scuttle,  and  looked allround  :  andseeingno  manthere,I  leaped 
down  in  the  Forecastle,  and  looked  round  that  also;  but  seeing 
no  man  betwixt  decks,  I  laid  the  scuttle  and  nailed  it  fast. 

Then  thought  I  myself  safe  ;  seeing  two  were  killed,  and 
two  secured. 


500  A  THIRD  Frenchman  put  in  the  hold.  [^'^legt 

Then  I  went  upon  deck,  and  took  the  blunderbuss  from 
the  boy,  and  gave  him  the  bolt- [driver],  and  went  aft,  and 
ordered  the  boy  as  before  to  stand  by  the  Steerage  door,  and 
give  me  an  account  if  he  saw  any  man  coming  towards  him, 
with  a  handspike. 

Then  I  went  aft  into  the  Cabin,  and  cut  two  candles  in 
four  pieces,  and  lighted  them.  One  I  left  burning  upon  the 
table.  The  other  three  I  carried  in  my  left  hand,  and  the 
blunderbuss  in  my  right  hand. 

I  put  my  head  down  the  Gun  Room  scuttle,  and  looked 
round  ;  and  seeing  no  man  there,  I  leapt  down  and  went  to 
the  man  that  lay  all  this  time  asleep  in  a  Cabin  betwixt 
decks,  and  took  him  by  the  shoulder  with  my  left  hand,  and 
wakened  him. 

Presenting  the  blunderbuss  at  him  with  my  right  hand,  I 
commanded  him  out  of  his  Cabin ;  and  made  him  stand  still, 
till  I  got  up  into  the  Steerage. 

Then  I  called  the  man  ;  and  he  standing  in  the  scuttle, 
and  seeing  the  man  that  had  his  throat  cut,  cried  out,  "O 
Jesu  !  Maria!  "  and  called  upon  some  other  saints. 

I  told  him  "  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  Maria  now !  Monte, 
monte  et  ally  a  Pro !  [Go  up,  go  up  !   and  go  to  the  prow]." 

Then  he  came  up,  and  went  forward,  looking  round  to  see 
for  his  companions  ;  but  I  followed  him,  and  made  him  go 
down  into  the  Forecastle,  and  stand  on  the  starboard  side. 

Then  I  gave  the  boy  the  blunderbuss,  and  ordered  him  to 
present  it  at  the  man ;  and  if  he  perceived  him  either  to 
come  towards  me,  or  to  take  anything  to  throw  at  me,  while 
I  was  opening  the  scuttle,  then  to  shoot  him. 

Then  I  took  the  crow  of  iron,  and  leapt  down  with  it,  into 
the  Forecastle ;  and  drew  the  spikes  and  opened  the  scuttle, 
and  bade  the  man  go  down  :  which  he  readily  did,  and 
rejoiced  when  he  had  found  two  of  his  companions  there. 


After  I  had  nailed  down  the  scuttle  again,  I  went  aft,  and 
ordered  the  boy  to  stand  by  the  Steerage  door  again.  I  then 
took  the  candles  and  the  blunderbuss,  and  went  down 
betwixt  decks ;  and  went  forward  and  aft,  and  looked  in  all 
the  holes  and  corners,  for  the  two  wounded  men  :  but  found 
them  not. 


^^1693"]  ^^^^  OTHER  TWO  Frenchmen  surrender.    501 

Finding  the  Gun  Room  scuttle  that  went  down  into  the 
hold,  open,  I  called  down  :  but  hearing  none  make  answer,  I 
laid  the  scuttle.  And  there  being  about  twenty  bags  of 
shumack  [  ?  bark]  in  the  Gun  Room,  I  rolled  two  of  them,  of 
6  cwt.  [together]  upon  the  scuttle ;  and  rolled  more  close  to 
them,  that  if  the  men  were  there,  and  did  lift  up  one  side  of 
the  scuttle,  the  bags  might  not  roll  off. 

Then  I  went  upon  deck,  and  told  the  boy,  "  I  could  not 
find  the  two  men,  betwixt  decks." 

He   said,  "  They  were  certainly  run  overboard." 

I  told  him,  "  I  would  know  what  was  become  of  them, 
before  I  made  sail." 

Then  I  told  the  boy,  "  I  would  go  up  into  the  Maintop, 
and  see  if  they  were  there ;  and  then  I  should  be  sure  to  see 
them  if  they  were  in  the  Foretop." 

So  I  gave  him  the  blunderbuss,  and  bade  him  present  it  at 
the  Maintop  ;  and  if  he  saw  any  man  look  out  over  the  Top 
with  anything  in  his  hand  to  throw  at  me,  he  should  then 
shoot  them. 

Then  I  took  the  boy's  bolt- [driver],  and  went  up;  and 
when  I  was  got  to  the  puddick  shrouds,  I  looked  forwards  to 
the  Foretop,  and  there  I  saw  the  two  men,  covered  with  the 
Foretopsail,  and  their  sashes  bound  about  their  heads  to  keep 
in  the  blood  and  to  keep  their  heads  warm. 

Then  I  called  to  them.  They  turned  out,  and  went  down 
upon  their  knees,  and  wrang  their  hands,  and  cried,  "  0  Corte  ! 
Corte  !  Monsieur  !  Moy  allay  pur  Angleterre  si  voti plea." 

Then  I  said,  "  Good  Quarter  you  shall  have !  "  and  I 
went  down,  and  called  to  them  to  come  down  ;  and  he  that 
the  boy  wounded  [and  that  was  at  the  helm]  came  down  and 
kissed  my  hand  over  and  over,  and  went  down  into  the 
Forecastle  very  willingly. 

But  the  other  man  was  one  of  the  three  that  I  designed  to 
kill,  and  the  same  that  I  had  struck  the  crow  into  his  fore- 
head. He  knew  that  he  had  said  ill  things  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  meaning  our  gracious  King;  and  that  "  an  English 
Man-of-war  was  no  better  than  a  louse!"  and  did  always  call 
me  up  to  pump  :  these  things,  I  suppose,  he  thought  I'd 
not  forgot,  and  therefore  that  I  would  not  give  Quarter. 

Notwithstanding,  I  intended  to  do  so.  But  I  suspected 
him  to  be  an  English  or  Irish  man  ;  and  I  was  resolved  if  it 


502  One  Frenchman  taken  to  sail  the  ship.  [^-  ^,g^ 

proved  so,  that  I  would  hang  him  myself,  when  it  did  please 
GOD  that  I  had  help  coming  aboard  from  England. 

So  I  called  him  down.  But  he  being  unwilling,  delayed 
his  coming. 

I  took  the  blunderbuss,  and  said  that  "  I  would  shoot  him 
down  !  "  And  then  he  came  a  little  way,  and  stood  still ;  and 
begged  me  to  give  him  Quarter :  and  if  I  would,  he  would 
then  "  trev ally  pur  Aiigleierre,"  and  also  pump  the  water. 

I  told  him,  "  If  he  would  come  down,  he  should  have 
Quarter !  "  and  I  presented  the  blunderbuss  at  him  again. 
And  then  he  came  a  little  lower,  and  said,  "0  Monsieur,  von 
battera  moy  [O  Sir,  you  will  beat  me  !]." 

I  told  him  that  "  I  would  not  beat  him,  and  withal  I 
would  discourse  with  him  no  longer.  If  he  would  come  down, 
he  might  !  if  not,  I  would  shoot  him  down  !  " 

Then  he  came  down,  and  I  gave  the  boy  the  blunderbuss. 

The  Frenchman  took  my  hand,  and  wrung  it,  and  kissed  it 
over  and  over ;  and  called  me  his  boon  Monsieur !  and  told 
me  he  would  help  to  carry  the  ship  for  England. 

I  told  him,  "  I  did  not  want  his  help  !  "  and  commanded 
him  down  in  the  Forecastle. 

Then  I  made  them  both  stand  on  the  starboard  side  ;  and 
ordered  the  boy  to  shoot  them,  if  they  offered  to  throw  any- 
thing at  me,  or  came  near  to  me,  while  I  went  down  into  the 
Forecastle  to  unnail  the  scuttle. 

Then  I  took  the  crow  of  iron,  leapt  down  into  the  Fore- 
castle, and  unnailed  the  scuttle  ;  and  commanded  the  two 
Frenchmen  down  into  the  hold. 

And  I  called  one  of  the  men  up  that  cried  first  for  Quarter, 
to  help  me  to  sail  the  ship  for  England.  This  man  was  not 
wounded  at  all,  and  was  not  above  twenty-four  years  of  age  : 
and  I  had  least  fear  of  him,  because  he  was  indifferent 
[somewhat]  kind  to  me  while  I  was  their  prisoner.  But  he 
was  very  unwilling  to  come  up  :  but  with  much  importunity, 
I  prevailed  with  him  to  come  up. 

I  sent  him  aft :  and  then  laid  the  scuttle,  and  nailed  a 
piece  of  oaken  plank  to  each  beam,  with  spikes  over  it.  And 
I  bade  them  get  from  under  the  scuttle.  Then  I  split  the 
scuttle  with  the  crow,  and  drave  it  down  into  the  hold  to  give 
them  air. 


^•^,^6g3;]    Lyde's  kindness  to  his  prisoners.    503 

Then  I  went  aft,  and  commanded  the  man  to  help  to  haul 
out  the  two  men  that  were  dead  ;  which  he  did  accordingly : 
and  so  we  threw  them  overboard.  But  before  I  threw  them 
both,  I  took  a  sash  from  one  of  them,  because  it  was  red  : 
on  purpose  to  make  fast  about  the  white  ancient  [the  white 
French  flag,  and  so  to  make  it  an  English  one]  which  the 
Frenchmen  put  on  board;  and  put  it  out  for  a  whiff  [signal]. 
And  I  searched  his  pocket  for  a  steel  and  flint,  but  found 
none  :  for  want  whereof,  I  was  forced  to  keep  two  candles 
always  burning  in  the  Cabin,  till  I  got  the  Pilot's  [flint  and 
steel]  on  board  from  Topsham. 


Now  being  about  leagues  of  Cape  Farril  [Frehel] yVfhxch 
made  half  an  hour  after  nine  of  the  clock,  and  the  Glass  being 
almost  out ;  and  having  secured  all  the  men :  I  ordered  the 
boy  to  put  the  blunderbuss  in  the  boat,  for  him  to  command 
the  Frenchman  withal,  when  I  was  doing  anything. 

Then  I  sent  the  Frenchman  to  loose  the  helm,  and  put 
him  a  weather,  and  weared  the  ship  :  and,  with  the  assistance 
of  GOD,  I  had  to  cost  three  topsails,  the  spritsail,  and  mizzen 
trimmed  in  less  than  an  hour's  time,  to  make  the  most  of  a 
fair  wind. 

Then  I  gave  down  to  them  in  the  hold,  a  basket  of  bread 
and  butter,  and  a  gimlet  and  spikes :  and  ordered  them  to  draw 
and  drink  of  one  of  my  own  casks  of  wine  which  I  had  there ; 
because  if  they  should  have  drawn  out  of  a  Pipe,  they  might 
not  find  the  hole  in  the  dark,  and  so  spill  a  great  deal  of  wine. 

And  I  gave  them  down  their  clothes,  and  some  old  sails  to 
lie  upon.  I  gave  them  likewise  a  bottle  of  brandy  to  wash 
their  wounds,  and  salve  which  they  had  brought  on  board, 
and  candles  to  see  to  dress  their  wounds. 

And  having  no  more  necessaries  for  them,  I  was  sorry  to 
see  him  that  the  boy  wounded,  because  he  was  very  bad  of 
his  wounds. 

After  we  had  been  some  time  steering  our  course  for  Eng- 
land; the  boy  asked  me,  "What  I  would  do,  if  we  should 
meet  with  a  French  Privateer  ?  " 

I  said,  "  I  did  not  question  but,  with  the  help  of  GOD,  we 
should  be  either  in  Dartmouth  or  Plymouth,  before  twelve 
a  clock  the  next  day.     If  I  should  see  any  ship  that  will  speak 


504     The   ship    sailing   for    England,     [^'^xeg'! 

with  me,  and  I  cannot  get  from  him,  I  will  either  shoot  all 
the  Frenchmen  that  were  on  board,  or  knock  them  all  on  the 
head,  and  heave  them  overboard !  For  I  do  not  look  for  any 
mercy  from  the  French,  if  these  live  or  die.  And  if  fall  out 
to  be  an  English  ship,  they  will  help  to  carry  our  ship  to 
England." 

The  wind  held  south-south-east  till  three  in  the  afternoon, 
and  then  veered  to  the  westward.  Then  I  gave  GOD  thanks, 
as  I  had  before,  for  His  goodness  and  mercy  to  me,  in  giving 
me  victory  over  mine  enemies. 

At  four,  the  wind  was  at  south-west,  and  at  six  in  the 
evening,  at  west.  At  eight,  the  wind  was  north-west-and-by- 
noitJi,  and  north-north-east.  Then  I  got  two  luff  tackles, 
and  got  the  starboard  tacks  aboard,  and  stood  to  the  west- 
ward:  and  I  prayed  to  GOD  for  His  protection,  to  keep  me 
clear  from  my  bloodthirsty  enemies. 

Then  I  ordered  the  boy  to  walk  upon  deck,  and  to  look 
aftsr  the  Frenchman  at  the  helm  :  and  I  went  down  into  the 
Forecastle,  and  hove  all  the  moveable  things  that  I  could 
get  upon  the  scuttle  over  the  Frenchmen.  And  I  went  up 
and  laid  and  barred  or  nailed  all  the  scuttles  in  the  upper 
deck.  Then  I  knew  myself  safe  from  them  that  weie  in  the 
hold  :  for  I  considered  that  if  they  should  break  through  the 
lower  deck,  which  I  thought  they  could  not  :  yet  they  could 
not  possibly  get  through  the  upper  deck,  with  the  assistance 
of  GOD  Almighty. 

At  ten  at  night,  the  wind  veered  to  the  westward.  At 
eleven,  the  wind  was  at  west.  Then  I  took  the  larboard 
tacks  aboard ;  and  having  "  a  topgallant  gale,"  I  had  the  sails 
trimmed  in  a  quarter  of  an  hour's  time. 

At  onf;,  the  wind  was  west-south-west,  "  a  topsail  gale." 

At  two  in  the  morning,  I  had  as  much  wind  as  I  could  carry 
the  topsails  with  a  reef  in  of  each.  The  Frenchmen  had  taken 
in  a  reef  of  each  topsail  before  I  retoo[,£  the  ship  ;  and  I  kept 
them  in,  for  the  more  ease  in  the  handling  of  the  ship. 

The  wind  held  fresh,  and  the  dawning  broke  very  high, 
and  the  clouds  looked  very  dark  and  showery,  and  they  cleared 
up  in  the  northward  board  [horizon]  :  which  made  me  afraid 
that  the  wind  would  be  north-west,  and  blow  so  hard  that  I 
should  not  be  able  to  handle  the  ship  with  the  Frenchman ; 
but  I  put  my  trust  in  the  LORD  for  His  assistance. 


^^',^3:]  Lyde  rejoices  at  making  Start  Point.  505 

At  six,  the  wind  was  at  west,  and  blew  hard  in  showers 
[squalls] ;  and  I  let  three  or  four  showers  pass,  without 
lowering  either  of  the  topsails. 

At  eight,  the  wind  was  at  north-west,  and  blew  very  hard : 
but  still  I  carried  more  sail  than  I  would  have  done,  if  I  had 
had  eight  Englishmen  on  board.  For  I  kept  up  the  topsail, 
till  at  last  the  wind  in  the  showers  did  put  the  gunhil  [gunwale] 
of  the  ship  in  the  water.  Then  I  hauled  down  the  topsail, 
and  clewed  up  the  sheets,  and  braced  them  aback  till  each 
shower  [squall]  was  over ;  and  then  hauled  home  the  sheet, 
and  up  with  the  topsail  again.  And  this  I  did  for  four  or 
five  hours :  which  made  the  ship  leak  so  very  much,  that  I 
and  the  boy  were  forced  to  pump  always  between  the  showers ; 
and  yet  could  not  keep  her  free. 

The  boy  cried  many  times,  that  I  **  would  carry  the  top- 
mast by  the  board,  or  the  ship  to  pieces  !  " 

I  told  him,  '*  I  did  not  fear  the  topmast,  but  if  they  went 
by  the  board,  I  could  not  help  that  !  For  now  was  the  time 
to  carry  the  topsails,  and  carry  them  I  would  as  long  as  the 
gunhil  was  above  water !  for  I  had  rather  carry  the  ship  in 
pieces  than  be  driven  ashore  in  France  ! 

At  nine,  the  wind  was  north-north-west  and  at  north,  and 
blew  harder.  Then  I  took  in  the  two  topsails.  The  wind 
increasing,  I  hauled  down  the  mizzen  [sail] ;  and  after  we  had 
pumped  out  the  water,  we  sat  down  and  eat  some  bread,  and 
drank  a  glass  of  wine  to  refresh  ourselves. 

And  I  took  brandy  and  butter  and  rubbed  it  into  my  hands, 
and  especially  into  my  left  thumb  ;  which  was  strained  by 
the  man  that  had  his  throat  cut,  and  bruised  by  the  boy  when 
he  missed  his  blow  at  the  man's  head :  so  that  it  was  much 
swelled  and  enraged ;  and  my  hand  was  sore  with  pumping 
and  doing  other  work,  for  the  wind  now  blew  dry. 

At  two  in  the  afternoon,  the  wind  was  at  north-north- 
west, and  lynned  [?  veered]  a  little.  I  called  the  boy  to  hold 
on  the  mizzen  jacks,  and  as  I  was  hoisting  the  mizzen  [sail], 
I  looked  out  upon  the  luff,  and  saw  land  :  and  after  I  had 
set  the  mizzen,  I  went  up  into  the  maintop,  and  there  made 
it  to  be  the  Start ;  which  I  thought  was  the  joyfullest  sight 
that  ever  I  saw. 

Then  I  hove  out  the  maintopsail,  and  went  down,  and 
sent  up  the  boy,  and  hove  out  the  topsail ;  and  I  and  the 


5o6  Ofp^  Topsham,  the  pilot  will  not  come  out.  [^-  ^j^gj^ 

boy  set  them  to  get  in  with  the  shore.  Yet  the  wind  blew 
very  hard,  and  if  all  our  own  crew  of  men  had  been  on  board, 
I  am  sure  we  should  have  but  carried  two  coasts  and  a 
mizzen  at  the  most. 

At  four,  I  and  the  boy  bent  the  cables ;  and  we  were  suffi- 
ciently washed  in  doing  of  it. 

At  six,  the  Berry  Head  bore  north-north-west,  distance 
four  leagues. 

In  the  night,  the  wind  veered  north,  and  north-north-east, 
and  north-east,  and  north-west ;  and  after  twelve  at  night  it 
proved  a  little  [slight]  wind. 

In  the  dawning  of  the  day,  the  wind  very  hard  at  north- 
west ;  which  compelled  me  to  furl  both  topsails. 

This  being  Tuesday,  at  eight  in  the  morning,  I  being  then 
about  three  leagues  south-east  from  Lyme,  the  wind  grew  calm. 

At  noon,  we  had  a  little  breeze  of  wind  at  north-east  and 
north-north-east. 

At  two  I  saw  a  great  ring  about  the  sun,  and  [it]  broke  in 
the  east-south-east,  and  looked  but  indifferent :  but  however 
I  did  hope  to  be  up  with  Topsham  bar  before  night.  And 
thereupon  I  sent  up  the  boy,  and  let  out  the  reef  of  the  main- 
topsail,  and  made  all  the  sail  that  I  could,  except  the  reef  in 
the  foretopsail. 

At  three,  I  had  "  a  topgallant  gale  "  at  east-south-east. 

At  four,  I  saw  the  ring  round  the  sun  again,  and  [it]  broke 
in  the  south-south-east ;  and  the  southward  board  looked 
very  grim.  And  having  a  whole  night  in  hand  made  me  wish 
that  I  had  six  Englishmen  on  board.  For  now  I  was  hardly 
able  to  lift  up  my  hands  to  my  head,  by  reason  of  my  frequent 
pumping,  and  for  want  of  sleep ;  but  the  hopes  of  getting  in 
over  the  bar  that  night,  and  of  bringing  such  unheard-of  news 
to  my  native  country,  did  revive  my  spirits,  and  my  joy 
increased  very  much. 

At  six,  I  bade  the  boy  fire  a  patteroe  three  times,  which 
spent  all  the  powder  I  had  on  board ;  and  the  French  ancient 
tied  in  a  red  sash,  I  put  out  for  a  whiff  for  the  Pilot  to  come 
off.  But  by  all  the  sail  that  I  could  make,  I  got  no  nearer 
than  a  mile  from  the  bar,  in  the  dimps  [dnsk]  of  the  night. 

Then  I  went  up  to  the  topmast  head,  to  see  if  I  could  per- 
ceive the  Pilot's  boat  coming  off.  But  because  I  could  not 
shew  an  Fnglish  ancient  [flcig],  they  were  afraid  to  come  out; 


Vesv]  Tacking  between  Topsham  and  Dartmouth.  507 

but  lay  upon  their  oars  near  the  bar  (as  afterwards  was  known), 
so  that  I  could  not  see  them  :  and  night  came  on,  or  else  I 
would,  through  the  assistance  of  GOD,  have  ventured  to  have 
carried  the  ship  in  over  the  bar  myself. 

Then  I  got  the  larboard  tacks  aboard,  thinking  to  go  into 
Torbay.  And  I  ordered  the  boy  to  furl  the  spritsail  and 
mizzentopsail,  and  kept  her  close  by  the  wind,  for  to  have  a 
good  offing,  that  I  might  have  time  to  furl  all  to  the  main- 
sail, and  that  hauled  down,  before  I  did  come  to  an  anchor. 

At  eight,  I  took  in  the  maintopsail. 

At  night,  having  a  good  offing,  I  took  in  the  foretopsail. 

But  I  considered  that  it  was  not  best  to  go  into  Torbay, 
because  the  sheet  Cable  was  carried  away  by  the  French 
Privateer,  and  the  small  Bower  was  not  fit  for  ocam ;  and 
having  only  the  best  Bower  to  trust  to :  and  it  was  to  be 
doubted  [feared]  whether  that  would  bring  her  up  or  not,  and 
many  casualties  might  fall  out  besides  ;  and  if  that  did  bring 
her  up,  I  thought  I  might  sink  to  an  anchor,  if  the  storm  did  in- 
crease (as  now  it  blew  a  "  reef  topsail  gale  ")  for  want  of  help. 
For  I  had  no  powder  to  fire  the  patteroe  to  invite  men  on  board. 

So  I  kept  along,  with  two  coasts  and  a  mizzen,  in  hopes  that 
the  wind  would  not  blow  so  hard  ;  but  that  I  should  be  able 
to  carry  that  sail,  and  keep  her  between  Dartmouth  and 
Topsham. 

The  wind  veering  to  the  southward,  at  eleven  in  the  night, 
I  was  about  half  a  mile  off  Dartmouth  Range. 

The  wind  blew  hard,  and  I  strived  to  put  her  about  three 
times  ;  but  could  not  make  the  ship  to  stay  :  which  cause 
made  me  send  the  boy  up  to  loose  the  foretopsail  :  and  after 
it  was  sate  with  one  reef  in,  she  stayed  ;  and  in  half  an  hour's 
time,  with  the  assistance  of  GOD,  I  had  two  coasts  and  the 
mizzen  trimmed :  but  I  clewed  up  the  foretopsail  sheets,  and 
braced  it  aback,  for  the  ease  of  the  vessel,  because  she  leaked 
very  much.  And  I  had  not  much  haste  in  my  way,  because 
the  wind  was  south-south-east,  and  blew  very  hard. 

At  one  in  the  morning,  I  put  the  Frenchman  to  the  helm, 
and  hid  the  blunderbuss,  and  carried  the  boy  up  with  me  into 
the  maintop  to  help  to  reef  the  maintopsail ;  and  in  less  than 
an  hour's  time,  I  had  taken  two  reefs  of  it  in.  For  if  the 
storm  did  increase,  or  held  as  it  was,  so  that  the  Pilot  could 
not  come  on  board ;   I  would  have  hauled  up  the  two  coasts 


5o8  The  Topsham  pilot  comes  on  board.    [^'^,^93: 

and  the  mizzen,  and  carry  the  ship  in  over  the  bar,  with  two 
reef  topsails. 

After  three,  I  bore  away  for  the  bar  of  Topsham,  thinking 
to  go  in  over  the  bar  in  the  morning  tide  ;  but  by  five,  the 
ivind  Hned  [veered]. 

At  six,  I  sent  up  the  boy  to  loose  the  maintopsail. 

At  seven,  I  let  out  the  reefs  of  both  topsails,  and  made  all 
the  sail  I  could :  but  the  wind  dying  away  so,  I  did  not  fetch 
the  bar  before  ten  of  the  clock ;  which  was  too  late  for  that 
tide. 

At  which  time,  the  Pilot  was  coming ;  but  seeing  no 
colours,  nor  no  men  on  deck  but  myself  and  the  boy,  they 
were  afraid :  and  were  rowing  away  from  me. 

But  I  being  in  hail  of  them,  I  asked  them,  "  What  they  were 
afraid  of?  and  why  they  should  not  come  on  board  ?  " 

They  hearing  me  call  to  them  in  English,  they  lay  still 
upon  their  oars  till  I  came  up  with  them  :  and  seeing  me  and 
the  boy,  whom  they  knew  ;  they  inquired  for  the  Master. 

I  told  them,  "  He  might  be  carried  into  France  by  this 
time," 

And  after  they  came  on  board,  I  gave  them  an  account  of 
all  the  proceedings,  which  made  them  all  in  a  maze  ;  and 
they  would  hardly  believe  it :  but  to  put  them  out  of  doubt, 
I  shewed  them  the  five  prisoners.  Whom  the  Pilots  would 
have  had  me  let  them  out  to  work  :  but  I  refused  to  do  that 
till  the  ship  was  over  the  bar.  Because  they  should  not  see 
how  the  bar  did  lie  ;  for  fear  they  might  become  pilots,  and 
go  in  with  their  boats  hereafter,  and  so  burn  or  carry  away 
our  ships. 

This  discourse  being  ended,  the  Pilots  would  have  me  sleep, 
for  they  perceived  by  my  countenance,  that  I  stood  in  need 
of  it :  but  the  joy  of  having  six  Englishmen  on  board  banished 
all  sleepiness  from  me. 

Half  an  hour  after  ten,  I  sent  two  of  Pilots'  [men]  ashore. 
One  to  bring  me  some  help  on  board.  And  the  other,  to  ride 
to  Exeter,  with  a  letter  which  I  wrote  to  the  owners  of  the 
ship,  who  I  thought  would  have  been  very  well  pleased  with 
the  news.  But  they  gave  him  but  a  French  half-crown  [2s. 
^cL]  and  a  shilling  [=35.  3^.  in  all  =  10s.  now]  for  carry- 
ing the  news  to  them,  eleven  miles.     For  they  did  not  much 


^■^1693.]  ^^^  Gazette  Account  of  the  exploit.   509 

regard  the  news,  having  insured  ;£"56o  [=£1,700  now']  upon 
the  ship  :  and  two  men  since  appraised  her  but  at  £"170 
[  =  ;£'5oo  now\. 

The  Postmaster  of  Exeter,  hearing  of  my  retaking  of  the 
ship,  sent  for  the  Pilot,  to  be  informed  by  him  of  the  particu- 
lars relating  thereunto  :  who,  through  forgetfulness,  gave 
an  imperfect  account  of  the  action :  but  in  the  letter  I  sent 
to  the  owners,  I  gave  an  account  of  all,  except  the  action. 
Both  these  were  sent  by  an  express  to  London,  and  printed 
in  the  Gazette  :  *  which  Pilot's  account  differed  from  this  my 
Relation. 

*  Thefollo%vingaccou7it  in  the  London  Gazette,  2,749,  of  Monday,  March 
14,  \(>()\\^i\  though  inaccurate  in  some  respects,  gives  us  the  name  and 
age  of  the  boy,  and  sotne  other  partictilars  about  Lyde  himself. 

Exon,  March  12.  There  has  lately  happened  a  remarkable  action,  by 
a  vessel  belonging  to  this  port,  called  the  Friends^  Adventure,  Roger 
Bryant  Master. 

He  came  from  Oporto  on  the  24th  of  last  month  ;  and  on  the  29th,  was 
taken  by  a  French  Privateer  of  36  guns,  and  about  250  men,  one 
Geraldine  Commander,  twenty-five  leagues  south-east-and-by-east  of 
Cape  Finisterre. 

They  took  away  the  Master  and  five  of  his  men,  leaving  in  the  said 
vessel,  only  the  Mate  and  a  boy  ;  and  put  seven  Frenchmen  on  board  to 
navigate  her  to  St.  Malo. 

Being  come  in  sight  of  Cape  de  Hage  \^Hogue\  there  arose  a  south- 
south-east  wind  ;  by  which  they  were  driven  off  the  French  coast. 

On  the  6th  instant,  in  the  morning,  the  Mate,  whose  name  is  Robert 
Lyde  of  Topsham,  a  lusty  young  man,  aged  about  twenty-three  years, 
who  was  a  prisoner  in  France  last  year  ;  and  the  boy,  named  John 
Wright,  of  about  sixteen  years,  having  before  agreed  on  their  design,  and 
promised  to  stand  by  one  another,  took  their  opportunity,  while  two  of 
the  Frenchmen  were  at  the  pump,  one  at  the  helm,  one  on  the  Forecastle, 
and  three  sleeping  in  their  cabins.  The  Mate  fell  upon  the  two  men  at 
the  pump  ;  and  with  a  crow  of  iron,  killed  one  and  wounded  the  other,  at 
one  blow.  At  the  same  time,  the  boy  knocked  down  the  Frenchman  on 
the  Forecastle  :  and  they  afterwards  secured  the  man  at  the  helm. 

One  of  the  three  that  were  asleep  got  up  in  the  meantime,  and  meeting 
the  Mate,  was  wounded  by  him  in  the  head,  and  driven  out  upon  the 
deck. 

The  two  others,  hearing  a  noise,  came  likewise  from  their  cabins,  to  the 
rescue  of  their  companions,  and  laid  hold  of  the  Mate  :  but  with  the  help 
of  the  boy,  he  got  the  mastery  of  them,  killed  one  of  them,  and  the  other 
thereupon  cried  for  Quarter. 

Of  the  five  Frenchmen  that  remained  alive,  two  were  disabled  by  the 
wounds  they  had  received  ;  two,  they  secured  between  decks  ;  and  the 
other  they  took  to  help  to  sail  the  vessel  :  which  they  brought  into  Top- 
sham,  on  the  9th  instant ;  and  the  French  prisoners  are  now  ashore. 


5IO     Lyde  takes  his  prisoners  to  Exeter,    [^'^.^ej: 

I  stayed  without  the  bar  till  four  in  the  afternoon ;  and 
then  we  went  for  the  bar. 

After  I  was  got  over  in  safety  and  landlocked,  and  there 
were  many  people  on  board,  who  were  desirous  to  see  the 
Frenchmen  :  I  ript  off  the  plank  which  was  nailed  over  the 
hold  ;  and  the  prisoners  came  up,  to  the  confirmation  of  the 
truth  of  this  Relation. 

By  five,  I  was  at  anchor  at  Staircross  ;  and  there  were  as 
many  people  on  board  as  could  well  stand.  Immediately,  I 
sent  the  prisoners  toTopsham,  in  the  Custom  House  wherry, 
that  the  doctors  might  take  care  of  their  wounds. 

At  six,  I  put  all  the  people  ashore,  except  the  boy  and 
Their  Majesties'  Officers  ;  whom  I  left  on  board. 

I  went  to  Topsham,  where  I  found  my  prisoners,  with  a 
doctor  dressing  their  wounds.  On  searching,  he  concluded 
that  two  of  them  could  not  live  a  week.  But  as  soon  as  I 
came  in,  those  that  were  clear  of  the  doctor,  put  off  their  hats 
and  kissed  my  hands,  and  shewed  a  great  deal  of  love  to  me 
outwardly. 

After  I  had  seen  them  dressed,  and  good  lodging  provided 
for  them  ;  I  went  home  to  refresh  myself  with  sleep. 

And  the  next  day  I  marched  my  prisoners  to  Exeter,  and 
carried  them  to  one  of  the  Owner's  house  :  and  afterwards 
delivered  them  to  the  Mayor. 


I  was  creditably  informed  that,  while  I  was  at  Exeter,  the 
Owners  sent  a  man  on  board  the  ship;  who  persuaded  the 
boy  to  go  on  shore  with  him,  under  pretence  to  drink  with 
him  :  but  his  intent  was  to  take  possession  of  the  ship  on 
behalf  of  the  Owners,  who  sent  him  thither  for  that  very  pur- 
pose. But  the  Surveyor  of  Their  Majesties'  Custom  House 
chancing  to  be  there  ;  he  caused  five  Tidesmen  to  be  put  on 
board,  and  so  prevented  that  design. 

Then  they  gave  out  the  report,  that  they  would  arrest  me, 
because  I  would  not  let  them  put  a  Master  over  me  in  the 
ship,  to  bring  her  to  London  ;  concluding  that  I  could  not 
find  bail :  but  they  hearing  that  I  had  got  bail,  in  case  they 
did  proceed,  desisted  their  design  again. 

So  soon  as  the  owners  of  the  cargo,  who  lived  in  London, 
heard  of  the  arrival   of  the  ship  ;  they  got  a  Protection  and 


^■^e^sJ      ^E    TAKES  THE    SHIP    ON    TO    LONDON.      511 

sent  it  to  a  friend  of  theirs  in  Exeter,  to  deliver  to  me,  to  get 
men  to  bring  the  ship  to  London.  But  the  man  to  whom  the 
Protection  was  sent,  being  influenced  by  the  Owners,  gave 
the  Protection  to  them  :  which  they  sent  back  to  London,  and 
endeavoured  to  get  another  in  the  room  of  it,  in  the  name  of 
one  whom  they  intended  to  make  Master  of  the  ship ;  who 
had  insured  ;£*200  [=;^6oo  now]  for  his  brother  Roger 
Briant,  the  Master  of  the  said  ship,  that  was  carried  into 
France. 

But  they  finding  that  they  could  not  get  another  Protection 
granted  them,  than  that  procured  in  my  name  which  was 
sent  down  !  After  it  was  detained  a  considerable  time  from 
me  ;  it  was  delivered  to  me  with  an  order  to  ship  men  :  whom 
I  got,  and  the  ship  being  ready  to  sail  with  the  first  fair  wind, 
and  a  strong  gale  if  a  convoy  did  not  present. 

But  they  would  not  let  me  stay  to  see  the  wind  settle ; 
but  forced  me  out  on  the  5th  of  April  [1692],  with  the  first 
spurt  of  a  fair  wind. 

On  the  6th  day  of  the  same,  in  the  morning,  being  off 
Portland  with  a  contrary  wind ;  I  bore  up  again  :'  and  on  the 
7th,  I  went  in  over  the  bar  of  Topsham  again. 

I  had  not  been  three  hours  at  an  anchor,  before  there 
came  two  French  Privateers  from  the  Eastward,  with 
English  colours ;  supposed  to  be  King  James's  Privateers, 
because  they  were  for  the  most  part  manned  with  Irishmen. 
They  went  along,  about  a  league  from  the  bar;  and  went 
into  Torbay,  and  took  and  carried  away  with  them,  two 
English  ships  which  came  from  Oporto.  My  Owners  hear- 
ing thereof,  and  that  I  was  in  safety,  were  very  angry  with 
me ;  and  huffed  [blustered]  at  me,  because  I  did  not  stay  to 
be  a  prey  to  the  enemy. 

On  the  igth  of  April,  I  went  out  over  the  bar  again,  with 
the  wind  west-south-west,  "  a  topsail  gale." 

On  the  20th,  I  went  into  the  Isle  of  Wight,  in  hopes  to 
have  found  some  ships  bound  to  the  Eastward :  but  found 
none. 

On  the  2ist,  with  a  strong  south-west  wind,  I  went  out 
again ;  and  got  into  the  Downs  on  the  22nd,  and  arrived  at 
London  on  the  26th. 

When  I  came  ashore  to  the  Freighters,  that  had  115  Pipes 
of  wine  on  board ;  they  did  not  so  much  as  bid  me  welcome  ! 


512     The  Freighters  try  to  rogue  Lyde.     pVeJ: 

but  bade  me  go  to  the  Custom  House,  and  enter  the  cargo  : 
for  they  said  they  would  unlade  the  ship  forthwith. 

Then  I  asked  them  for  money  to  pay  the  men,  that  helped 
to  bring  the  ship  to  London  :  but  they  denied  to  give  me  any. 

There  were,  besides  the  Merchants'  wine,  two  Pipes  of  the 
Master's;  that  was  in  all,  117  Pipes;  and  8  Tons  of 
sumach  and  cork  :  which  paid  the  King  in  duties,  ;£"i,ooo 
[=jr3,ooo  now]. 

Then  I  asked  the  merchants  again  for  money  to  pay  the 
men,  who  belonged  to  Men-of-war  :  which  they  again  refused 
to  pay. 

On  the  27th,  betimes  in  the  morning,  came  one  of  the 
Freighters  on  board,  with  his  cooper:  who  tasted  all  the 
wine  that  he  could  come  at.  And  the  cooper  said,  "  He 
never  knew  wine  come  home  in  a  better  condition  in  his  life- 
time, than  that  did." 

The  Freighter  having  one  lighter  by  the  ship's  side,  and 
another  coming  aboard ;  he  bade  me  to  get  men  to  put  the 
wine  and  other  goods  into  the  lighters :  for  he  said  he 
intended  to  have  it  all  out  in  twenty-four  hours'  time. 

I  perceiving  his  intention  was  to  get  the  cargo  into  his 
possession,  before  I  should  get  any  friends,  said,  "  Sir,  I 
have  ventured  my  life  to  save  the  ship  and  cargo !  For  that 
which  was  mine  on  board,  was  most  of  it  carried  away,  and 
what  was  left  I  have  drunk  out  of  to  save  the  cargo  :  for  I 
have  not  drawn  one  glass  of  the  wine  belonging  to  the  cargo; 
and  you  see  that  the  wine  is  good,  and  the  pipes  are  full ! 
And  the  Privateer  carried  but  one  Pipe  of  yours,  out  of  the 
116.  And  therefore  it  is  reason  that  I  should  have  my  loss 
made  good  out  of  the  cargo :  for  I  have  more  Adventure 
money  [i.e.,  what  Lyde  invested  in  his  own  wine]  to  pay,  than 
my  wages  will  come  to." 

"  Tush  !  "  he  answered,  "  all  the  reason  is,  yours  is  carried 
away,  and  mine  is  left ;  and  if  mine  had  been  carried  away, 
and  yours  left,  I  could  not  have  helped  it !  " 

I  knowing  his  mind,  I  said  no  more :  but  told  him,  "  I 
would  go  on  shore,  to  get  men  to  load  the  lighter  "  :  but  my 
intent  was  to  deliver  a  letter  that  I  had,  to  an  Honourable 
Person,  for  his  favour  and  assistance  in  this  troublesome 
affair  of  mine. 

But   meeting  with  a  Gentleman,  to  whom  I  shewed  the 


^•^j^g3;]    Legal  business  in  the  year  1692.    513 

direction  of  the  letter,  and  gave  an  account  of  my  proceed- 
ings; he  went  with  me,  and  entered  an  action  in  the  High 
Court  of  Admiralty,  for  ;;^i,ooo  upon  ship  and  cargo.  And 
by  the  assistance  of  an  Honourable  Person,  I  brought  it  to  a 
trial :  and  overthrew  the  Owners  and  the  Freighters,  for  half 
the  ship  and  of  the  cargo. 

But  they  appealed  to  the  High  Court  of  Chancery,  and 
having  nothing  of  truth,  disgraced  me.  Withal  they  in- 
formed the  Lords  Commissioners  [of  the  Admiralty],  that  I 
took  a  bag  of  money  out  of  the  ship  belonging  to  the 
Owners  :  which  the  Master  told  me  he  delivered  to  the 
Lieutenant  of  the  Privateer.  But  I  having  no  proof  against 
the  same,  this  did  me  a  great  unkindness. 

Yet  I  overthrew  them  there  [in  Chancery] ,  for  the  moiety 
of  the  Ship  and  Cargo ;  and  had  a  decree  for  the  same : 
which  decree  is  enrolled,  and  so  is  become  a  precedent  in 
that  Court;  which  will  be  an  advantage  to  any  one  that  shall 
hereafter  retake  their  ship  from  the  enemy.  If  they  sue 
them  in  Chancery  or  the  High  Court  of  Admiralty  for 
salvage,  they  will  be  allowed  as  much  as  if  it  were  taken  by 
a  Privateer. 

Two  days  after  I  cast  them  in  the  High  Court  of 
Admiralty,  they  gave  out  a  false  report  concerning  me. 
How  that  I  had  no  Conduct,  for  I  ran  my  ship  with  full  sail 
aboard  another  ship  that  was  moored  in  the  Thames,  ladened 
with  the  King's  provisions  and  had  sunk  her. 

Whereupon  the  owners  of  the  sunk  ship,  by  the  wicked 
instigation  of  my  adversaries,  arrested  me  on  the  19th  of  June 
[1692],  in  an  action  for  £400  [=;£'i,200  now],  through  my 
adversaries'  persuasions  ;  supposing  I  could  not  find  bail, 
but  must  have  gone  to  prison  ;  and  then  they  were  in  hopes 
of  having  their  designs  upon  me.  But  I  being  bailed,  con- 
trary to  their  expectation,  I  was  obliged  to  stay  till  Michael- 
mas Term,  following  [October,  1692],  before  I  could  bring  it 
to  a  trial ;  to  my  great  expense  and  loss  of  time. 

And  I  cast  them  by  the  evidence  of  five  witnesses,  who 
made  it  appear  that  the  said  ship  was  not  sunk  by  me. 

And  so  I  ended  my  Law,  and  the  greatest  part  of  my 
money  together. 

By  the  favour  of  an  Honourable  Person,  I  was  introduced 

2K  2 


514  The  Trial  recovered  by  a  man  and  a  boy.  [^"^i^gg; 

to  the  Right  Noble  the  Marquis  of  Carmarthen  ;  who 
recommended  my  case  to  Her  Majesty  [Queen  Mary]  :  who 
was  pleased,  as  a  token  of  her  extraordinary  favour,  to  order 
me  a  gold  medal  and  chain ;  and  recommended  me  to  the 
Right  Honourable  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty  for  preferment 
in  the  Fleet ;  which  I  am  now  [1693]  attending  the  Honour- 
able Board  for. 


Thus  I  have  endeavoured  to  give  an  impartial  Account  of 
the  whole  Matter  of  Fact,  from  first  to  last ;  ascribing  all 
my  success  to  the  omnipotent  power  of  the  great  GOD,  who 
was  with  me,  and  protected  me  throughout  the  whole  action ; 
and  made  me  capable  of  performing  this  piece  of  service  for 
my  King  and  country :  in  whose  defence  I  am  still  willing 
to  serve,  and  shall  as  long  as  I  remain  to  be 


R.  L. 


FINIS, 


ADVERTISEMENT. 

Here  AS  there  has  been  a  report  industriously  spread 
abroad,  that  it  was  the  boy  that  persuaded  me  to 
retrieve  ourselves ;  this  is  to  satisfy  the  Reader,  that 
that  report  was  maliciously  reported  of  me,  and  was 
not  true.  For  it  was  the  boy  of  another  ship,  called 
the  Trial,  of  50  tons,  that  did  desire  his  Master  to  fall  on  upon 
five  Frenchmen :  and  accordingly  they  did,  and  overcame  them, 
and  brought  their  ship  into  Falmouth.  For  which,  the  Master 
was  immediately  made  Commander  of  the  Mary  Galley :  and  I, 
that  had  used  the  sea  thirteen  years  [i.e.,  from  ten  to  twenty- 
three  years  of  age],  did  but  desire  the  command  of  a  Fire-ship. 

I  did  design  to  have  given  the  Reader,  a  more  large  account  of 
our  sufferings  in  France ;  but  that  it  [i.e.,  such  sufferings]  was 
already  published  by  Richard  Strutton,  who  has  given  A 
true  Relation  of  the  cruelties  and  barbarities  of  the  French, 
upon  the  English  prisoners  of  war.  Printed  for  Richard 
Baldwin. 


V'V.r  THE 


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